Name: Zayn Aga
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: zayn.aga@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain Collage
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: President Donald Trump and The First Amendment in a digital age.
Panel Description: Make a case for the fact that, President Donald Trump by blocking people on twitter has violated the First Amendment.
Co-author info: Not Applicable
Co-presenter info: Zebediah Sulmasy, (research assistant), Green Mountain Collage, zebsulmasy@gmail.com
Paper Title: The sliver knight, fighting for our First Amendment rights.
Abstract:
Zayn Aga 11-29-17 Faculty Sponsor: Professor Sam Edwards sam.edwards@greenmtn.edu In the increasingly fraught world of American politics, the news cycle is constantly swirling around the vortex that is President Trump. Donald is without a doubt one of the most outspoken presidents of United States. Thanks to Twitter, he has the ability to reach approximately 64.6 million people with any one tweet, and he has praised the platform on many separate occasions. It is the purpose of this paper to prove he is hindering citizens from seeing valuable information and preventing communication with him due to political criticisms by“blocking” them. This is a clear violation of the First Amendment. Twitter has become President Trump’s preferred method of communication with the American people. He has tweeted approximately 1,982 times since taking office, and has come under fire for using using his personal account @realDonaldTrump as a public platform to talk to citizens. If Donald were a private citizen, no problem would exist. However, as a government official, he has the obligation to hear the grievances of citizens. The First Amendment states that citizens can “petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (U.S. Const. am. 1.). It is therefore possible that the president blocking people on Twitter hinders blocked individuals from receiving news and communicating with the President in the same way as other Americans. As Justice Kennedy has said, “social media is the new public square”. Ignoring the issue could lead to serious consequences for freedom of speech. The Knight First Amendment Institute (a research institute at Columbia University) was particularly concerned and has since opened litigation against the President and Dan Scavino (the White House Director of Social Media) for violating the First Amendment. Sean Spicer has stated that “Trump’s tweets were considered official statements by the President of the United States”. The White House has since changed its position, stating that President’s account is not a government owned or sponsored account and is not an express public forum. However, President Trump has said the opposite. His tweets implies that he is using his private Twitter in some part to communicate with the American people akin to a federal website. He has used it to announce policy changes and cabinet hirings and firings, all of which are indicative of official public accounts but he used his private account instead of his @POTUS account. In an attempt to show how easy it is to get blocked by public figures I have set up a fake Twitter account under a fake name set up to antagonize public figures in government and have been attempting to get them to “block” me on twitter. I have been unsuccessful in getting Trump to block me so far, but the account is still running as @comb_elk, other methods of research including combing through cases that provide precedent for my claim.

Name: Julia Alotta
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: jalotta@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Refugee Acceptance in Europe
Abstract:
During the 20th and 21st century the influx of refugees has sky rocketed as a plethora of indigenous people have fled from ethnic persecution. Germany, Sweden and Hungary are self-sufficient European country's that tend to accept refugees from Bangladesh, Syria, Afghanistan, and all over the Middle East. The only difference is two out of the three countries are willing to accept these millions of refuges fleeing from terror. As all these country's are in the European Union, researchers have yet to enlighten the question: Why are some country's accepting refugees and others are not? The level of acceptance will vary depending on the degree of conservatism or liberalism adopted in a country's policy towards refugees. The question is critical to answer because it’s a helpful way to formulate policy and band the world together on a common issue. In regards to Europe, 1,400,000 people alone were seeking asylum during 2016 and numbers are continuing to grow, something has to be done.

Name: Lena Cotter
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: leena.cotter@cix.csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: CUNY College of Staten Island
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Happy Anniversary? A Ten Year Review on the United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
To address the increasingly complicated human rights violations more effectively, the United Nations replaced its Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) with the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2006. This paper addresses the question whether the Council has, regardless of significant reforms, become permanently paralyzed in fulfilling its main mission. The focus of this study is to examine Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) as well as the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) and the enforcement thereof in China, Iran and Myanmar during a period of ten years (2006 to 2016). To determine the effectiveness of the Council in relation to the aforementioned components, three key areas will be analyzed: the UNHRC agenda, resolutions and decisions (Regular Sessions between June 2006 to July 2016 and Special Sessions between between July 2006 and October 2016), the UNHRC operations locally in each target country (2006 to 2016) and, finally, to establish resource allocation, the official UNHRC budget (fiscal years 2007-8 to 2016-17), including voluntary donations (2006 to 2016).

Name: Michela DeVito
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mad299@cornell.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Cornell University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Euroscepticism: A Different Phenomenon in the Post-Eurozone Crisis Era?
Abstract:
What determines Euroscepticism? For European Union scholars and policymakers, this question has taken on more importance in the wake of the Eurozone crisis, which began in 2009 and is ongoing. Eurosceptic sentiment, or more simply opposition to the EU, has increased in the wake of the crisis. This paper’s research question asks if Euroscepticism is different in the post-Eurozone crisis era. Specifically, this paper will examine the historical factors of Euroscepticism, and whether or not they matter to the post-Eurozone crisis rise in the phenomenon. Based on existing literature, the four relevant factors to be examined pre- and post-crisis are: strength of national identity, socioeconomic status, and national and EU institutions. This paper utilized data from the Eurobarometer survey database in order to examine the development of popular opinion towards the EU. Overall, it was found that most of the historical factors for Euroscepticism still mattered in the post-crisis era. This finding signifies that the phenomenon of Euroscepticism is largely a difference of degree rather than of type in the post-crisis era. In future studies, scholars should further investigate why the degree of Euroscepticism has increased, and whether any other factors than the Eurozone crisis are affecting the rise of dissatisfaction with the EU in recent years. As a result, scholars will be able to paint a clearer picture of why EU citizens have become increasingly Eurosceptic.

