Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Gentiana Çileposhi
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: gentiana.memia@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Ana2011
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Is USA a political power or economic power country
Abstract:
Abstract: Is America a political power or a economic power country . What is economic power? It is the power to produce and to trade what one has produced. In a free economy, where no man or group of men can use physical coercion against anyone, economic power can be achieved only by voluntary means: by the voluntary choice and agreement of all those who participate in the process of production and trade. In a free market, all prices, wages, and profits are determined—not by the arbitrary whim of the rich or of the poor, not by anyone’s “greed” or by anyone’s need—but by the law of supply and demand. The mechanism of a free market reflects and sums up all the economic choices and decisions made by all the participants. Men trade their goods or services by mutual consent to mutual advantage, according to their own independent, uncoerced judgment. A man can grow rich only if he is able to offer better values—better products or services, at a lower price—than others are able to offer. Now let me define the difference between economic power and political power: economic power is exercised by means of a positive, by offering men a reward, an incentive, a payment, a value; political power is exercised by means of a negative, by the threat of punishment, injury, imprisonment, destruction. The businessman’s tool is values; the bureaucrat’s tool is fear. But nearly 400 years ago, the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes wrote that peace and security among the people were impossible without a government to enforce them. In his new book A Case for Goliath: How America Acts as a World Government in the 21st Century, Michael Mandelbaum, a political analyst at Johns Hopkins University, writes that after the Cold War, the United States played an important role in maintaining world order. This offers guarantees. Their military presence suppresses suspicions in Europe and Asia that would otherwise be felt and could lead to unintended political turmoil. The United States is leading the fight to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to dangerous regimes or groups. " According to Professor Madelbaum, America also offers these services in the international economy.America's role, he says, brings benefits because it provides products to the public even without controlling the politics or economics of other societies. So why do so many people in the United States and around the world criticize this kind-hearted Goliath? Political interests, particular policy disputes and cultural differences are some of the reasons Mr Mandelbaum offers. But some analysts disagree.Benjamin Barber, a professor at the University of Maryland, says the United States often acts more as a dominant power than a government.“American hegemony brings some benefits to people. It can bring police control and security, cash for aid and banks, etc. And, normally, a rich country can do things that poor countries can't do. But they do so to the detriment of freedom, autonomy, justice and even the participation of people to govern their future, which is the true meaning of democracy. "Professor Barber says regime changes from the United States to Iraq and Afghanistan are examples of America imposing its will on other countries. What the world needs, says Mr Barber, is a multinational governing body to tackle global issues such as energy supply, pollution, natural disasters, epidemics and conflicts. Meanwhile, emerging regional powers such as China and the European Union are trying to have more international influence. But so far, neither has the economic strength, political will or military power to reach an international consensus to take the lead in the world community. So if the United States were to reduce its role in international relations, most analysts warn that the world could become more dangerous and less prosperous.


Name: Joshua Meddaugh, Ph.D.
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: joshuameddaugh@clayton.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Clayton State University
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Co-author info: ,Jason Davis, Ph.D. Clayton State University Lisa Holland-Davis, Ph.D. Clayton State University
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Paper Title:  4th and Downs: An Economic Theory of Governance and the NCAA
Abstract:
Anthony Downs (1957) created an economic theory of governmental decision-making which argues that the social function of government, to formulate and carry out polices, is a by-product of political parties private motivations, which is to increase their “income, power, and prestige” (p. 137). Working on this theory, we argue that the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) is an association in name only and is acting as a government agency that is seeking only to maximize their private interest which is income, power, and prestige. We argue that the member institutions (political parties) of the NCAA not only recognize, but willingly accept and promote, the NCAA in order to protect their own private motivations while maintaining the veil of amateurism (McCormick & McCormick 2008 ). Ultimately, this work seeks to rightfully classify the NCAA as a government and unveil the nature of this agency’s decision-making.


