Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Gentiana Çileposhi
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: gentiana.memia@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Ana 2011
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Is America a political power or economic power country
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Tema: Is America a political power or a economic power country . What is economic power? It is the power to produce and to trade what one has produced. In a free economy, where no man or group of men can use physical coercion against anyone, economic power can be achieved only by voluntary means: by the voluntary choice and agreement of all those who participate in the process of production and trade. In a free market, all prices, wages, and profits are determined—not by the arbitrary whim of the rich or of the poor, not by anyone’s “greed” or by anyone’s need—but by the law of supply and demand. The mechanism of a free market reflects and sums up all the economic choices and decisions made by all the participants. Men trade their goods or services by mutual consent to mutual advantage, according to their own independent, uncoerced judgment. A man can grow rich only if he is able to offer better values—better products or services, at a lower price—than others are able to offer. Now let me define the difference between economic power and political power: economic power is exercised by means of a positive, by offering men a reward, an incentive, a payment, a value; political power is exercised by means of a negative, by the threat of punishment, injury, imprisonment, destruction. The businessman’s tool is values; the bureaucrat’s tool is fear. But nearly 400 years ago, the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes wrote that peace and security among the people were impossible without a government to enforce them. In his new book A Case for Goliath: How America Acts as a World Government in the 21st Century, Michael Mandelbaum, a political analyst at Johns Hopkins University, writes that after the Cold War, the United States played an important role in maintaining world order. This offers guarantees. Their military presence suppresses suspicions in Europe and Asia that would otherwise be felt and could lead to unintended political turmoil. The United States is leading the fight to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to dangerous regimes or groups. " According to Professor Madelbaum, America also offers these services in the international economy.America's role, he says, brings benefits because it provides products to the public even without controlling the politics or economics of other societies. So why do so many people in the United States and around the world criticize this kind-hearted Goliath? Political interests, particular policy disputes and cultural differences are some of the reasons Mr Mandelbaum offers. But some analysts disagree.Benjamin Barber, a professor at the University of Maryland, says the United States often acts more as a dominant power than a government.“American hegemony brings some benefits to people. It can bring police control and security, cash for aid and banks, etc. And, normally, a rich country can do things that poor countries can't do. But they do so to the detriment of freedom, autonomy, justice and even the participation of people to govern their future, which is the true meaning of democracy. "Professor Barber says regime changes from the United States to Iraq and Afghanistan are examples of America imposing its will on other countries. What the world needs, says Mr Barber, is a multinational governing body to tackle global issues such as energy supply, pollution, natural disasters, epidemics and conflicts. Meanwhile, emerging regional powers such as China and the European Union are trying to have more international influence. But so far, neither has the economic strength, political will or military power to reach an international consensus to take the lead in the world community. So if the United States were to reduce its role in international relations, most analysts warn that the world could become more dangerous and less prosperous.


Name: Sam Edwards
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: sam.edwards@quinnipiac.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Quinnipiac University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Jacob Park, Ph.D., Green Mountain College, jacob.park@greenmtn.edu
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Paper Title:  The First Amendment in the Digital Age: Just what is speech and how should it be protected?
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The United States is facing challenges in applying First Amendment principles from the eighteenth century to modern communications. This chapter examines cases where the government has intruded upon First Amendment rights. The first section examines when the government attempts to prevent protests by cutting internet access. This amounts to a digital gag and ear plugs for the protesters. Aside from cutting access to a single area, some governments have access to total internet “kill switches.” This allows unsurpassed censorship of speech. Now there are technical means installed in most phones that could allow governments to disconnect internet access at the individual phone. In the area of social media, the courts are struggling to identify what constitutes speech. For example, when is a “like” or a “wink” speech? Equally important, when can a political figure censor speech through blocking users on social media? These cases represent warning signs that the United States, just like other countries, is struggling to adapt eighteenth century legal principles to modern communication.