Name: Kenneth Dillon
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dillonk@rider.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Rider University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-author info: Advisor, Dr. Olivia Newman (Rider University Department of Political Science; onewman@rider.edu)
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Paper Title: “Abdullah Öcalan’s ‘Democratic Confederalism’, its philosophical genealogy and application in Rojava, Syria”
Abstract:
Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria, is distinct for many reasons but perhaps mostly because of its government's unique political philosophy. “Democratic Confederalism”, as conceived by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, prescribes a hierarchical committee system established by direct democracy and maintained through polyethnic proportional representation. Öcalan's firm emphasis on such progressive notions as feminism, social ecology, and ideological parity indicates that Democratic Confederalism could represent a remarkable model for tomorrow's Syria. This paper critically evaluates Democratic Confederalism through the use of standard philosophical methods, then explores its foundation in the political thought of Öcalan's influences, such as Murray Bookchin and Michel Foucault.Finally, I'll attempt to assess the status of the philosophy's application in Rojavan society by interviewing journalists and researchers with expertise and experience in the region. I ultimately argue that Democratic Confederalism could legitimately engender a unique and sustainable political system for Rojava worthy of thorough understanding.

Name: Tshephang Dipogiso
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dipogiso187tshephang187tshephang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Botswana
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  WOMEN AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN BOTSWANA: 51 YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE AND BEYOND
Abstract:
Women all over the world face significant social, cultural, political and economic barriers that prevent them from obtaining leadership positions. Botswana is no exception. But one of the most fascinating developments in African politics has been the increase in women’s participation since the mid 1990’s. Women are becoming more engaged in leadership positions of institutions from local government, to legislatures and even the executive. Today, Africa is a leader in women parliamentary representation globally with a Global Average of 22.5 percent. For instance Rwanda has the highest number of women in parliament in the world with 63.8% of women in lower house (UN, 2016). Despite this remarkable increase of women representation in parliament, Botswana remains behind in the number of women in parliament. It was not until May 2017 that Botswana signed the SADC Gender Protocol, four years after the instrument entered into force. While it is a milestone, Botswana has been recording low participation of women in both elective and appointive political positions in particular parliament. For instance, out of the 18 recently confirmed ministerial appointments made, only three are women, translating to 16.7%. In the National Assembly there are only five women out of 57 constituencies which constitute a paltry 8.8%. This has been a growing concern because for democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly representative hence women must be equal partners in the process of democratic development. However, one divergent fact is that the performance and determination of women in leadership roles in parastatals and private sector supersede that of their male counter-parts. The question therefore remains why women participation in politics is low. The literature on this subject is fairly emerging but commonly points to cultural stereotypes especially the patriarchal nature of Botswana’s society (Maundeni, 2002; Ntseane 2005; Ntseane & Sentsho, 2005, Geisler, 2004). Using the Afrobarometer perception survey data, this paper presents descriptive statistics and regression analysis of selected variables that explain low participation of women. In the data, the dependent variable is measured by a question: Men make better political leaders than women and should be elected rather than women. The paper analyses responses of those who agree with the statement using location, age, sex and interest in public affairs. The research provides a baseline for the implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), Agenda 2063: a pledge for Gender Equality and Women Empowerment and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development. The significance of this study’s conclusions and recommendations is to further stimulate women of Botswana to stand up and challenge their male counterparts in contesting for, party positions, parliamentary seats during general elections and present themselves for executive appointments. Also, the study has policy implications in the sense that it will improve evidence-based planning and programming involving women in decision making. Keywords: Botswana, gender equality, politics, women, political representation, political participation