Name: Joshua Sandman
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jsandman@newhaven.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Univ. of New Haven
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Trump As Populist President: A Perspective For Understanding the Trump Presidency  
Abstract:
I contend that the Trump Presidency needs to be understood as a populist presidency. As a populist Trump continues to reach out to common citizens who believe that their interests and concerns have not been addressed by established government, economic, and social institutions. His actions in office, narrative campaign rallies,, and public persona are all oriented towards his supportive and loyal base -- the white working class (especially in small towns and rural areas), conservative republicans, Evangelical Christians, and social and cultural conservatives. I study the Trump presidency and other modern presidents attempting a populist presidential framework. Please Note: I am a Saturday Sabbath observer and would greatly appreciate (if my paper is accepted for presentation) being assigned to an early Friday morning panel.



Comparative Politics

Name: Muzammal Afzal
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: muzammal.afzaal@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Applied Economics Research Centre, Karachi Pakistan
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: : Political Economy of Foreign Aid, Corruption and Economic Development: A case study of South Asian countries
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Capital transfers when bypassed in absence of a transparency mechanism and accountability, become a source of exacerbating corruption in the recipient country which rather than contributing to a country’s economic growth, damages it. Historical and analytical analysis of foreign aid gives an important insight regarding usage of foreign aid politico-economic tool in diplomatic relations. As evident, the agenda based funding has several political and economic reasons behind it involving many powerful authorities in between, which becomes a source of degeneration for the economy of recipient country. In the light of previously conducted studies supporting or in disagreement with the following assumptions, this study examines the influence of foreign aid recipients in the presence of corruption in South Asia. Specifically, this study investigates the individual impact of foreign aid and corruption on economic growth in the South-Asian region. The study takes into account the fundamentals related to foreign aid allocation which are often neglected. The research employs panel data of four selected South Asian countries i.e. Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh from the time period 1984-2013. Study has estimated joint effect of foreign aid on corruption on economic growth. This study has estimated the magnitude of impact of foreign aid on corruption separately. Growth model and investment model has been employed to gauge the influence of foreign aid on economic growth . Impact of corruption of economic growth has been estimated through Corruption-Growth model. Based on the renowned Dickey-Fuller procedure the Im, Pesaran and Shin (IPS) has been employed for unit testing. Estimation results of corruption-foreign aid model suggest that there is positive and significant relation between foreign aid and corruption. Hausman test is also employed to select an appropriate method of estimation. Results indicate to an alarming situation of failure of capital transfers in improving human development in recipient country. Findings on the study suggest that, i) Foreign aid has a significant and positive relation with corruption in South Asian countries.. ii) Foreign aid has negatively influenced the economic development of the South Asian countries. The results of this study are in alignment with the non-extensionist school of thought and further affirms its claim that, the foreign aid propels a negative impact on the administration and development of the recipient country. These results are statistically significant and robust to various estimation techniques.i


Name: Sule Toktas
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sule@khas.edu.tr
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Kadir Has University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: NARRATIVES OF MIGRATION: A CASE STUDY ON TURKEY
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Turkey, due to its changing status in international migratory movements in the past decades, has become both a country of transit for migration from the nearby geographies to Europe and a host country providing temporary protection for different immigrant groups. There are different types of migrants (irregular, illegal, student, refugee, etc.) and multi-layered push factors (economic, marriage/family unification, security, etc.). What’s more, a significant volume of foreign population has emerged in the country after the mass influx of asylum seekers and refugees since the Syrian Civil War. In due course of the diversification in migrants and migratory processes, there arose a multiplicity of discourses and narratives on and about international migration in the public sphere of Turkey. The migrants are represented as victims, criminals, threats to the national economy or opportunity for a higher hand in international negotiations. One might speak of free oscillation of discourse and narrative blocks related to migrants/asylum seekers/refugees which are at times complementary and generic but at other times decompositionary and straticulated. The presentation aims to portray the discourse and narrative blocks on and about international migration circulating in the public sphere of Turkey. In light of the relationship that the society builds with these discourse and narrative blocs, the presentation aims to discuss the sources and the contexts of the social and political ecosystem.


