Name: Anonymous
Section: Comparative Politics
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Paper Title: How Corporatist Institutions Determine Paths of Financialization and Shape Welfare Generosity
Abstract:
The welfare state is known as a reliable source of alleviation against inequality through the effect of decommodification—the protection of individuals from social and market risks through social programs. Yet, in recent decades, demographic and economic changes have financially strained welfare states, placing them in a state of “retrenchment,” a shift from original progressive goals to neo-liberal, fiscally conservative goals that tie eligibility to work requirements. Increasingly, governments are relying on private actors and markets for social provision and offsetting the responsibility of risk management onto the individual. In this paper, I examine how this phenomenon—financialization—interacts with welfare retrenchment in advanced democracies. Although some have posited national convergence, more scholars have noted significant cross-national variation in how financialization is adopted (Huber and Stephens 2001; Swank 2002; Pontusson 2005; Streeck and Thelen 2005). The question motivated by this study is, then, what explains the variation of financialization reforms in social welfare? Since financialization generally exacerbates inequality, the answer is crucial to understanding how responsive welfare states are to rising inequality in a market-driven era. I argue that industrial relations systems determine how financialization practices are adopted and shape welfare state retrenchment. In countries with strong corporatist institutions, social partners (labor and business) adapt to the growing role of markets, all the while maintaining mutually beneficial labor market agreements, therefore, buffering the extent of retrenchment. On the one hand, strong unions and employer associations in corporatist countries solidify employee representation, incentivize employers to support social policies, and limit employers’ pursuit of self-serving financial interests at the expense of socially-desirable objectives. On the other hand, the stakeholder model of the firm is supportive of long-term financial and social goals like retirement and employment security in addition to the short-term goal of profitability. Although financialization efforts are indeed growing, corporatism tends to moderate the extent of welfare retrenchment. In short, I argue that macrocorporatism acts as a moderating variable between financialization and welfare retrenchment. I provide OLS regression analysis using panel data on nineteen OECD countries from 1975-2010. I look at the effect of macrocorporatism (a composite variable I construct using indicators for the level of collective bargaining, employer organizational density, union density, and union centralization from Jelle Visser’s ICTWSS database), financialization (the share of stock market capitalization of GDP), and an interactive term comprising the two, on the dependent variable—welfare generosity (using an index constructed by Scruggs, Jahn, and Kuitto (2017)). The main finding is that the effect of financialization on welfare generosity shrinks as macrocorporatism grows, and vise versa. I.e., there is a conditional relationship between macrocorporatism and financialization and statistical evidence of the buffering effect. In addition, I provide qualitative case studies of the US and Germany to capture more fine-grained variations of retrenchment. The case studies support the results of the statistical analysis by demonstrating divergent responses to the financialization of health insurance in the US on the one hand, and growing employer-based pensions in Germany on the other.

Name: Tem Alabi
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: National Open University of Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Gender and Politics: The Nigerian Experience
Abstract:
In most political discourse men are regarded as political or intellectual subjects while women continue to be largely marginalized from the political sphere. Nigerian women are still some distance away from gender equity and balancing and this is often as a result of discriminatory laws, practices, attitudes and gender stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to health care and the disproportionate effect of poverty on women. This paper examines these obstacles; it explores how women interact with political structures and how they mobilize themselves to impact the state, society, and legal systems as well as regional and international systems. Thus, it studies Nigerian women’s participation in the political arena, their challenges and struggles for their rights and their impact on their countries’ laws and policies drawing example from the American democracy. The paper further emphasises the importance of valuing women in a society that has long devalued their contributions with special reference to the emergence of a black female American president. It concludes that while women have made inroads in many areas, traditionally gendered needs should be recast in order to liberate women and recommends that the playing field needs to be level, opening opportunities for all. KEYWORDS: Culture, Gender, Democracy, Elections.