Name: Dana Gambardella
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Dana.gambardella@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Breaking Down Barriers: An Examination of Why Women Underreport Sexual Assault
Abstract:
In 2017, there has been a nationwide social movement in the United States against the sexual mistreatment and harassment of women. It has led to a firestorm on social media under the hashtags “metoo” and “Ibelieveyou”. But none of this is new. Historically, women, of all races and backgrounds, have been disadvantaged due to their sex and have faced struggles that are ignored by others. Extreme examples of these struggles are: domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape. These are crimes that mainly occur behind closed doors. The victims of such crime often choose to keep those doors closed by not reporting the violent experience. Why do they do so? To be sure, domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape occur all over the world to all types of people, including transgender individuals as well as men. However, in this paper, as I raise the abovementioned question, I intent to focus on one particular group: adult, cisgender who have been victims of rape in Staten Island, New York in the last ten years. What barriers, this thesis asks, do these women face that lead them to not report rape to authorities or to anyone at all? In the remainder of this essay, I develop on these ideas. In doing so, first in section one I provide definitions and concepts. In section two, I provide background and context on the matter as well as the methods I used in my research. In section three, I provide explanations as to why rape goes underreported in specific cultures. Lastly, in section four, I provide policy recommendations to improve this social issue. The research presented here is based on analyzes of archival evidence, media reports, and elite interviews. METHODS I use various methods to examine the barriers that prevent cisgender women on Staten Island from reporting sexual assault and determine what policy changes need to made to help knock down these barriers. Examination of government documents allows me to fully understand the issue at hand. These documents include the legal definition of rape, the statistics of rape on Staten Island, and the racial makeup of Staten Island. Newspaper articles as well as social media outlets are used to understand public opinion and why the underreporting of rape is such a prevalent issue today. I use literature which provides information on barriers women face within specific cultures. I have conducted elite interviews to gain insight from professionals who deal with sexual assault victims and authorities on a daily basis. These individuals were chosen because of their experience with the issue specifically in Staten Island in last ten years. The interviewees provided firsthand knowledge of the barriers women of different cultures face (Aberbach, 2003). Each respondent provided examples of policy change they believe would improve the accuracy in the reporting of rapes on Staten Island.

Name: Bailey Anne Grebbbin
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: bailey.grebbin@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Obligations of Most Developed Countries to Least Developed Countries in the Era of Climate Change
Abstract:
Bailey Anne Grebbin Green Mountain College Faculty Sponsor Sam Edwards sam.edwards@greenmtn.edu Word Count: 484 Obligations of Most Developed Countries to Least Developed Countries in the Era of Climate Change The purpose of this paper is show that Most Developed Countries (MDCs) have a legal obligation to assist Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in adapting to and mitigating the negative effects of climate change, as well as an economic and global security based self-interest. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has predicted a rise in global temperature of 2.5 to 10 degrees Fahrenheit over the next century, leading to catastrophic drought, increasingly severe natural disasters and sea level rise. While climate change is already affecting all nations, LDCs are particularly vulnerable. This paper examines international law in an effort to determine if MDCs have a legal responsibility to assist LDCs in regards to climate change; looking specifically at the Paris Agreement, Sustainable Development Goal 13, the Millennium Development Goals, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and international legal precedents. This paper will also consider historical emitter status and environmental justice. In addition, this paper will argue that MDCs should assist LDCs due to the strong connection between climate change and global security, as well as climate change’s relation to economics. The U.S. Pentagon has recognized climate change as a “threat multiplier” since 2015, and the UN has identified climate change as a risk to international peace and security. Internal instability in LCDs due to climate change will threaten the security of MDCs and the global economic supply chain. Data will be drawn from UN sources, including UNEP 2016 Annual Report, the IPCC Fifth Assessment Report, IPCC Special Report Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change Adaptation, the World Meteorological Association, LDC Perspectives on the Future of the Least Developed Countries Fund Paper, UNEP Report Status of Climate Change Litigation and various UN websites. Data from the American Security Project’s Climate Security Report, Department of Defense’s National Security Implications of Climate-Related Risks and a Changing Climate Report, the World Economic Forums 2016 Global Risks Report, EU Study Climate Change Impacts on Developing Countries and other reputable sources will also be examined. This paper aims to build off of literature including An Equity Hurdle in International Climate Negotiations (Light, 2013) and International Climate Change Law (Bodansky, ‎ Brunnée, Rajamani, 2017). In the current political climate, with the effects of climate change becoming more visible and the U.S. halting climate change action as the international community moves forward, it is necessary for the political science field to strengthen arguments for equitable climate change action. This paper aims to do so by showing that the unique vulnerability of LDCs merits significant assistance from MDCs under international law and that MDCs have a global security and economic self-interest in ensuring LCDs adapt to climate change. This paper will be submitted to the Towson University Journal of International Affairs for publication.

Name: Aisling Green
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: aislingsgreen@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference:
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Paper Title: Religious Exemption and the Future of Masterpiece CakeShop 
Abstract:
Several landmark judgments issued by the Supreme Court in recent years have involved disputes concerning two fundamental rights. Often, one of these two rights concern the establishment and free exercise clauses of the First Amendment. In the Supreme Court’s current term, one such case has gained a lot of public attention. The case is: Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Commission of Justice. It involves the following question: does a baker, who object to same-sex marriage on religious grounds, have the right to refuse to sell wedding cakes for a same-sex wedding? This judgment in this case will set a precedent for the way in which RFRA is interpreted and the future of anti-discrimination laws in the United States. This paper analyzes the pronouncements of the Court in cases that have involved similar cases in the past and makes the claim that if the Court is consistent with its past pronouncements, it needs to side with LGBT+ couples in this case.