Name: Charmaine Willis
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: cwillis@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Kimberly Turner, Southern Illinois University, turnerk@siu.edu
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Paper Title:  Repression by Proxy: State-Sanctioned Sexual Violence of Protesters in Sudan and Zimbabwe
Abstract:
The use of rape as a weapon of war by both governmental forces and insurgents is a wide-spread and age-old method of spreading terror and undermining support for the other side. For studies of regime-perpetuated sexual violence, the typical context is armed or violent civil unrest or sexual violence against individual activists while in regime custody. Journalistic reporting of systemic government-sanctioned rape policies as a preventative repression measure against peaceful protests has been less common, and less studied. This year in Zimbabwe and Sudan, top brass advocated rape against peaceful female protesters as a destabilizing maneuver against nascent nonviolent movements. The Sudanese policy of rape as a deterrence aimed to neutralize male protesters by visiting sexual violence upon female bodies. In doing so, this policy failed to account for the majoritarian role women played in these protests. We therefore ask the question: when do states resort to sexual violence to deter protests? In street protests where women are the dominant initiators, are governmental sexual violence policies effective? By examining the use of rape as a repression tactic in Sudan and Zimbabwe, this study contributes to our understanding about the strategic use of rape outside of civil unrest and the influence of protesters’ characteristics on states’ decisions to repress.



History and Politics

Name: Hugo Bonin
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: bonin.hugo@courrier.uqam.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Université du Québec à Montréal
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  British Readings of Tocqueville’s Democracy in America in the 19th Century
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Alexis de Tocqueville’s two volume Democracy in America (1835, 1840) has been the subject of countless analyses. Widely considered to have popularized the understanding of “democracy” as a type of society with “an almost complete equality of condition”, the reception of Tocqueville’s ideas had been studied in a variety of contexts (notably in France and the United-States, but also recently as far as China and Japan). Few, however, have looked at its impact on British politics. While from 1835 onwards John Stuart Mill and numerous Radicals famously praised the work as showcasing the strength of popular government, it was also hailed by Conservatives as proof of the dangers of “democracy”, an ominous word in Britain at the time. This twofold interpretation of the Frenchman continued for much of the 19th century. As late as the 1890s, adversaries such as Fabian Sidney Webb and Whig William Lecky could both claim Tocqueville in support of their respective arguments on the future of democracy. As part of an ongoing research on the history of the word “democracy” in 19th century Britain, this communication explores the reception and the impact of Democracy in America’s first seventy years. More precisely, through a study of parliamentary debates, of the periodical press and of political treatises, the dual nature of the British response to Tocqueville’s work is assessed. Both ends of the political spectrum claimed Tocqueville as one of their own for much of the period understudy – although he eventually entered the Liberal pantheon at the end of the century. This raises issues of translations of the book itself, but also of how political actors reinterpret concepts to fit their own frameworks and agendas. Besides, this ambiguous reception of Tocqueville underlines the ambivalence of the British political class regarding “democracy” for much of the 19th century.


Name: Sofia Sedergren
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ssedergren@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: The Graduate Center, City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Swedish Migration Politics: Have the Sweden Democrats Taken Over the Political Agenda
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The Sweden Democrats’ anti-immigration rhetoric has gained increased influence over Swedish politics in recent years as mainstream parties have adopted an increasingly restrictive attitude towards immigration. Despite this rapprochement to the Sweden Democrats, mainstream parties continue to articulate their opposition to the party. My research examines if and how the Sweden Democrats have impacted mainstream parties’ immigration rhetoric in their election manifestos, and if changes on immigration postures have impacted political issues related to immigration, such as foreign policy and welfare; I also assess if the Sweden Democrats have introduced new policy issues and views to the political discourse. I examine 18 election manifestos published by the three largest parties in Sweden: the Moderates (Moderaterna, mainstream right party), the Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterna, mainstream left party), and the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, right-wing party) between 1998-2018. The analysis consists of two components. First, I conduct an analysis of the frequency of immigration rhetoric in the parties’ election manifestos, followed by a qualitative content analysis of the election manifestos. I discover that, while the Sweden Democrats have successfully impacted the debate on immigration and directly related issues, by making mainstream parties more restrictive towards immigration, the party has been unable to introduce new political issues or influence mainstream parties’ positions on topics which do not relate to immigration. I further conclude that the convergence between the Sweden Democrats and mainstream parties occurs in both directions; while mainstream parties are moving closer to the Sweden Democrats’ immigration posture, the Sweden Democrats are also becoming more mainstream by developing policy positions on issues other than immigration.