Name: Mehmet Evrim Altin
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: International University of bad honnef
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Modern Religion War in Turkey: Erdogan’s National Political Islam against Gülen’s Global Social Islam
Abstract:
Unlike the expectations of the founders of Turkish Republic, religion, specifically Islam, increased its power and influence in Turkish society exponentially especially after the nineteen- fifties. Two channels, such as Erbakan’s political Islamic movement, so-called National View, and Said Nursi’s social Islam movement, so-called Nur Movement, played crucial roles in this increase and despite the pressure of the secular state, they achieved remarkable success in expanding Islamic understanding to the society. Their followers, Erdogan from the political wing and Gülen from the social wing, used their legacies wisely and defeated the secular part of the society in the last two decades. However, unlike founders Erbakan and Said Nursi, Erdogan and Gülen started to fight in the political scene in Turkish society and today these two movements blame each other of being heretical and blasphemy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the main differences in these two movements and why these two movements waged war against each other despite their common religious understanding. A qualitative research design is used to study this issue. Semi-structured expert interviews are conducted with experts of the subject. The results show that because of the ideological differences between political Islam and social Islam approaches, there are remarkable differences between Erdogan and Gülen. Besides, both Erdogan and Gülen, transformed the legacies of Erbakan and Said Nursi from different perspectives. Erdogan mixed Erbakan’s international Islamic understanding with Turkish nationalism and built a national right wing alliance, which is promoting neo-Ottomanism. On the other hand, Gülen transformed Said Nursi’s local social Islamic understanding to an international social network with different type of institutions, such as schools, help organizations and interfaith-dialog institutions. His movement promotes global understanding based on global ethics and trade. Turkey and Turkish society inside and outside of Turkey are the major sources of these movements, which is one of the other reasons behind the fight, especially after the failed coup attempt. Keywords—Gülen Movement, Erdogan Administration, National View Movement, Political Islam, Social Islam, Nationalism.

Name: Ikenna Alumona
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Igbariam, Anambra State
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Aniche Ernest Federal University Otuoke, Bayesla State, Nigeria [email protected]
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Paper Title: Responsibility without power: Federalism and the Dilemma of Internal Security Management in Nigeria 
Abstract:
Security has taken the centre stage in political discourse in Nigeria like in most developing countries. Across the different geo political zones in the country, different factors of insecurity have continued to take a heavy toll on lives and properties. Yet, the challenge of maintaining security in the country is compounded by the nature and character of Nigeria’s federal governance structure that vests the sole constitutional responsibility of security maintenance on the federal government leaving the constituent states with no formal control over the security forces. This paper argues that the contradictions of Nigeria’s federal governance is not only undermining the maintenance of security but has compounded the inability of federal government to adequately supervise the pervasive and increasing involvement of vigilante groups, private security companies and ethnic militias in internal security management. Keywords: Security, Federalism, Internal Security Management and Governance.

Name: Yahaya Baba (Abubakar Mohammed - co-author)
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Abubakar Mohammed, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, [email protected]
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Paper Title: Legislative Institutionalization in Nigeria (1999-2019)
Abstract:
This study examines the trends and challenges of legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria from 1999 to 2019. Legislative institutionalisation is broadly assumed to be influenced by three major variables: legislative boundaries; internal complexity; and universal procedures of legislative decision making. Accordingly, the study is guided by three broad research questions: to what extent does boundedness influence legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria? to what extent does internal complexity affect legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria? to what extent does the Nigerian legislature adopt and implement universal legislative principles and procedures? These three broad questions formed the framework of analysis. The new institutionalism is adopted as the theoretical guide for the study. The blend of both formal and informal rules and practices explain the pattern of institutionalization of the Nigerian legislature. Methodologically, qualitative approach is adopted in the investigation with a case study design. Specifically, in-depth interviews and documentary evidence are the main instruments employed the purpose of data collection. The study is thus limited to the Nigeria’s National Assembly (NASS) (the two chambers of the House of Representatives and the Senate). Respondents are purposively selected for interviews. They include members of the two chambers of the National Assembly, legislative staff and aides, members of the Civil Society Organizations, Party Officials and experts. In the light of the preliminary analysis, the study found that the boundaries of NASS are porous. Other institutions and agencies directly and indirectly exercised tremendous influence on the legislature. The high membership and leadership turnover in both Houses of NASS indicates the extent of this porousness. This is caused largely by the lack of strong political parties, executive meddling, corruption and the formalisation of sharing and rotating political offices among the geo-political zones of the country. These factors also influenced the internal organisation of NASS, which undermines its internal complexity and makes the application of universal principle of legislative process difficult. Given these trends, the Nigerian legislature is unlikely to institutionalise along universal convention pattern. The greatest challenge therefore is the sharing and rotation of political offices, which is of course critical to the integration of the Nigerian state. Thus, the study contends that legislative institutionalisation could be achieved in Nigeria if corruption is curbed, political parties are strengthened and the extent to which legislative autonomy is guaranteed. The study concludes by identifying areas for further theoretical and empirical investigation. These include: comparative studies of state legislatures in northern and southern Nigeria and case studies of individual state legislatures in Nigeria. The homogeneity of states may reveal differing trends and challenges.