Name: Alexander Hayes
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ahayes3@pride.hofstra.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Hofstra University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info: I don't know if this counts as a co-presenter, but my faculty sponsor is Carolyn Dudek, Hofstra University, Carolyn.M.Dudek@hofstra.edu
Paper Title:  Far Right Politics and the Shaping of Migration Policy: Austria and Germany’s Divergence
Abstract:
This paper examines the underlying explanatory factors in Germany and Austria’s disparate reactions to the migrant crisis in Europe. Although the EU has established the parameters for dealing with migration and the refugee crisis, Germany has circumvented European Union law in order to accept more refugees, whereas Austria has made efforts to accept as few asylum seekers as possible. Despite the two country’s apparently similar demographics and economies, each has circumvented EU law in order to pursue one of the most accepting and one of the most hostile asylum policies in Europe. Germany has welcomed migrants and ignored the Dublin Agreement in order to accept more refugees, without requiring processing at their country of entry. On the other hand, Austria has made efforts to accept as few asylum seekers as possible, going so far as to reintroduce border controls in the border-free Schengen Area, placing the burden of refugees on other countries. Although the economic impact of Germany’s aging and declining population is often used to explain its openness to refugees, this does not explain why Austria, facing the same demographic realities, has been so loath to accept migrants. Instead, this paper posits that differences in the influence of radical right-wing populism in the two countries, informed by divergent denazification processes and past immigration trends, provides the basis for understanding Germany and Austria’s dichotomous asylum policies. To better explain the divergences between German and Austrian migration policy, this paper posits the framework of the radicalization spiral to explain the increasing influence of the radical right in the political system. The framework operates as a spiral, because it is a feedback loop that continually grows to encompass larger segments of the political system. With each cycle, radical right-wing populist parties both radicalize their own supporter and pull more voters into their sphere of influence. Built on a synthesis of literature from the realms political decision-making, party politics, and coalition governance, the radicalization spiral occurs in three ways. First, the radical party’s supporters form political opinions by taking cues from party elites, leading them to adopt more radical views over time. Second, when radical parties gain significant support, mainstream parties adopt some radical policy positions in order to maintain their dominance. When establishment parties do so, their mainstream voters adopt more radical positions through the same process of elite cues. Third, if radical parties enter coalition governments, voters have difficulty distinguishing their positions from those of their coalition partners. Therefore, the supporters of mainstream parties in coalitions with radical parties may mistakenly take elite cues from the radical party, again radicalizing their positions.

Name: Leandra Hernandez
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lhernandez@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Historical Ethnic Conflict Causing Genocide
Abstract:
At its core, the term “genocide" denotes mass killings or violence with the intention of annihilating an entire group. In 1943, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish scholar, first coined the term “genocide” as “‘acts of extermination’ directed against ‘ethnic, religious or social collectives’”. Since the conception of the term, scholar’s interpretations of genocide have varied greatly, with discourse over what specific acts against what kinds of groups constitute genocide. With such little consensus in the scholarly as well as international community over what exact circumstances constitute genocide, it is difficult to truly pinpoint its causes. The efforts made to define “the crime of crimes” has raised the important question to researchers of what exactly causes genocide during civil conflicts? For the sake of this piece, genocide is defined as an attempt to eliminate an entire ethnic, religious, communal, or political group, with the focus being on ethnic groups specifically. The argument presented in this piece is that state genocide will occur in countries that have a history of ethnic violence involving a minority group. A qualitative analysis of three cases will be used to test this hypothesis. A Most Different Systems (MDSD) approach will be taken between the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, the 1915 Armenian Genocide, and the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya. Genocide as previously defined is the dependent variable. The key independent variable is past ethnic violence involving a minority group. For the sake of this analysis, no particular emphasis is placed on the outcomes of the first conflict or the power balance between the groups in the first outbreaks of ethnic violence. Ethnic violence is defined as violence perpetrated by one ethnic group representing the state against another, in which the ethnic difference is the central focus of the violence. Emphasis is placed on the strength of a cohesive identity within the minority group as well as the group’s separation from others in the state. With the intense division between the groups, ethnic conflict will be more likely to arise and lead to genocide if left unchecked.

Name: Lydia Heye
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: heye19@up.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Portland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu Jeffrey Meiser, University of Portland, meiser@up.edu
Co-presenter info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu
Paper Title:  From Anarchy to Civil War: The Escalation of Violence in Iraq, 2003-2006
Abstract:
The purpose of this essay is to develop a better understanding of the causes of the Iraqi civil war between 2003 and 2006—a period of time that saw the level of violence in Iraq transition from small scale violence to an intense sectarian civil war and full blown insurgency. The human and strategic costs of this escalation in violence were immense, but have not been fully explained. Most analysis has focused on the bombing al-Askariyya Mosque in 2006 as the cause of civil war without explaining the high level of violence throughout 2003-2006. Since civil wars are often the product of low-level political violence that escalates, rather than emerging ex nihilo from a peaceful society, it is important to focus on what caused the initial pattern of violence and why it escalated. This essay develops an analytical framework of violence escalation to identifies critical junctures where intervention may halt escalation. The framework is applied to the Iraq civil war with the goal of understanding what went wrong and why. More broadly this essay contributes to our knowledge about the causes of civil wars and what can be done to prevent their outbreak. Strategically important countries around the world are experiencing low-level violence that has the potential for escalatory internal violence. Therefore, it is vital to gain a clear understanding of what causes low-level violence to intensify to the level of civil war or mass killing.