Name: Javier Fernandez
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: javier.fernandez@westpoint.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: United States Military Academy
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Globalization and the Politicization of Formal and Informal Checks on Executive Power
Abstract:
To use the words of Jonathan Rauch, recent political developments have demonstrated a gradual degradation of “intelligible boundaries [and] enforceable norms” within mainstream American party politics, prompting “reengage political behavior,” often characterized by the 2016 presidential election. Party leadership, he argues, “has become an anachronism” as demagogues curb their party-establishment connections in hopes of cementing their legacy in an increasingly populist electoral environment [1]. While Rauch cites the synergistic interaction of contemporary political radicalization and technological advancement as the source of systemic disruptions in American political mobilization, others have noted the grander impacts of globalization in provoking such symptoms as domestic socioeconomic trends react to the dynamic nature of global economic market trends [2]. Overall, the following conversation discusses the increased role of globalization in fomenting a level of polarization amongst formal and informal actors that has significantly politicized the intent of governmental checks to executive authority. Notes [1] Jonathan Rauch, “How American Policies Went Insane,” The Atlantic (July/August 2016), https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/07/how-american-politics-went-insane/485570/. [2] Jonathan Rauch, “How American Policies Went Insane,” The Atlantic (July/August 2016), https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/07/how-american-politics-went-insane/485570/; Dani Rodrik, “Populism and the economics of globalization,” Journal of International Business Policy (2018): 2 – 5, 12 - 16


Name: Esra Gules-Guctas
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: egules-guctas@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: DYNAMICS OF JUDICIAL BEHAVIOR IN IMMIGRATION COURTS
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Existing studies of asylum system have consistently found vast discrepancy of asylum grant rates among individual immigration judges. Studies of immigration courts and asylum decisions are few and have often failed to situate these decisions in the wider context of judicial behavior. Building on existing models of judicial behavior and using asylum decisions in immigration cases as a lens to learn about the judicial decision making in immigration courts, this study examines what accounts for this significant statistical variation. The study uses a novel dataset that combine proceedings records between 2012-2017, with information on the characteristics of the immigration judges, their workloads and the local and political context of each immigration court. Using multilevel regression analysis, I examined the rates at which 293 immigration Judges denied asylum in 120, 077 cases between fiscal years 2012 and 2017. The findings of this study indicate that there is much more to judicial behavior in immigration courts than captured by the attitudinal and strategic choice models. The analysis unveils a complex reality in which immigration judges’ policy predispositions appears to be influenced by their gender as well as local political context. The partisan composition of the state where the immigration judge lives and works appears to account for significant variation in denial rates between the immigration judges serving in different courts.


Name: Joshua Meddaugh, Ph.D.
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: joshuameddaugh@clayton.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Clayton State University
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Co-author info: ,Jason Davis, Ph.D. Clayton State University Lisa Holland-Davis, Ph.D. Clayton State University
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Paper Title:  4th and Downs: An Economic Theory of Governance and the NCAA
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Anthony Downs (1957) created an economic theory of governmental decision-making which argues that the social function of government, to formulate and carry out polices, is a by-product of political parties private motivations, which is to increase their “income, power, and prestige” (p. 137). Working on this theory, we argue that the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) is an association in name only and is acting as a government agency that is seeking only to maximize their private interest which is income, power, and prestige. We argue that the member institutions (political parties) of the NCAA not only recognize, but willingly accept and promote, the NCAA in order to protect their own private motivations while maintaining the veil of amateurism (McCormick & McCormick 2008 ). Ultimately, this work seeks to rightfully classify the NCAA as a government and unveil the nature of this agency’s decision-making.


