Name: Gabriel Henrique Alves
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon - Institute of Social and Political Sciences
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East
Panel Description: An presentation regarding the theme of  “Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East”.
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Paper Title:  THE GEOGRAPHY OF HUNGER AND REFUGEE SECURITY DILEMMAS
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The last century was surrounded by wars and conflicts, which it designed the security’s agenda around the military aspect. With the post Cold War, the world started to point to new issues and the security meaning has been changed, focusing on different aspects, such as, what is the real meaning for security? For whom? How does international security reflect under non-States actors? For Barry Buzan, there is a need for a board concept for security, that is based on three major points to be evaluated on securitization analysis: “The changing priority among security issues caused by rising density; the useful political qualities of the concept; and its integrative qualities. [...] The rising density of the international system creates a very powerful interplay between anarchy and interdependence”. With this in mind, the migratory crisis is one the main dilemmas nowadays, in view of its background, related to war, armed conflict, religious persecution, environmental hazards and food insecurity. The report published by the World Food Programme (WFP) and International Organization for Migration (IOM) on Novembro 2020, announced 272 million international migrants and refugees in 2019, which 45,7 million are displaced due to conflicts and 5,1 million, as a result of natural disasters. However, 2020 was a year where those people saw borders closing, the lack of international financing, violence, which 1 billion people were considered malnourished, letting those dying not because of COVID-19 but from starvation. The Geography of Hunger is a security dilemma, once armed conflict and food insecurity are linked in a nefarious circle, since they can be triggered for wars, as assumed by the UNSC resolution 2417 and the 2020 Nobel Prize Committee: the “link between hunger and armed conflict is a vicious circle: war and conflict can cause food insecurity and hunger, just as hunger and food insecurity can cause latent conflicts to flare up and trigger the use of violence.” Also, 4/5 of those people are living in nations with precarious levels of food security and 9/10 passed for a strong food crisis. This article has the purpose to analyse the following start question: How does the Geography of hunger, in terms of food insecurity, reverberate on refugee’s security dilemmas, in order to intensify the migratory crisis and the war for survival? Hence, the base theory begins with the securitization of Buzan to introduce this agenda. Therefore, the methodology is based on a comprehensive approach under constructivism, the perspective of Human Geography of Vidal de La Blache and the idea of “vital space” by Ratzel. Finally, the structure of food security and insecurity related to availability, access, utilization dimension and stability, as the main factors for the plasticity and formation of ecumenes, quoted by Max Scorre to appraise the study of migration. Keywords: Securitization; Hunger; Refugees; Geography and Wars.

Name: Abagail Cacovic
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Quinnipiac University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: A New Era For Vaccinations
Abstract:
In uncertain times like these, by not taking advantage of any possible scientific advances in vaccines that have statistical proven to help so many people prevent dangerous and debilitating diseases, the population is leaving ourselves more susceptible than ever. We have more knowledge and better technology than ever before yet, it seems that we are not advancing at the same rate as the science is. There have been landmark decisions such as Jacobson v. Massachusetts, which has set forth that individual liberty is not absolute. There should be more legislation in place to make vaccines more regulated and implement more safeguards for our communities and the health, safety and welfare for individuals everywhere.