Name: Samuel Lawkins
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: vasal@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: (Faculty Sponsor: Full Prof. in Poli.Sci. @ UAlbany -- Dr. Victor Asal
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Paper Title:  Religion as a Causal Influence on Gender Inequality
Abstract:
In the overwhelming majority of countries around the globe there is or has been at some point in history a strong religious influence in the development and governing styles of a given state. The different organized religions of the world lie on a spectrum that has monotheistic faith on one end, such as Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, along with Polytheistic faith on the other end, such as Hinduism or Buddhism. Each one relinquishes a unique set of principles and ethics among it’s practitioners. It can be assumed that the importance of these religious beliefs in the societal life of each state has a causal influence in the decision making process of the governing system, level of intrastate or interstate violence, and equality among it’s people. In this research I analyze the effect of religion on gender equality in a number of different countries. In an effort to strengthen the validity of my data I simplified my analysis to three separate organized religions—Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam. My reasoning behind these choices is that each of these religions are prevalent in countries that display diversity in their style of government, ethnicity, and set of societal norms. This results in greater recognition of my independent variable—religion—as a legitimate causal influence, as there are other variables that may contribute to gender equality or inequality, such as style of governance, ethnicity, and economic wealth that are already represented in my comparative analysis. The initial hypothesis of my research is that if a country has a high population of practicing Muslims, then there will be a miniscule variation in gender equality with a country that has a high population of Protestant or Catholic citizens. My independent variables are in the form of the population size of a given country that practices one of the three religions of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam. As found in the Quality of Government Codebook, these three independent variable are defined as Muslims, Protestants, or Catholics as a “percentage of the population in 1980” (Jan Teorell 2011). Furthermore, my dependent variable in this analysis—gender equality—is defined as the “extent to which a country has enacted and put in place institutions and programs to enforce laws and policies that a) promote equal access for men and women to human capital development; b) create equal access for men and women to productive and economic resources; and c) give men and women equal status and protection under the law” (Jan Teorell 2011). A quantitative methodical approach is used in this analysis using the Quality of Government Codebook as my source of data. Quantitative analysis is favorable for this research as it produces reliable numerical data that measures probability of a causal influence between two variables rather than necessity. Also, because I am using multiple independent variables, quantitative research seems to be the most plausible for my findings to hold the most empirical value. The findings of this analysis could prove to be a strong addition to the rather slim empirical research of religion as a causal influence on gender inequality. It stands to also raise awareness of the degree to which organized religion plays a role in the decision making process of the governing system in the nation-state.

Name: Aaron Leighton
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: aaron.leighton@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Gender Wage Analysis
Abstract:
This research paper investigates the modern discourse and understanding of the gender wage gap and identifies nuances that cause complications in conventional thought on the subject. The causes of the gender wage gap appear to primarily stem from industry and job choice, with a significant portion generated for a variety of reasons: lack of women in managerial positions, in spite of their qualifications, significantly less work hours for women, and more frequent familial obligations for women than men. These issues, rather than only affecting individual aspects of the wage gap and women’s ability to work, also feed into one another and amplify the effects. This is not to say that women receive less pay from employers simply because of their gender, but instead to say that they face socio economic injustices, resulting from their overrepresentation in lower paying professions. There are instances of outright discrimination for pay equality, but due to the structure of laws for workers compensation and equal employment practices, these events are difficult to identify, and harder to amend. The present evidence suggests that these occurrences are not significant contributors to the wage gap, though they do actually exist. It is complicated and difficult to isolate data in order to determine just how influential discriminatory pay practices are on the raw wage gap. Keywords: gender wage gap, managerial, overrepresentation, discrimination, raw wage gap

Name: Tyler Loftus
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: tyler.loftus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Lack of Ethics in Outsourcing Torture: One of the Most Qualified Organizations Outsourcing the Unqualified
Abstract:
Using extensive archival evidence this paper explores the practice of outsourcing and the use of torture within the United States Department of Justice and CIA. It will discuss whether privatization of torture is ethical, providing arguments for both sides and then determining a position. The research finds that it is unethical to use this privatization of torture. The executive branch and agencies are supposed to uphold democracy and these actions do not do so. By privatizing torture the executive branch is avoiding accountability through its lack of transparency. The secrecy violates the democratic system of checks and balances and the public interest suffers. This paper will then provide some recommendations to prevent this from happening while importantly protecting national security.

Name: Bahati Louis
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: blouis1@pride.hofstra.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Hofstra University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Incarceration Nation (or Orange Isn't the New Black)
Panel Description: I would like this panel to discus the political and social reasons that justified putting so many American's behind bars. I would explain what led to the rise in prisoners and what actions we can take to make life easier for returning citizens so they don't end up back behind bars. Furthermore I would discuss America's current recidivism rates and policies that lead to higher rates of recidivism.
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Paper Title:  A Lesson in Recidivism: What factors contributed to America’s rising prison population and What is causing people to return to prison?
Abstract:
In this paper I ask what factors contributed to America’s rising prison population and what is causing people to return to prison. I note the shortcomings in American politics that have negatively impacted entering and returning convicts. Furthermore, I explain the many complexities of the American prison system which makes recidivism data difficult to make sense of. A plethora of political and social factors exacerbated America’s prison culture, ultimately hurting our country’s most troubled individuals. The purpose of this paper is to bring attention to the issue of mass incarceration and ways we can fight against it. My research will help the political science and other social science fields better understand the logistics of mass incarceration and why this topic needs to be addressed now before it becomes more out of hand.