Name: Meseret /Macy Demissie
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: University of Ottawa
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-presenter info: Professor Meseret/Macy Demissie, PhD Sorbonne University (Paris-1) The University of Ottawa, School of Political Studies [email protected] [email protected]
Paper Title:  Global Governance of the Environment and the Role of International Law in Shaping World Politics: What are the Impacts of International Environmental Law on Nation- States’ Sovereignty over their Natural Resources Management?
Abstract:
This comparative analysis focuses on contemporary geopolitics and international security in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Since the early 1960s, there has been a growing demand for environmental protection around the world. There has been some progress in global environmental governance. But, at the same time, there is growing anxiety on the part of international society, both the State and non-state actors, due to the discrepancy of international norms and institutions governing international rivers and its impact on the economic development of nation-states sharing the same rivers basins. Using the cases study of the Nile River, (involving 11 states in North Africa and the Middle East), the Mekong River, and the Mesopotamian Rivers (the Euphrates and the Tigris), this paper seeks to comparatively examine the impact of international law on nation-States’ rights to economic development and their obligations to do ‘no harm’ to the other States national interests in the process, as well as the progress made in terms of global governance, particularly in the sphere of international water law. What are the Impacts of International environmental law on nation-states’ sovereignty over their natural resources management? In other words, what is the impact of international law on the States’ ability in managing their natural resources? Usually, weaker States rely on international law to defend their rights to economic development while hegemonic States use their military and economic might to impose their views. We postulate that power and influence always play a key role in global environmental governance. International law is shaped by great power politics and the balance of power that determines the outcome. And international water law will continue to reflect the reality of world politics on the ground rather than shaping world environmental politics. We will review research findings on the three case studies that are conducted between 1990 to 2020 so as to verify our hypothesis. The selected periods are of special interest due to the major shift that has occurred in global politics and world order since the 1990s. Keywords: Global governance, International Water Law, Power, Security, the Balance of Power, Natural Resources Management, Mekong River, the Nile, Tigris, and the Euphrates

Name: Amy Freedman
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Pace University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Naomi Eyassu, Pace University (Student) [email protected]
Co-presenter info: Naomi Eyassu, Pace University (student) [email protected]
Paper Title:  China’s Belt and Road Initiatives in Malaysia and Ethiopia
Abstract:
China's 'belt and road initiative' has prompted a great deal of concern both because of its significance for the growth and operationalization of Chinese power far from their own borders, and because of concerns about debt-trap diplomacy. What is less examined are the domestic political dynamics that underpin the desire for Chinese investment in participating countries. Both Malaysia and Ethiopia are multi-ethnic, multi-religious countries and these divisions are deeply embedded in political arrangements. Chinese BRI projects in both countries were agreed upon by political elites who believed their friends and allies would benefit from the projects. When new regimes came to power in both countries in 2018 there was considerable pressure to take tougher positions towards China and to renegotiate, or halt all together some of China's plans for the countries. Despite this popular pressure, it wasn't surprising that both leaders, Mahathir in Malaysia and Abiy in Ethiopia, got a few concessions from China and announced continued partnerships re-framed as victories for the new ruling powers. This paper examines how Chinese investment in both countries is deeply intertwined with their ethnic political economies and it examines why even under new political coalitions and new ruling elites, BRI projects continue. Our work looks at who is benefiting from these projects and how are they co-opted by elites for their own purposes.