Name: James Corl
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Le Moyne College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  An Examination of The Role of Judiciaries in Autocratizing States
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In their broadest sense, institutions of a mixed democracy have served as checks on executives within the democratic system. These organizations are quite paradoxical in nature; although not entirely democratic themselves, due to administrative states being relatively independent of the political arena, they help ensure that the democratic political scene runs smoothly and make sure that the liberal, polyarchic rights outlined by Dahl are not usurped by any one executive. It is in this sentiment that they can be considered “checks” on executives-not in the sense of exclusively being a veto player, but also ensuring that the core pillars of Dahl’s polyarchy are not shattered. However, in recent years, these institutions have come under attack by right-wing populist movements in both the United States and Turkey. Both Turkish President Recep Erdoğan and former United States president Donald Trump effectively used the center-periphery to “otherize” core institutions as corrupt and elitist-two effective plays in the populist playbook. In response, key institutions were either politicized by the administration, or this politicization was attempted, and they were scared off from potential intervention. Both of these examples have played out in recent years in the two countries. For example, after several autocratizing actions, Turkish President Recep Erdoğan pushed through a new constitution in 2017. Among other things, it gave President Erdoğan more power over judicial appointments and jeopardized parliamentary review of these appointments. These officials, who would not be subject to any sort of accountability, have aligned themselves with the ruling party virtually all of the time, a true threat to judicial independence. In the United States, President Donald Trump was accused of “packing the courts” when he, in conjunction with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, pushed through hundreds of new justices onto benches across the country. This was in addition to his three picks for the Supreme Court-a move that transformed the highest court from one that leaned conservative to one that became extremely conservative. There was much anxiety over this from many critics of the Trump administration, who argued that by rushing through so many picks, many of whom are part of the conservative Federalist Society, President Trump was attempting to keep his policies intact through them if legal cases ever questioned controversial policies or laws enacted under him. In this article, I will talk about the threats facing these judiciaries in the face of rising authoritarianism, but also explore the differences between the Turkish case and the case of the United States. Furthermore, I will argue that a stronger civic culture in the United States’ judiciary and bureaucracy will help the United States recover more quickly from its flirtation with an authoritarian populist. In Turkey’s case, I will argue that the Turkish focus on cultural nationalism, which started with the conflict between the Kemalist tutelary democracy and Democratic Party (DP), and now includes the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has undermined the country’s efforts to successfully stop its autocratic slide. Finally, I will explore how the Turkish state of affairs can serve as a warning for the United States. In my argument, I will state that the civic culture alluded to earlier, while still strong in the United States, is slipping away and turning into a cultural nationalism that may threaten the democracy of the United States as we know it.

Name: Javier Fernandez
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: United States Military Academy at West Point
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Insurgency versus Terrorist Organization: The Christian Identity Movement A Case-In-Point?
Abstract:
Over the past four decades, the United States has seen a resurgence in far-right extremist activity, with groups’ growing physicality drawing the attention of policymakers and scholars alike. There is a vast volume of literature outlining far-right extremist organization and operational capabilities across multiple disciplines. However, contemporary discussions’ focus on these groups as ‘terrorist organizations’ rather than insurgencies, a designation that overlooks the strategic complexity of their motivations and the resources at their disposal. This paper uses the American Christian Identity Movement as a case study. The framework presented for conceptualizing insurgency growth and organization is derived from Seth G. Jones’ Waging Insurgent Warfare: Lessons from the Vietcong to the Islamic State and Bard O’Neill’s Insurgency & Terrorism: From Revolution to Apocalypse.. The following case study highlights the doctrinal differences between ‘terrorism/terrorist organizations’ and ‘insurgency.’ Furthermore, this case study concludes by stressing the importance in classifying the ideology, organizational and operational capabilities of far-right extremist groups in the U.S. as insurgencies and the consequences of that designation.

Name: Michael Gamkrelidze
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: Independent researcher
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Institution: Independent researcher
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 4
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Paper Title:  To science about social boundaries or social ammoriology
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ABSTRACT: This paper is a continuation of “Democracy as a State of Social Boundaries”, presented at last year's NYSPSA 73-rd Annual Congress. The idea then was to consider social systems of various sizes and types, from a family of two members to the world community, as dynamic steady state systems, seeing the advantage of this approach in the possibility of describing social systems in non-anthropomorphic terms, free of value judgment and common to physical and biological systems. We proceeded from the fact that the state (condition, order) of the system is a mathematical concept, as well as the boundary, also common to physical and biological systems. We hope that it will gradually relieve us of the need to operate with such controversial and ambiguous terms as capitalism, socialism, democracy, liberalism, and many others. In this article an attempt has been made to outline the taxonomy of social boundaries, their nature, their interdependence, their significance, their variability, their impact on the stability of social systems, on their development, survival in competition, etc. Keywords are: sovereignty, discrete and continuous states of the social system, social boundary