Name: Harvey Strum
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: strumh@sage.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Sage Colleges (officially we are going back to being called Russell Sage College)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: None
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Paper Title:  Warships as Messengers of Charity in 1847
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In 1847 a debate developed in Congress and in the public about sending aid to Ireland and Scotland during the Great Famine. A bill proposing $500,000 in direct aid sponsored by Whigs in the House and Senate passed the Senate with bipartisan support. President Polk threatened to veto it because he viewed foreign aid an unconstitutional use of public funds---enough Democrats went along with him to kill it in the House. Public pressure led members of Congress to suggest an alternative loan two warships, Jamestown, and Macedonian, to carry privately raised relief supplies from Boston and New York City, respectively. A proposal by an Assemblyman to grant public funds in New York also lost to the constitutional objections. However, the city of New York followed its own foreign policy and voted $5,000 of public funds to purchase over 1,000 barrels of flour to ship to Ireland. A debate developed in New York City over whether to send relief supplies on privately chartered ships or use the Macedonian. This became a major issue in New York, Albany, Brooklyn, and New Jersey. New York City emerged as the major center for food shipments to Ireland and Scotland in 1847 and more ships left NYC than any other American port and more money was raised in NYC as NY Committee became a national committee that raised relief supplies from as far west as Wisconsin and a diversity of ethnic and religious groups, including the oldest Jewish congregation in the US and the "red brethren" of the Choctaw nation. The paper will discuss some of these issues and the voyages of the Jamestown and Macedonian. By the way, this was the only time in the history of the American Navy it loaned warships to be crewed and commanded by private citizens. The United States emerged in 1847 as the leader in international philanthropy. We would send privately raised relief supplies to Ireland during food shortages in 1862-63 and the Little FAMINE IN 1879-80 when we sent the Constellation with privately raised supplies to Ireland.



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Mohammad Haque
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: mohammad.haque@uconn.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Connecticut
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Masquerades of Security Assistance: Security Measures and Beyond
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Although security assistance has become a key part of building security measures based on the states’ perceived security threats from external, trans-national and internal actors, its delivery has erupted a major debate and controversy based on its purpose and usage. Some argue that security assistance mechanism helps the recipient countries to defend security threats and sustain internal stability, and benefits the donor countries to protect their partners and allies across the globe. Others maintain that security assistance deteriorates internal stability and increases sufferings to the mass population in the recipient nations. Following human rights perspectives, the current study explores how and why the security assistance delivery mechanism is masquerading its actual purpose and roles while intending to develop security measures. Findings indicate that this mechanism benefits the minority - donors and the governments of recipient countries - while disregarding mass people’s rights especially gender equality, children’s and indigenous people’s rights. Thus, in the name of developing security measures, it is actually hampering the overall development process in the recipient nations.


Name: Daniel Weisz Argomedo
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: dweiszar@uci.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of California Irvine
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Hactivism: Redefining What Activists Can Do
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The importance of this project is to show that hacktivism has redefined the boundaries of what activists can do as well as the theoretical preconceptions of what is necessary to cause meaningful change and the creation of powerful social movements. The first chapter presents a literature review on social movement theory, that provides the theoretical context for the questions I explore in subsequent chapters. The following chapters are divided into three main research questions. Chapter Two addresses the first question: How does the non-territorial domain of cyberspace create new opportunities for activism? I argue that the Internet represents a unique location in which hacktivists engage each other and have bearing on the physical world and on the Internet itself. The research question I pose in Chapter Three is: How is power manifest differently in hacktivism compared to other forms of social movement strategy? This question follows the premise that social movements require large numbers of individuals to exercise greater impact. Hacktivists integrate individuals who are not technically adept at hacking into their activities. However, a single technically adept individual could cause as much if not more impact than a large group of individuals. The final research question I explore in Chapter Four is the following: Does hacktivism possess any distinct advantages over other forms of social movement protest, and if so, what are they? I show that the answer to this question has to do with the flexibility of hacktivism, which allows activists to use it effectively, on a global scale, against practically any target.