Name: Benjamin Lucas
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Benjamin.lucas@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Analyzing Congressional Bipartisanship
Abstract:
Congressional bipartisanship is supposed to be on the decline. But is this really true? In this thesis, I examine whether or not, in recent years, Congress has been polarized on every issue – as we are often told. I suggest that Congress might be unified on some issues and polarized on others. In addition, I suggest that the public understanding of Congressional polarization is a result of the media focusing on the lack of bipartisanship. I hypothesize that on an issue such as healthcare Congress is divided, and on an issue such as national security Congress is unified. Using data collected from a set of elite interviews, this paper hopes to show that the media’s depiction of Congressional divisiveness is exaggerated.

Name: Amne Madi
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: amnemadi@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marymount Manhattan College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Ethics of Chemical Warfare
Abstract:
How does chemical warfare change the traditional methods of war? Does it make was more or less ethical? How does it violate international law and what are the consequences of a nation using chemical weapons against its own population? As we watch the current Syrian crisis unfold and the use of chemical weapons constantly pop up in media, this isn't the first the chemical weapons have been used in the Middle East by a leader against his own citizens. How did Iraq set a trend of chemical weapons and how did that violate the rules of war? Results discussed in paper as well as conclusion based on research.

Name: Marlena Mareno
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ml23mare@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Dress Codes in the Workplace and the Perceptions of Appearance
Abstract:
The purpose of this research is to better understand dress code policies in professional workplaces and how they affect men and women within the same context. This research derives from personal interests in employment law, management issues, and company branding. Driving questions inquire how professional dress codes affect men and women differently but also how this may affect the perceptions individuals have of themselves and others. I question how these perceptions impact opportunities like receiving positions or promotions. Literature shows perceptions of oneself and others’ within the workplace influence the idea of how one believes he, she, and others are capable of completing their work. Similarly, scholars in Political Science and Psychology have found that masculine clothing has positive effects on males where they feel empowered and authoritative, where women do not. In order to study company dress codes and their interpretation and perception, I developed a survey that will be sent to local companies (Albany, NY) to identify their knowledge and interpretation of their company’s dress codes. I will be tapping into perceptions through images within the survey to determine if they would be acceptable in their workplace. I expect results to show that formal dress would be acceptable. I also expect women’s or feminine images to be negatively viewed when compared to men’s or masculine images. Additionally, I will be conducting interviews with organizations who advise individuals regarding professional clothing in order to better understand the advice they provide. This research is valuable because it analyzes how appearance affects individuals in workplaces. It will show whether men and women are truly equal in the workplace, and whether they are afforded equal opportunities based on abilities rather than factors like gender. This research may expose inequalities between men and women in workplaces and how clothing and appearance affect them differently.

Name: Michael Pardo
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: michael.pardo@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
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Paper Title:  The Future of Populism in the Two-Party System
Abstract:
This paper will explore populism and how politics arrived at the current state seen in the western world, specifically in the United States of America. This paper asks, does populism have a future and if so, what does the future of the two-party system look like? To arrive at an answer, this paper will look at the context of what led up to this populist moment. It will explore the presidencies of Andrew Jackson and Richard Nixon to connect the similarities to Trump. In order to determine if populism has a future, one must also look at the state of the established parties and what options may help them to revive for this new age. Options for the way forward will include Classical Liberalism and a modified form of Progressivism.

Name: Miskat Rahman
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mrahman@mmm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marymount Manhattan College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Climate States: A New World Order
Abstract:
This research examines the effects of climate change on democratically transitioning states and shows that the climate change crisis has hindered conditions necessary for these nation states to consolidate democratically in their respective regions. An analysis of 3 case studies of Ethiopia, Bangladesh, and Haiti demonstrates the difficulties facing states. In each case study, democracy has not been able to properly consolidate, and the analysis links the failure to climate change. Further, if nation states in transition cannot properly consolidate due to the climate change issue, then how can they resolve this crisis and properly consolidate into a democracy? This research also examines the possibility that deliberative democracy offers a path through democratic transition. By aligning the conditions necessary for democratic consolidation with the conditions necessary with the models of deliberative democracy, I propose the methodology and the feasibility of a deliberative democratic consolidation in these nation-states. In turn, I argue that the deliberative democratic consolidation would enable these states to increase their adaptive capacity to the climate change crisis because they can create and implement plans specific to the needs of their nation-state adhering to both the demands of the people as well as their leaders. This study illustrates the specifics of how this new deliberative democracy will address the specific climate change concerns in the nation-states examined. This research hopes to allow these proposed models to act as one of the possible solutions to tackle the climate change crisis in other similar nation-states.