Name: Jessica Gibree
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Quinnipiac University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Lawsuits Lead the Way to Finding a Solution for the Climate Crisis
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There is a lack of action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combat climate change in the United States. As a result, citizens, environmental organizations, and states have turned to the courts, desperate to find a judicial remedy. This paper examines the United States’ current climate protection policies, domestically and internationally. Then, it analyzes three of the many creative claims that parties have brought seeking relief from climate change. The first claim is that the government is violating the constitution, specifically Fifth Amendment Due Process and Equal Protection, and the Ninth Amendment. The next claim is that the federal government is violating the Public Trust Doctrine by causing climate change, which will deprive future generations of natural resources. The third claim is that climate change is a public nuisance because it unreasonably interferes with rights common to the general public. Juliana v. United States, and Rhode Island v. Chevron Corp., are two ongoing cases that the paper discusses to support these claims and prove that the courts must grant relief from climate change. Courts are reluctant to issue policy-making decisions, but this paper proves that they do so when it is necessary. This paper will analyze other common barriers for the courts to grant relief, but ultimately concludes that the climate crisis is worsening, and the courts must act now to protect the climate and citizens of the United States.

Name: Shukri Mohamed
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Le Moyne College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Naag Nool: Political Struggles of Somali Women in the Liberation Movement and Post-Colonial Politics
Abstract:
Before Colonization, Somali women were acknowledged as peacekeepers, alliance markers through marriage, and vital economic partners to their male counterparts. Although policies during Colonization and Post-Colonialization meant to "liberate" women, these policies' shortcomings showed how significant patriarchy and colonization were to Somalia's development and the beginning of marginalizing women in the political sphere. Policies such as the asnikaax taliani, Italian-Somali marriages showed the disregard for women and their importance as alliance markers in their clans. However, women were still active in the development of Somalia; because women used tactics such as poetry and music, buranbuur to aid in liberating Somalia during the independence movement of the 1950s. Another policy was the Family Law of 1975, a policy that was meant to aid in developing women in Somalia, intellectually and socially, but only furthered the narrative of disregarding women as essential members of Somali politics. Therefore, I argue that Somali women should be offered more essential roles in the political sphere and provide aid to the government during moments of unrest, as shown in the past. I also argue that it is due to Colonialism's patriarchy and remnants that women in Somalia became marginalized. To that end, the first half of the paper will focus on introducing Somalia as a colony of Italy and Great Britain during Colonization. It will then go into the policies and roles that helped or hindered Somali women's development in the independence movement and Siad Barre's regime. The second part will focus on developing the theory of post-colonial feminism in Somalia, explaining the political instability and social unrest that developed as partial respect to women's marginalization as crucial members of society. Finally, the paper will discuss how the country can grow politically and socially by utilizing women's roles in Somalia.

Name: Joel Oyuo
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Financial Literacy in the African Diaspora
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Faculty Sponsor—Professor Robert Whitaker, Hudson Valley Community College Financial Literacy in the African Diaspora Financial literacy is a vital life skill that everyone must have. The Government Accountability Office defines financial literacy as “the ability to make informed judgments and take effective actions regarding the current and future use and management of money.” However, as a form of education, financial literacy lacks standardization. Rarely are financial education programs incorporated in school curriculums nationwide, leaving financial literacy to be determined based on one’s environment. Acknowledging that one’s environment (socioeconomic status, residential location, race, etc.) is the largest determinant of a student’s financial literacy, it is important to also recognize the many white supremacist practices and ideals that exist today affecting the African Diaspora. With bank deserts (sparsely located banks in areas with large minority or low-income residents), snob zoning (discriminative residential zoning), among many other barriers, it is impossible for Black families (Descendants of Slaves in America, Africans, and Afro-Latinos) as an aggregate to become financially literate. Unfortunately, I have found that an alarming amount of existing research with regards to the inaccessibility of financial literacy is incredibly incomplete and continues to exclude how it impacts the African Diaspora. In order to investigate this issue, I intend to conduct multiple case studies into how the zoning practices in New York cities like Albany, Buffalo, and New York City, still encourage segregation even after such has been illegal decades ago, and how that creates bank desserts and other toxic environments that deny the ability to become financially literate. The government definition of financial literacy, widely used by existing financial literacy programs, fails to consider the fact that societal tools that already exist to become financially literate are inaccessible to the African Diaspora. Many of these programs and workshops, and even tests used by researchers to gauge the financial literacy of targeted sample groups, focus more on things like specific words when it comes to credit cards and loans. However, these can be addressed by simply reading the “fine print,” which is much easier today with an increased access to technology. Therefore, it is not a lack of financial literacy that prevents targeted communities from making “informed judgements” --instead, it is the systemic denial of the necessary tools to be able to make these informed judgements. This whole issue is a small part of a much bigger issue, which is the systematic denial of wealth against Black families in America. Financial literacy should be defined as the ability to use societal tools to create wealth. Wealth creation is financial literacy. While systematic efforts to obstruct financial literacy in Black communities should be counteracted, financial education must also be geared toward accessing the available societal tools, like the stock market and banks, if there shall ever be an end to the racial wealth gap here in America.