Name: Aaron Zack
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: azack@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: John Jay College and Baruch College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: none
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Paper Title:  Russian- German Relations: the German View
Abstract:
The content and course of Russo- German relations will partially determine whether Europe maintains its prosperity and security, or slides into a chronic state of political, economic, and military conflict. The importance of Russo- German relations is not novel. The estrangement of Russia and Germany contributed towards the outbreak of the First World War, and the alternating conflict and cooperation between Soviet Russia and Germany were decisive in precipitating and limiting subsequent European and global conflicts. This paper will present and analyze the results of interviews of German foreign policy officials, academics, and think tank staff who focus on Russo- German relations. The interviews were conducted in Berlin in 2018. The interviews explore German perspectives on Russo- German relations. German policies will then be analyzed within the historical context of conflict and cooperation between Germany and Russia. This research was funded by a grant from the City University of New York.



Political Theory

Name: Claudia Favarato
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cfavarato@iscsp.ulisboa.pt
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The origin of the state, the origin of the tribe. Navigating endogenous ideas on the political system
Abstract:
Keeping in mind the interplay between political science and studies on Africa, I aim to address the approaches herein adopted to analyse the concept of the political, taking into account configurations beyond the mere state. To do so, I firstly recall the canons of political science, underpinned in eminently western epistemology, and then look at the contribution of African and Africanist scholars on the same topic. The explanatory epistemological approach guides my critique, grounded in analytical analysis of the available literature, corroborated by fieldwork data gathered through non-participant observation and interviews with local informants. According to the canons of political science as a discipline, as well as for the international order, the state is assumed as the normative model. It shapes daily politics, and how studies and analysis are structured. Beyond the surge to universality in theoretical and practical terms, in the African continent the state is not the outcome of native political structures’ development, but it is a foreign importation or the inheritance of colonial occupation. Scholarship of the latest 20th century pinpointed the character of alienness of the state and the inappropriateness of the related models of analysis. The problem thus lays not on the veracity of the canons’ underlying assumptions, but on their comprehensiveness. African and Africanist scholars counter-responded the canons with the elaboration of normative models of forms of organization for the sovereign power, articulated within the theoretical frame of communitarianism, African socialism and moral-oriented Ubuntu. Although, critics extensively pointed that such theorizations rely on anachronistic and nostalgic ideas of traditional societies that long ago existed, thus intertwining logical analysis with imagined notions of a cherished past. Moreover, the African socialism experiments of the national leaders going “back to the roots” too often served the aims of one-party, authoritarian regimes in their run for power. During fieldwork, I researched on the state and indigenous polities in Guinea-Bissau. The former is a formal and institutionalized configuration of power, largely modelled upon the western majoritarian democracy model (although it is a weak entity and overall dysfunctional in its implementation). Contrary-wise, the local-traditional power is an unrecognized system laying in the twilight of informality yet strongly legitimated by the people. it deeply differs from the state, since foundations of endogenous power provide for a relational model that discards the assumptions of western individualism. They conceive the relationship between individual and community/state onto peculiar - pluralistic and semi-physical - patterns instead. To unriddle these foundations is an essential step to understand configuration of power in Guinea-Bissau, as in other African realities. In light of the exposed, I intend to discuss the production of political science knowledge and research on the Africa continent. Departing from the case of the state and indigenous power in Guinea-Bissau, I will unfold my argument avoiding, on the one hand, culturally dependent western-centric premises and, on the other hand, an analysis grounded on cherished societies devoid of underpinnings in my considerations.