Name: Changwook Ju
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Why Do Military Officers Condone Sexual Violence? Toward a General Theory of Commander Tolerance
Abstract:
Why do commanders tolerate sexual violence by subordinate soldiers? Preoccupied with soldiers’ motives, commander tolerance is mostly taken for granted in existing explanations for military sexual violence (MSV). I argue that, to understand MSV that recurs despite its formal prohibition, scholars must specify conditions under which commanders tolerate it. I build on recent departures from existing principal–agent models of MSV to construct a theoretical framework for commander tolerance and derive its implications for a general theory. Its core theoretical proposal is that commander tolerance hinges on micro-level factors that predispose individual commanders to tolerating MSV, meso-level factors that arise from their interactions with their subordinates, peer commanders, and supervisors, and macro-level factors that surround commanders and create disincentives to effective punishment. In practice, commanders often have ample socio-military incentives to tolerate MSV, while the effects of their successful punishment are unlikely to stand out as an achievement and/or only expose existing command failures. This article—despite its focus on MSV—represents the first systematic cut at a general theory of commander tolerance for a prohibited form of violence.

Name: Uchechukwu Ojukwu
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Igbariam, Anambra State, Nigeria.
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Challenges of Political Leadership in Africa: The Study of Nigeria
Abstract:
The main thrust of this paper is to examines the extent to which poor and inept leadership have over the years, adversely affected the development of Nigeria as a nation. It argues that Nigeria’s failures have come about largely as a result of frequent leadership challenges; lack of ideology, policy reversal and weak institutional patterns. The study adopts descriptive approach and content analysis as its methodological orientation. Africa is a continent of huge contrasts, albeit a paradox that it is the richest in terms of resources yet the poorest in terms of living standards. Several factors have been offered to explain the apparent failure of development in the continent, more than any, the issue of leadership remains central to Africa's development crisis. This paper argues leadership problems as the greatest obstacle to development in the continent, hence, the decline in moral and high level of corruption caused by bad policies, eroded professional standards and ethics and weakened the system of governance. The paper observes that for Nigeria to overcome the crises of leadership in the country, those on whom the burden of leadership will fall in the future must fully comprehend their responsibilities, duties and obligation. The paper opines that in order to solve the nation’s intractable leadership and governance challenges conclusively, the country needs a true and transparent transformational leadership structure which will drive the political and governmental system for effective and efficient political leadership and governance that will ultimately usher in genuine and verifiable development for the overall benefit of the entire citizenry. Keywords: Political Leadership, Development, Good Governance, Africa and Nigeria.

Name: Iraj Rahimpourasl
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yazd University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  South Caucasus
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Aseeye Sadat Abdolahzade, Bachelor's of Science student in International Relations, Islamic Azad University, Shahreza Branch
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Paper Title:  South Caucasus: strategic Threats or opportunities facing Iran
Abstract:
The complicated patterns of relations of Trans-regional powers in regional security complex of the South Caucasus, on one hand, and weak state of factors of region geopolitics, on the other hand, leave countries of the region in a state of insecurity, As a result, either behavior of these countries is even more aggressive in the international arena, or they seek an alliance with regional or trans-regional powers, The presence of trans-regional powers is also associated with contradiction and spread of threats, therefore, in case of strike with wonder and failure to act in a timely manner, serious consequences will await the national interests and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Hence, the patterns of relations between the trans-regional powers and the strategic threats or opportunities facing Iran in the South Caucasus have been studied by using Barry Buzan’s Regional Security Complex Theory. Findings of study show that; A), The countries of the South Caucasus seek to establish military alliances with trans-regional powers to strengthen their military power, which conflict inherently with Iran's national security and national interests in the region. C) Turning the nature of opportunities into threats, to prevent the restoration of Iran's regional and international position.