Name: Dorian Provencher
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marymount Manhattan College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  African and Western States’ Approaches to Human Rights: A Theoretical Analysis of State Behavior in the HRC's Universal Periodic Review
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The UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review [UPR] is the only human rights mechanism that monitors and reviews all UN member states, and states’ responses to each other and their respective human rights abuses vary considerably. What accounts for this variation? This research analyzes states’ behavior and their interactive dialogue around human rights issues by focusing on two African states: Ghana and South Africa. Reviewing the first and second UPR reports from 2008 and 2012 for these two cases, this research paper compares how African and Western states respond to human rights abuses in Ghana and South Africa, and argues that the differences between these two groups can be explained by the different power dynamics between the two regions, using both a realist and a constructivist lens. Understanding how states behave not only contributes to answering the big questions of international politics but also provides insight into the ways through which to progress the global human rights agenda.

Name: Daria Wilk
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. John's university
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Northern Ireland Conflict: The Impact of United Kingdom’s Membership in the European Union
Abstract:
Daria Wilk St. John’s University Sponsor faculty: Professor Azzedine Layachi, St. John’s University Undergraduate Panel Proposal Abstract The conflict in Northern Ireland started after the Irish independence war in 1921 and lasted until 1998 when Good Friday Agreement was signed. The conflict left Northern Ireland with not only multiple casualties but also a deep division inside of the society and weak economy. During the conflict the United Kingdom (U.K) and the Republic of Ireland joined the European Economic Community in 1973 (later turned into membership in the European Union- EU); both were members of regional organization during peacebuilding process. The main research question paper aims to answer is: How did the UK’s membership in the European Union and the evolving EU integration affect both, the conflict itself and peacebuilding process in Northern Ireland from 1973 to 2019? The preliminary findings show that the EU was not primary factor behind the peace. However, it aided it in two ways. First, the EU facilitated cooperation between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, which allowed them to build mutual respect necessary for reaching a peace deal. Second, the EU played an important supporting role in peacebuilding through the EU Program for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Region of Ireland (PEACE) and the Interregional Cooperation programs (INTERREG). The PEACE Program aimed at building and fostering peace between two conflicted sides in the Northern Ireland. The INTERREG Program aimed to improve cross-border cooperation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. It provided opportunities for the two countries to discuss the conflict in the Northern Ireland on neutral grounds, facilitated negotiations and compromise, and pressured the United Kingdom to solve the issue of Northern Ireland. This study uses historical institutionalism as theoretical approach, which looks at how formal and informal institutions affect decision-making processes, policy-building, and policy outcomes. This approach helps uncover how decisions made in the past by institutions affect the future decisions and outcomes. Historical institutionalism acknowledges the impact of multiple actors on decision-making processes; this is important in complex topics like peacebuilding. The paper uses a qualitative method, which gives an in-depth understanding of the topic. The focus was on secondary research, in which multiple primary and secondary sources were gathered to observe changes in the conflict and peacebuilding. The sources aiding the analysis include scholarly publications, official documents, and memoirs. The chosen theoretical approach and methodology allow me to look at the conflict in Northern Ireland in a holistic way instead of just statistical one.