Name: Robert Patrick Whelan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: rwhelan1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Binghamton
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Policy Design and Incommensurability: A Contractualist Response to ‘Sacred Values’.
Abstract:
Political commentators such as Cass Sunstein argue that policies are optimal when constrained by the regulatory principle first enshrined in Reagan’s Executive Order 12291. Appealing to a form of welfare consequentialism, this principle claims that economically significant regulations are justified only if they secure an expected net-benefit. However, the justificatory role afforded to cost-benefit analysis can be criticized for its failure to adequately address the claims of society’s most vulnerable members. Ex ante contractualism offers an appealing alternative as it affords the aggregation of costs and benefits no role in justifying governmental policies. On this view, principles of action and the policies they licence can be justified only if no individual could reasonably reject them in favour of any alternative. Often, justifying social and economic practices requires redistributing expected costs and benefits so that no individual can reject the associated principle as overly burdensome. However, in detailing how the redistribution of benefits can mitigate individual objections, contractualism appears implicitly ‘monist’ in its understanding of value; all accounts suggest that individual complaints and the benefits provided to offset them are reducible to, and measurable in terms of, a singular value, typically individual welfare. Critics argue that presupposing incommensurability precludes the rational comparison and substitution of values required to mitigate ex ante objections. Drawing on contemporary research in social and moral psychology I argue that rational comparisons and substitutions between incommensurable values is possible. However, this empirical literature raises distinct challenges which suggest further modifications to the contractualist account. Importantly, the psychological commitment to ‘sacred values’ suggests that certain trade-offs are morally forbidden. As such, the contours of permissible substitutions must be delineated with respect to the ‘taboo’ and ‘tragic’ trade-offs generated by ‘sacred values’. The import of this analysis is that regulatory bodies must contend with the possibility that even non-aggregative trade-offs necessarily involve moral wrongdoing.



Identity Politics

Name: Cyril Ghosh
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: cyril.ghosh@wagner.edu
Professional Status:
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Test
Panel Description: Test
Co-author info: Test
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Paper Title:  Test
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Test


Name: Ikechukwu Nwosu
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: iyknwosu@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  AFRICAN ENTRANCE IN THE WORLD CAPITALIST ECONOMY: TRENDS AND TRANSFORMATION IN NIGERIA
Abstract:
Africa economy is embroiled in a deep economic crises irrespective of her abundant human and natural resources. In Nigeria, this trend is partly due to successive leaders’ inability to unlock the potential for capitalist development and intensive industrialization. There is therefore the need to investigate on the aspects of Africa’s entrance in the world capitalist economy with particular emphases on the trends and transformations in Nigeria. This study focuses on the trends of entrance by Nigeria in the world economy by drawing judgment from the resource curse theory. The theory buttressed that abundance of resources rather than stimulation of economic development can act as an impediment to the Gross Domestic Product of any given country. The reasons adduced for this negative relationship between resources and underdevelopment includes corruption, decline in the competitiveness of other sectors, over-dependence on one source of income (oil resources) and mismanagement of resources, Dutch Disease among others. This paper is both historical and analytical as information was gathered from secondary sources using the content analysis method in order to achieve the aims of the study. The paper observed that Nigeria's failure to actively get involved in the world capitalist economy is as a result of the continued weak macro-economic performance. The weak macro-economic performance stems from the fact that the primary sources of investment financing and domestic savings have been inadequate, while foreign aid (i.e., foreign savings) has contributed to overall resource availability which has been insufficient to fill the gap between domestic savings and the needed level of investment. It is along this line of intellectual foresight that the paper concluded that Nigeria will continue to face marginalization if steps are not taken to remove the barriers to Nigeria’s entrance in the world economy. Based on these findings, it was suggested among others that the over-reliance of Nigeria on oil should be discourage and the need to diversify the country’s economy will boost her GDP and ensure that they are actively involved in the world economy. Keywords: Development, Gross Domestic Product, Marginalization, Resources, and World Economy.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Kevin Bronner
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: kbronner@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Nelson A. Rockefeller of College Affairs & Policy, University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Kevin M. Bronner, Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy, University at Albany. kbronner@albany.edu
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Paper Title: Lessons Learned in the Public Budgeting Literature: 1930-1974 
Abstract:
The paper will discuss the key aspects of the public budgeting literature from 1930 to 1974. A paper was presented by the same author at the 2019 NYSPSA conference with budgeting literature from 1899-1929. The new paper will update the budgeting literature from 1930 to 1974. The proposed paper will update the budgeting literature to discuss concepts such as budgeting theories, the President's Committee on Administrative Management (1937), and the Hoover Commissions of the 1940s-1950s. Other topics will include the literature associated with performance budgeting, program budgeting, and the the politics of budgeting. The paper will also discuss the key literature leading up to the 1974 federal budgeting act, parts of which are still in place today.