Name: Quincy Rasin
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Quincy.Rasin@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Gentrification: Where Are They Now? A Comprehensive Study of Displacement in Harlem Between the Years 2000-2017
Abstract:
Gentrification is an apparently necessary and unstoppable phenomenon and one that permeates most cities of the Global North. The United States is no exception. Gentrification is a harbinger of restoration but it can also destroy the character of a neighborhood through the rapid changes it engenders. In the thesis that follows, I attempt to identify and analyze the most salient beneficial as well as harmful effects of displacement of residents caused by gentrification. In doing so, I focus on one particular zip code in Harlem, New York City: 10027. Using data collected through interviews and surveys, I examine the impact of gentrification of displaced residents this zip code during the period 2000-2017. My findings suggest that the controversy resides in the moral argument. I conclude the thesis with a set of policy recommendations.

Name: x s
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: minhvutrang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: wfwe
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: Economic Sanctions, Diplomacy, and Militarized Interstate Disputes: An Empirical Analysis
Abstract:
The topic of interstate wars has received substantial attention from the existing literature of international relations. This paper attempts to examine whether instruments of statecraft can affect the probabilities of militarized interstate disputes. Specifically, I focus on economic sanctions as the main foreign policy instrument of interest to test if these methods of coercion can reduce the severity of interstate disputes between the target states and the third-party in future conflicts. I make two significant contributions in this paper. First, since most works in the literature have surprisingly ignored to compare the utility of [economic] sanctions with other techniques of statecraft to assess how they both affect the outcome, I bridge this gap by studying the effectiveness of sanctions when imposed after diplomatic efforts from the initiators. The idea is an extension of Baldwin’s (1985) theory concerning simultaneous imposition of soft power and hard power to maximize the likelihood of achieving desirable outcomes. Second, this is a pioneering work attempting to operationalize “diplomacy” from a narrative literature of historical case studies and documents. The concept is now originally measured on an ordinal scale across time and space. I use time-series, cross-sectional ordered logit regressions to discuss the relative importance of [economic] sanctions and diplomacy with other essential determinants of interstate wars, such as power disparities, geographical proximity, democratic political institutions, power status, among others.

Name: Kevin Shan
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: kevin.shan@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Co-presenter info: Jason Barabas, PhD. Stony Brook University. jason.barabas@stonybrook.edu
Paper Title:  Analogies in Politics
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Health insurance markets and the individual mandate introduced by the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are extremely contentious. There are few products that the government requires an individual to purchase, so it might be perceived as an infringement on personal freedom to require someone to purchase health insurance. But one analogous situation would be the requirement of drivers to purchase automobile insurance, which many supporters of the ACA point out. However, this argument is flawed in that ownership of a car is voluntary, so the automobile insurance mandate is not universal. On the other side, opponents of the ACA have drawn different analogies between automobile and health insurance. For example, Vice President Pence has spoken in favor of making health insurance marketplaces more like automobile insurance marketplaces, claiming that automobile insurance policies are sold across state lines, which should increase competition and lower premiums. However, this analogy is flawed because while automobile insurance policies can be sold in one state by a company based in another state, the insurance policies must comply with regulations of the state in which the policy is sold. Therefore, selling insurance policies ‘across state lines’ is not a means of increasing competition. We aim to measure the effect that these analogies between health insurance and car insurance might have on opinions and attitudes towards components of the ACA. Since car and health insurance comparisons have been drawn by both supporters and detractors of the ACA, the analogies between car and health insurance can be established with Democrats and Republicans. Additionally, since each analogy has flaws, we can also measure the effect of accuracy on motivated reasoning (Flynn, Nyhan, & Reifler, 2017). First, the observational component involved compiling survey data from the Kaiser Family Foundation’s (KFF) monthly health tracking poll from 2010 to mid-2017. The KFF surveys provide insight on attitudes towards the ACA. This information was then combined with data on state car insurance requirements to see the effects that automobile insurance experiences might have on attitudes towards health insurance requirements. This observational portion will be paired with a forthcoming survey experiment with a nationwide sample. Subjects will be exposed to various analogies and some treatment groups would additionally be exposed to rebuttals of the analogies like those described above. Previous studies found that associative (X is like Y) analogies generally cause people to form opinions in line with the connotation of the analogies, but dissociative (X is not like Y) analogies do not always work the same way (Stapel & Spears, 1996). Our study is unique in that we have cases in which subjects are exposed to both associative and dissociative analogies (within subjects) to see how analogies might be weakened. Because of the current uncertainty surrounding health insurance markets and the individual mandate, this project presents a contemporary view of political psychology and motivated reasoning surrounding an issue that is widely discussed in the media. References Flynn, D.J., Brendan Nyhan, and Jason Reifler. 2017. “The Nature and Origins of Misperceptions: Understanding False and Unsupported Beliefs About Politics.” Political Psychology 38 (February): 127-150 Stapel, Diederik A., and Russell Spears. 1996. “Guilty by Disassociation (And Innocent by Association): The Impact of Relevant and Irrelevant Analogies on Political Judgments.” Political Behavior 18 (September): 289-309