Name: Krishnan Raman
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: None [ Retired ]
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Some Political Issues Relating to Place and Movement
Abstract:
This paper discusses political issues relating to an Individual’s Right to a Place and a Right to Free-Movement. Such issues should be addressed at a human level, and not within existing formal structures and rules. a. The Right to a Place: What decides the right to belong to a community, or to dwell in a land ? Who decides , and lays down the rules ?b. The Right to Move, to Migrate, in order to make possible building a new life. Can Immigration to another land be considered a right ?A Possible Rationale – based on Fairness :Resources worldwide are not available equitably. What can justify that people in one land enjoy abundant resources, while people in another barely subsist ? Is it just that they got there first ? Did that also give them the right to prevent others from coming in ?The apparent dominant world-view -- the people who came first had full ownership rights, and the right to pass them on to descendants.– But don’t people in need have a moral right to a place to live in ? For a land with large resources – should it not have a duty to accommodate newcomers in need ? Such as People with Inadequate living conditions in their own land, or Refugees. How do we set up a framework.balancing the requirements of Fairness and Resource Availability ?---Different underlying world-views : a. An Isolationist ‘Island’ view – each nation is like an independent island and fends for itself.b. A broad inclusive view -- that all are interconnected and interdependent.Globalization -- To some it meant that the world was one’s domain for making profit. To others it meant a genuine move towards extended interaction and exchange for the benefit of all.Transnational Communities: A community need not be defined by a common spatial location. They may be “Imagined Communities”. Historical examples : Sharing the “White Man’s Burden” ; OR Belonging to the same faith, e.g. Christianity or Islam.The Diasporas in today’s world can provide a strong community force.The Internet and Social Media for creating Virtual Communities in Cyberspace: These can create large communities, and also provide a strong political force.The Need for New World-Views and ParadigmsHow can we make the equitable sharing of Resources, including Land, a Norm in our Thinking ? How can the resource-rich “Have” communities and Nations be persuaded to share resources with “Have-Not” communities and nations ? And the historically dominant role of Power and Military & Economic Might -- can they be countered and softened ? New paradigms need to be generated which will help move the world toward such a transformation. Perhaps a combination of a Moral Approach – a new meta-level Human Ethic ; together with the unifying forces of multiple Diasporas; and wide-ranging pervasive Virtual Communities made possible by the Internet and Social Media , can help us chart a road toward a more inclusive, interconnected, world society, based on Fairness and equitable sharing.

Name: Diogo Santos
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Federal University of Maranhão-Brazil
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics 
Panel Description: This panel presents a set of views on different aspects of contemporary Brazil. The most populated country and largest economy of Latin America boasts a vibrant and complex society, but also faces daring challenges in some of the areas covered by this panel: government branch relations, corporate compliance, corruption fighting, environmental and urban design.
Co-author info: 1-José Humberto Gomes OLIVEIRA Full professor Federal University of Maranhão 2-Lucas Diego Fabiano FERREIRA Practitioner Bachelor of Laws (LLB) Federal University of Maranhão
Co-presenter info: 1-José Humberto Gomes OLIVEIRA Full professor Federal University of Maranhão 2-Lucas Diego Fabiano FERREIRA Practitioner Bachelor of Laws (LLB) Federal University of Maranhão
Paper Title:  Adoption of children of long-term convicted and imprisioned parentsin Brazil: Children's rights and interests, regulation and best practices.
Abstract:
This casework research intends to investigate the perils and damages to child development within the prison environment. When parents, or legal guardians, are subject to long-term convictions and imprisonment, it may be in the best interest of children (especially infants) to be directed to immediate adoption in order to avoid their exposure to indignant living conditions at Brazilian prisons. In order to achieve the proposed objective, this research describes the living conditions of the prison system in Brazil and the process of imprisonment, focusing on the physical and psychological conditions to which convicted individuals are exposed. In sequence, we discuss the Human Rights of parents, adopters, and adoptees, in the Global, Pan-American and Brazilian legal scopes, especially the treatment given by the 1988 Brazilian Constitution and the Brazilian Statute of the Child and Adolescent. Finally, we discuss the Brazilian State's responsibility in promoting conditions for the children to develop with dignity, in a protected and nurturing environment, the promotion and protection of parents' civil rights, and the adoption as a means to avoid the imprisonment of children and adolescents who have not been convicted.