Name: Wesley Nishiyama
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: wn8492@albany.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: NY State Assembly
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  The Delayed Effect of the Census on the Electoral College: Jefferson, the Second Not the Third President?
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Much has been written about the Electoral College. Few, however, explored the delayed effects that census data has on reallocating the number of Electoral College delegates to each state. Once census data is collected (every ten years), the reallocation of the number of members of the House (and so Electoral College delegates) usually takes two years. That is, ever twenty years (. . . 1980, 2000, 2020. . .) the president is chosen using census data from the previous decade. Indeed, the upcoming 2020 presidential election will use census data from 2010. Scholars have treated this problem in a general way. For example, Judith Best (1971)—who supports the Electoral College and George Edwards III (2004)—who opposes the Electoral College, both raise the problem with delayed census data, but neither considers particular elections. This paper considers presidential elections every twenty years, and shows that the delayed census data, ceteris paribus, had no effect on the outcomes, except for the election of 1800—Jefferson, not Adams, would have been the second president. Such a different possible outcome should be alarming. We must, however, recall that the election of 1800 was before the 12th Amendment, which had changed considerably how the president is elected. In addition, there is a “ceteris paribus assumption” that is false. Campaign strategies consider the number of delegates each state is awarded and strategies will change as the numbers change. This project may be accused of engaging in hypothetical history, but that is not the intent of this investigation. Rather, this paper illustrates that there is a problem with either, the Electoral College, the census, or both. Every twenty years, some states are over-represented while others are under-represented. Popular elections, which do not require census data, could solve the problem, but will create other problems—problems the Electoral College effectively addresses. Perhaps a better solution is to change the way the census is collected (intervals, frequency, sample surveys, counting people only, etc.). The first part of this paper includes a quantitative analysis—considering numbers. The second part considers the history of elections. The last part makes recommendations to address the discussed problems. This paper does not directly address the merits or deficiencies of the Electoral College, but rather, investigates the problems which arise with delayed census data.


Name: david ricci
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: msricci@mscc.huji.ac.il
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: hebrewuniversity
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title: Political Science for the Age of Trump 
Abstract:
NYSPSA Abstract “Political Science for the Age of Populism” by David Ricci Donald Trump epitomizes recent changes in the way Americans communicate and work together. That being so, some political scientists should investigate and teach about the ecology of capitalism -- that is, creative destruction -- which (1) produced this president and which (2) is straining democratic principles and practices, individuals and communities. Economists promote economic (a) creativity, presuming that it leads to growth which generates social welfare. However, no academic discipline focuses on economic (b) destruction. Yet such destruction imposes great costs on individuals and society, from government by social media to downsizing and outsourcing, from environmental deterioration to climate change, from personal anxiety to international trade wars. Consequently, some political scientists (but not all) should adopt a special mission of highlighting instances of damage as they arise and publicizing what we learn so as to help government officials and citizens mitigate the damage caused by creative destruction in our times. Unmitigated, those damages cause (i) resentment, which fuels (ii) populism, and therefore endangers (iii) democracy. Using terms fashioned by Judith Shklar (opposing tyranny) and Ian Shapiro (favoring problem-oriented research), such a project should especially target neoliberalism, which since the Reagan presidency has promoted and fostered indiscriminate economic growth and its consequences. Additional arguments along these lines will appear in David Ricci, A Political Manifesto for the Age of Populism: Challenging Growth, Markets, Inequality, and Resentment (Cambridge University Press, 2020).


Name: Joshua Sandman
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jsandman@newhaven.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Univ. of New Haven
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Trump As Populist President: A Perspective For Understanding the Trump Presidency  
Abstract:
I contend that the Trump Presidency needs to be understood as a populist presidency. As a populist Trump continues to reach out to common citizens who believe that their interests and concerns have not been addressed by established government, economic, and social institutions. His actions in office, narrative campaign rallies,, and public persona are all oriented towards his supportive and loyal base -- the white working class (especially in small towns and rural areas), conservative republicans, Evangelical Christians, and social and cultural conservatives. I study the Trump presidency and other modern presidents attempting a populist presidential framework. Please Note: I am a Saturday Sabbath observer and would greatly appreciate (if my paper is accepted for presentation) being assigned to an early Friday morning panel.