Name: Jeffrey Kraus
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jkraus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Health Policy in the Empire State: Is the Affordable Care Act affordable?, *Jeffrey Fred Kraus
Abstract:
The paper will examine the evolution of health policy in New York state since the establishment of Medicaid/Medicare in 1965. The paper will focus on simultaneous efforts to expand access while containing costs, and will emphasize how the Affordable Care Act has impacted on health care/costs in New York. The major question is whether the present policies are sustainable in the long term.


Name: Godwin Unanka
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: gunanka@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Imo State University, Owerri - Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Juliet A. Ndoh Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: anuligr8@gmail.com And Paschal Igboeche-Onyenweigwe, PhD Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: igboechepascal@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  BOTTOM-UP PARTICIPATORY GOVERNANCE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: PERCEPTIONS IN NIGERIA'S CROSS-ETHNIC STATES OF IMO AND AKWA-IBOM
Abstract:
ABSTRACT In the midst of claims to democracy (government of the people) by most countries of the world, for Third World countries, the questions that have so far yearned for answers include: (1) Are the people actually participating in governance? (2) Are the people interested in participating in governance? (3) Could the people’s participation or non-participation in governance have any potentials (albeit, perceived) of enhancing the chances in achievement of sustainable national development? This paper examines the link between participatory governance and sustainable development in two cross-ethnic states of Nigeria – Imo and Akwa Ibom: (1) To ascertain the practice or otherwise, of true democracy-in-governance in the two cross-ethnic states; (2) To determine the extent to which participatory governance is desired across the two states, and (3) To determine the appropriate form of participatory governance that is perceived appropriate for achievement of sustainable development and at what levels of government. In pursuit of these objectives, the study assumes that if participatory governance is a viable strategy for achievement of sustainable development, it cannot be imposed on the people. Thus, using a descriptive-survey design, the paper is based on a study of a randomly selected sample of 904 indigenes/residents of the two cross-ethnic states. Blending descriptive-correlational and phenomelogical analyses, the study found that: (1) Indigenes and residents of the two states perceive the existing governance at local, state and federal government levels as impositions even when (2) they (the people) desire participatory governance, and very importantly (3) The people’s perception of bottom-up (community-grown) form of participatory governance correlate positively with their perception of potentials of achievement of sustainable development at the local government level (not at the state and federal government levels). The findings suggest that the two cross-ethnic states of Nigeria lack true-democracy even when the community-grown form of participatory governance is perceived appropriate for the achievement of sustainable development at the local government level. Accordingly, the paper recommends: To create chances for the achievement of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (2016-2030) in Nigeria, policy efforts (albeit, constitutional amendments) should be made towards the institutionalization/establishment of the bottom-up-community-grown participatory governance (COMPAG) system to replace the current representative democracy at the local government levels.