Name: Yunus Sozen
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Le Moyne college
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 5
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Eylem Dogan, MEF University, Istanbul. [email protected]
Co-presenter info: Eylem Dogan, MEF University, Istanbul. [email protected]
Paper Title:  Populism, Resentment, and Ressentiment
Abstract:
In this paper, we focus on the relationship of two polemical concepts, resentment and populism, as well their connections with democracy and authoritarianism. To inquire upon this relationship, we first overview the populism literature and the uses of the concept of resentment in that literature, covering the debates on populism’s definition, origins, and relationship with democracy and authoritarianism. We observe that, in the literature on populism, resentment is mainly utilized to describe the negative emotion that leads to the rise of the so-called ‘noxious’ political phenomenon of populism, while there is a lacuna in the study of the relationship between populism-in-power and resentment. We then make two arguments concerning the interrelations of these two concepts, utilizing the Argentinean and Turkish cases of populism-in-power as illustrations. First, we argue that populism defined as a socio-cultural phenomenon, relates better with the concept of resentment and its theoretical background than other political strategic or ideological definitions of the concept. Our second argument connects resentment with populism-in-power in a modern democratic institutional framework. Building on Tocqueville’s insight that in modern democracies, the combination of political equality with persistent inequalities of social and economic power provide a fertile ground for envy-resentment, we argue that populism-in-power exacerbates already existing resentment-generating conditions of democracy. This occurs because of the tendency for populists-in-power to hyperpoliticize socio-cultural differences, their promise of redemption in this world through politics without delivering equality of power, and their rhetoric of victimhood while in power. Finally, utilizing Ure’s conceptual framework that distinguishes among different forms of resentment, we argue that populism-in-power (especially its right-wing forms) is the vehicle that potentially transforms (or degenerates) ‘socio-political resentment’ to ‘ontological ressentiment’.

Name: Egbe Tandu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: College Of Education, Akampka
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Tandu , Mary Anyie (M.Ed) Department of Social Studies, Cross River State College of Education, Akamkpa. Nigeria. Abeki, Sunny Okoro.(Ph.D). Deputy Rector , Institute of Tourism and Hospitality. Yenagoa, Beyelsa State..
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Paper Title:  Underdeveloment And Dependency
Abstract:
Abstract Underdevelopment and dependency are two words that are inter-related, underdevelopment gives rise to dependency. We all know that these concepts are prevalent in Nigeria as a developing country. It is certain that Nigeria is an independent country, but it does not possessed the trappings of an independent country since the super structures that formed the society and state are controlled from outside the shores of Nigeria. Literally, Nigeria is independent, but in practical terms Nigeria is dependent on foreign influences of our colonial masters who tele-guide every thing Nigeria does politically, economically, socially and culturally. Politically, Nigeria adopted British style of governance and currently American style. Economically, Nigeria adopted capitalism which is controlled by foreigners and has contributed in crippling Nigerian economy, socially and culturally, Nigerians copy foreign ways and values and our own ways and values are pushed to the background and suffer inferiority complex to the foreign ways and values. Nigeria falls back to the western Nations for loans and grants which have made us debtor and dependent nation to the west. One can go on and on without end. This paper therefore, attempt to look at the case of Nigeria as it relates to the concepts of underdevelopment and dependency. The paper adopted the Historical/ Descriptive and Prescriptive approaches in the discussion. The layout is as follows: Introduction, Synopses, X-ray the problems thrown up by underdevelopment and dependency in Nigeria and finally, the prognoses. KEY WORDS: Underdevelopment, Dependency, Nation, Synopses,