Name: Maciej Turek
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: maciej.j.turek@uj.edu.pl
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Polamd
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Press Coverage of Geraldine Ferraro and Sarah Palin U.S. Vice Presidential Candidacies. Comparative Analysis
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This paper is a study of how the American press covers, presents and evaluates vice presidential candidates, with a particular emphasis on two female candidates - chosen as running mates of two major parties' standard bearers - Geraldine Ferraro and Sarah Palin. There are usually several instances when press pays attention to vice presidential candidacies in the United States. Reporters discuss possible running mates with the start of the presidential nomination race, and increase doing so once any presidential hopeful gains enough delegates to assure the nomination and ability to be called ‘presumptive nominee’. Once the choice is made, it is widely discussed for two or three days in the terms of balancing the ticket, how can this running mate help or hurt the presidential candidate, what fields of policy the future vice president might be responsible for, what is their political experience, particular policy positions, etc. Clearly, the vice presidential speech during the national conventions is covered and discussed, and then running mates are again ignored. Sometimes running mates are back in the news when any controversy over them arises, or they do something spectacular, which will make media interested. If not, the press will focus on vice presidential candidates shortly before and after their televised debate. What I am interested in the coverage of vice presidential candidates is the notion the press often raises when discussing Veeps: the issue of the so called ‘presidential caliber’. Presumably, by that the press means that some candidates are capable of handling the presidency if unthinkable happens, while other not that much. The questions is though what are the criteria of press evaluation. This study will be conducted by applying content analysis of three major U.S. daily papers, The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal, as well as three weekly magazines, Newsweek, Time, and U.S. News & World Report, as they constitute, according to Stephen Hess classic study The Washington Reporters (1981), a top of the hierarchy of U.S. daily papers and magazines that has the biggest influence in DC, and are point of references for the vast majority of press reporters in the United States. In this paper, I will take a look on the coverage of two female U.S. vice presidential candidates, Geraldine Ferraro and Sarah Palin, who joined the presidential ticket in 1984 and 2008, respectively. As in both presidential cycles there was a large amount of press speculation during presidential primaries that the winning candidates might end up with female running mates, I will explore how media set expectations for a possibility of female vice president. Once the selections were made and candidates announced, I will examine what issues - candidates experience, policy record, personal characteristics, electoral prospects, or fitness for office - were the issues that most concerned political reporters. As two mentioned female candidates were Democrat and Republican, I will investigate whether there can be found any differences in press description of the candidates. Finally, as during both cycles there was a lot of speculation whether both Ferraro and Palin are qualified for the office they were running, I would explore how the press coverage influenced public opinion on their fitness for the American vice presidency.


Name: Jim Twombly
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jtwombly@elmira.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Elmira College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: AP-2 Voting Choice
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Co-author info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Co-presenter info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Paper Title:  Volatility of Presidential Approval in a Polarized Political World
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The extant literature in political science is teeming with works addressing polarization: its causes, its construction, and its effects on American politics. In previous work (Twombly 2018 and 2019), I noted an apparent relationship between polarization and the volatility of presidential approval. Visual evidence seemed quite clear, but alas in my recent work, the statistical evidence was weak at best. In this paper, I employ measures beyond the Gallup Poll’s Party Gap measure, including typical controls for economic performance. As suggested by the work McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal (2003), I employ measures of income inequality—suggested by them as a cause of polarization not derived from the presidential approval measure. Additionally, I look to other measures of polarization such as the Poole and Rosenthal DW-Nominate scores for a relationship between polarization and the volatility of approval. This work is yet another piece of a larger project on the presidency in the twenty-first century.