Name: Kashif Walayat
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: kwalyt@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Keuka College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  ISIS: Pure Islamic or Perversion
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The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the difference between Islam as interpreted by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and more modernized Muslims. I explore the belief that the majority of Muslim countries apply the more traditional interpretation of Islamic principles from the 7th century just as ISIS does, but to a less extreme extent. Because ISIS’ beliefs are so ingrained in history, it is not really that new of an organization. Other scholars have re-interpreted Islam to be more westernized, which is the fear of ISIS. The paper covers Islamophobia and the incidences leading up to 9/11, Islamic radicalism in the form of ideology and practice, the origins and history of ISIS, the difference and similarities between ISIS and the general Muslim population, the conceptualization of Islam and being Muslim inside and outside of Islamic societies, and relevant scholars and terminology necessary to know to understand the topic. Key Words: ISIS, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, Islam, Muslim, Wahhabism, Tawhid, Al-Qaeda, Quran, Shirk, Allah, Sharia Law

Name: Allison Walkley
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: allisonwalkley@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  A Quantitative Look at the Effect of Regime Type on Women’s Political Freedom
Abstract:
The initial hypothesis question of this paper asks the following if a woman lives in a democracy, then will she have higher levels of political freedom than if she lived in a non-democratic regime? Quantitative research methods were applied to this question in hopes of identifying whether or not democracies have higher levels of political freedoms. The independent variable studied was the level of political freedom and the Dependent variable studies were regime type. To study these variables the Quality of Government dataset was used. An additional goal of this research is to highlight the number of places in the world where women are not granted political freedoms. Existing literature used in this paper deals focus on freedom as a political ideal, democratization and women’s legislative representation in developing nations, comparative analysis of sex equality policy, and policy feedback on women’s political representation. In this study, the definition of women’s political rights is operationalized into either a zero or a one. Zeros are defined as countries in which none of the women’s political rights are guaranteed by law. Ones are defined as countries in which Political equality is guaranteed by law. The concept of Democracy was operationalized order to create a universal definition. Democratic states are assigned a value of one and monarchy, military, one-party, multi-party, no-party and other regime types are assigned a value of zero. My findings show a correlation between regime type and women’s political freedom. About 93% of Women living in a democratic regime enjoy high levels of political freedom whereas about 74% of women living in non-democratic regimes have what is considered high levels of political freedom. While the statistic is not overwhelming there is about a 20% difference in high levels of women’s political freedom between democracies and non-democracies. With this research, I hope to contribute more information and research on women’s political participation.

Name: Pk White
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: pwhite5@mail.naz.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Nazareth College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Logistical Case Against the Death Penalty
Abstract:
The following points here outline the logistical reasons why the death penalty has been outlawed in every single developed country in the world excluding the US, Japan, South Korea and Israel. (It is almost never used in Israel, and likely will not be around by the end of the decade in South Korea). We will not tackle on whether the death penalty can be morally justified, that is a topic for another day. The logistical reasons of why the death penalty should be outlawed in our political system are very strong, and many of these reasons also show why the death penalty can indeed be murder, in return being immoral. These points include capital punishment's margin of error, cost ineffectiveness, the problem of obsolete evidence as well as the incorrect theory that capital punishment is an effective deterrent. From here, we explore the reasons why people often ignore these truths, or even make up their own truths to justify capital punishment. The act of ignoring factual evidence to reassure ones moral beliefs is now more common than ever in this age of social media and abundant information. The capital punishment case expresses this theory very well.

Name: Angela Zheng
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ruiqi.zheng@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Analyzing the Economic Development of the Kurdistan Region as an Rentier Economy
Abstract:
Drawing upon the disciplines of political science, economics, and sociology, the purpose of this paper is to analyze Iraqi Kurdistan’s potential for long-term economic and civil society development as an oil producing quasi-state through the lens of rentier state theory. Rentier state theory pertains to oil-dependent states where the economic system is sustained by external economic rent, foreign investment, with the government of the state itself being the primary beneficiary of said rent through the control of its oil sector. Some common traits of rentier states include an economic susceptibility to oil shocks, the lack of transparency in government finances, and severely reduced opportunities for democratic representation as states largely financially independent of taxation. Iraqi-Kurdistan demonstrates all of these traits, with financial and transparency indicators similar to Iraq and other rentier states in the region. This paper examines the ramifications of Iraqi-Kurdistan’s status as a rentier economy towards its potential for stable economic development and prospective changes to its regional political status through the analysis of its burgeoning civil society. Through an analysis of Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) documents including reported revenue, constitutions, and election results along with documents provided by international organizations such as the World Bank and Transparency International, this paper addresses the actual effect of a rentier economy upon regional economic and political stability. Supplemented by documents on foreign investment, tax rates, voter turnout and referendum results, this paper also explores whether the economic status of the Kurdistan region may be sufficient to affect its legal status. Stemming from Douglas A. Yate’s rentier state theory (1996) and Denise Natali’s research upon the Kurdish Quasi-State in Post-Gulf War Iraq (2010), this research project aims to analyze the Kurdistan region’s long-term possibilities for development in its civil society through a socio-economical perspective. Though literature on both rentier state theory and the Kurdistan region itself exist, few have attempted to tie these two research areas together. By examining trends through the Kurdistan example, it may be possible to yield applications to research on potential developments of democratic civil societies in rentier states, the economic influence of oil in the process of obtaining statehood, or the case study’s impact or there lack of upon the governance models of other rentier states in the region, most notably the government of Iraq.