Name: Alice Timken
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Comparative Analyses: Nationalism in Effect
Panel Description: This panel looks at civic and ethnic nationalist programs in strategy, means, and outcome ("effect") through comparative analysis, with emphasis on nationalism as a multi-level, rather than rhetorical, phenomenon.
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info: Rahul Thayil; [email protected] (separate paper, on panel)
Paper Title: Networks, Access and Competition: Immigrant Social Capital and Refugee Integration
Abstract:
What factors facilitate successful refugee integration? Might co-nationals, meaning individuals from the same country, support the integration process? It appears refugees are asking the same questions. Almost one fifth of refugees in the US opt for in-country secondary migration, often correlating with two factors: a destination’s relatively low unemployment rate and its existing co-national network. Combined, these pull factors can be understood to indicate sources of social capital to migrating refugees, who seek larger and higher quality co-national networks to provide greater access to resources. While extant quantitative studies hold that co-national social capital has a positive effect on immigrant economic integration, it is less clear how it affects non-economic integration types, which are also crucial to substantive community membership. Conducted within a social capital theory framework, this large-N comparative analysis utilizes a quasi-natural experiment to examine the effect of a state’s share of co-nationals and employment rate on three types of refugee integration: economic, linguistic and navigational. My results suggest that co-national social capital is influential in immigrant integration and that the variables that refugees often prioritize during secondary migration – low unemployment rate and existing co-national network – may effectively encourage multiple types of immigrant integration. This is the first large-N quantitative study to emphasize the relationship between co-national networks and non-economic immigrant integration outcomes. Additionally, it contributes to the literature on immigrant integration by adopting a social capital theory framework and has immediate implications for US refugee policy.

Name: Godwin Unanka
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: [email protected]
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Imo State University, Owerri - Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Juliet A. Ndoh Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] And Paschal Igboeche-Onyenweigwe, PhD Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]
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Paper Title:  Bottom-Up Participatory Governance and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: Extrapolating the Indissolubility of Village Governments in New York State
Abstract:
ABSTRACT In the midst of claims to democracy and participatory governance in developed and developing countries of the world, this paper examines the link between participatory governance and sustainable development (1) to determine the type of participatory governance preferred and perceived to be the appropriate form of true democracy for achievement of sustainable development in two cross-ethnic states of Imo and Akwa-Ibom, Nigeria, and (2) by extrapolation, to explain the indissolubility of village governments in the state of New York, USA. In pursuit of these objectives, the study assumes that while the people (citizens) yearn for bottom-up (community-grown) participatory governance in developing countries, village-community governments, when established in developing and relatively developed democracies, are indissoluble. Accordingly, if bottom-up (community-based) participatory governance is a preferred true democratic strategy for achievement of sustainable development in a developing state/country, it will explain resistance to the dissolution of village-community government in a developing or developed democracy. Using a descriptive-survey-correlational design and a randomly selected sample of 904 indigenes/residents of two cross-ethnic states of Nigeria, the study found that in Imo and Akwa Ibom States of Nigeria, the people perceive and prefer the Bottom-Up Community-Grown Participatory Governance as a form of True Participatory Democracy at the Local Government Level of governance for the achievement of Sustainable Development. The push for the dissolution and consolidation of village and town governments in New York State makes fiscal sense, but from a noneconomic perspective of community-survival, albeit, perspective of achievement of good governance and participatory true democracy, it becomes even more explainable why the citizens are likely to reject the dissolution of village governments. Accordingly, the paper recommends for Nigeria: (1) That the Bottom-Up Community-Grown Participatory Governance (albeit, village-community form of governments) should be established in states yearning for such, to replace the current dysfunctional local government system and accordingly facilitate the achievement of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (2016-2030) in Nigeria, and (2) To sustain grass root participatory democracy in New York State, village governments should be preserved and even where the citizens vote for dissolution for fiscal considerations, the village government could be consolidated in the town government while preserving the village-community identity therein to retain its indissoluble role in bottom-up community-grown participatory governance.