State and Local Politics

Name: Jeffrey Kraus
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jkraus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Health Policy in the Empire State: Is the Affordable Care Act affordable?, *Jeffrey Fred Kraus
Abstract:
The paper will examine the evolution of health policy in New York state since the establishment of Medicaid/Medicare in 1965. The paper will focus on simultaneous efforts to expand access while containing costs, and will emphasize how the Affordable Care Act has impacted on health care/costs in New York. The major question is whether the present policies are sustainable in the long term.


Name: Oluwasolape Onafowora
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Federal University Oye-Ekiti
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: ONAFOWORA OLUWASOLAPE 2348033655364 DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OYE-EKITI, NIGERIA P.O.BOX 1774, ADO-EKITI. NIGERIA oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng solape.onafowora@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  FARMER-HERDER RELATIONS AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN EKITI STATE
Abstract:
On the 18th of January 2018, some suspected Bororo Herdsmen attacked Orin Farm Settlement in Ekiti State and killed a pregnant woman with scores of others wounded. But this was not the first incidence of herdsmen attack on farmers in Ekiti State. The relations between farmers and herders have been violent long before the ascension of the incumbent Governor Ayo Fayose who, in 2016, passed the Ekiti State Anti-Grazing Law. The grazing law criminalises illegal grazing in some parts of the State; prohibit herders from grazing with weapons; and gave a maximum time limit of 7 a.m to 6 p.m for open grazing. This has had resounding impact on farmer-herder relations since 2016. This paper adopts historical research method to investigate the relationship between farmers and herders in Ekiti State and the impact of the Anti-Grazing Law approaches of conflict management between the two groups. Oral interview, newspaper reports and government records formed the primary sources of information generation. Also, journal articles and books were explored as secondary sources so as to complement the primary sources. Content analysis was used to analyse the data derived on farmer-herder relations in Ekiti State. The findings indicate that the relations between farmers and herder in Ekiti State are connected to environmental, religious, political and ethnic issues. The paper also established that the implementation of Anti-Grazing Law in Ekiti State has effectively mitigated against Fulani herdsmen attacks in the State even though there were reported incidences of herdsmen attacks on farmers.


Name: Dan Ziebarth
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: dziebarth@gwmail.gwu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: George Washington University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Public-Private Partnerships and Democratic Participation
Abstract:
A significant amount of literature has inspected the relationship between public-private partnerships (PPPs) and state and local government. This literature has focused primarily on how these agreements shape financing, economic development, and public policy measures. There has been no research thus far, however, on how these PPPs may affect civic engagement and democratic participation at the state and local level. There are many reasons to believe that PPPs may raise levels of civic engagement and democratic participation, as they deeply affect state and local politics and shape the socioeconomic development of local communities. This paper fills this gap in the literature by exploring the relationship between the establishment of business improvement districts (BIDs), a form of public-private partnership, and voter participation rates. An original data set is constructed from 18 state assembly districts and 22 BIDs in New York City across nine elections between 2002 and 2018. This paper shows that, even after controlling for differences in income, education, and race across the 18 assembly districts, there is a significant relationship between the establishment of a BID in a community and an increase in electoral participation rates. These findings are compelling, providing insight into the role that PPPs play in the political development of communities and opening a new path in the existing literature that can continue to be built upon.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Anita chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: universtiy of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  Interdisciplinary use of online collaborations: lessons from Korea and the U.S.
Abstract:
With the growth of courses, academic researchers have been evaluating the academic viability of these online offerings. Using data collected across a cross-country online collaboration (across the U.S. and Korea) discussing current and controversial issues in American politics, I assess whether students are “academic/reflectivity” in their discussions with each other. “Academic reflectivity” was computed as a compound variable measuring deliberative, reflective posts and responses, using class or text references, posing questions that furthered academic discussions and the length of the post suggesting thorough discussions. I statistically confirm that their discussions are academically reflective, without class differences or gender bias, and that these discussions are academically reflective across any type of question (theoretical or controversial) asked over the semesters. This study adds its significant findings about the growth of online discussions promoting and enhancing the experience of e-learners and collaborative endeavors. The collaboration is one that can certainly interdisciplinary and global.



Undergraduate Research


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