Comparative Politics

Name: Muzammal Afzal
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: muzammal.afzaal@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Applied Economics Research Centre, Karachi Pakistan
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: : Political Economy of Foreign Aid, Corruption and Economic Development: A case study of South Asian countries
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Capital transfers when bypassed in absence of a transparency mechanism and accountability, become a source of exacerbating corruption in the recipient country which rather than contributing to a country’s economic growth, damages it. Historical and analytical analysis of foreign aid gives an important insight regarding usage of foreign aid politico-economic tool in diplomatic relations. As evident, the agenda based funding has several political and economic reasons behind it involving many powerful authorities in between, which becomes a source of degeneration for the economy of recipient country. In the light of previously conducted studies supporting or in disagreement with the following assumptions, this study examines the influence of foreign aid recipients in the presence of corruption in South Asia. Specifically, this study investigates the individual impact of foreign aid and corruption on economic growth in the South-Asian region. The study takes into account the fundamentals related to foreign aid allocation which are often neglected. The research employs panel data of four selected South Asian countries i.e. Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh from the time period 1984-2013. Study has estimated joint effect of foreign aid on corruption on economic growth. This study has estimated the magnitude of impact of foreign aid on corruption separately. Growth model and investment model has been employed to gauge the influence of foreign aid on economic growth . Impact of corruption of economic growth has been estimated through Corruption-Growth model. Based on the renowned Dickey-Fuller procedure the Im, Pesaran and Shin (IPS) has been employed for unit testing. Estimation results of corruption-foreign aid model suggest that there is positive and significant relation between foreign aid and corruption. Hausman test is also employed to select an appropriate method of estimation. Results indicate to an alarming situation of failure of capital transfers in improving human development in recipient country. Findings on the study suggest that, i) Foreign aid has a significant and positive relation with corruption in South Asian countries.. ii) Foreign aid has negatively influenced the economic development of the South Asian countries. The results of this study are in alignment with the non-extensionist school of thought and further affirms its claim that, the foreign aid propels a negative impact on the administration and development of the recipient country. These results are statistically significant and robust to various estimation techniques.i


Name: Yahaya Baba
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: yahaya.baba@udusok.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Usmanu DanfodiyoUniversity, Sokoto, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Abubakar Mohammed, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, abumuhdxx@gamail.com
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Paper Title:  Legislative Institutionalization in Nigeria, 1999-2019
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This study examines the trends and challenges of legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria from 1999 to 2019. Legislative institutionalisation is broadly assumed to be influenced by three major variables: legislative boundaries; internal complexity; and universal procedures of legislative decision making. Accordingly, the study is guided by three broad research questions: to what extent does boundedness influence legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria? to what extent does internal complexity affect legislative institutionalisation in Nigeria? to what extent does the Nigerian legislature adopt and implement universal legislative principles and procedures? These three broad questions formed the framework of analysis. The new institutionalism is adopted as the theoretical guide for the study. The blend of both formal and informal rules and practices explain the pattern of institutionalization of the Nigerian legislature. Methodologically, qualitative approach is adopted in the investigation with a case study design. Specifically, in-depth interviews and documentary evidence are the main instruments employed the purpose of data collection. The study is thus limited to the Nigeria’s National Assembly (NASS) (the two chambers of the House of Representatives and the Senate). Respondents are purposively selected for interviews. They include members of the two chambers of the National Assembly, legislative staff and aides, members of the Civil Society Organizations, Party Officials and experts. In the light of the preliminary analysis, the study found that the boundaries of NASS are porous. Other institutions and agencies directly and indirectly exercised tremendous influence on the legislature. The high membership and leadership turnover in both Houses of NASS indicates the extent of this porousness. This is caused largely by the lack of strong political parties, executive meddling, corruption and the formalisation of sharing and rotating political offices among the geo-political zones of the country. These factors also influenced the internal organisation of NASS, which undermines its internal complexity and makes the application of universal principle of legislative process difficult. Given these trends, the Nigerian legislature is unlikely to institutionalise along universal convention pattern. The greatest challenge therefore is the sharing and rotation of political offices, which is of course critical to the integration of the Nigerian state. Thus, the study contends that legislative institutionalisation could be achieved in Nigeria if corruption is curbed, political parties are strengthened and the extent to which legislative autonomy is guaranteed. The study concludes by identifying areas for further theoretical and empirical investigation. These include: comparative studies of state legislatures in northern and southern Nigeria and case studies of individual state legislatures in Nigeria. The homogeneity of states may reveal differing trends and challenges.


Name: Begum Daloglu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bedaloglu@mix.wvu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: West Virginia University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: The Legitimacy Puzzle: What Legitimizes the Laïque State?
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ABSTRACT Drawing on literature which considers religion as a potential source of legitimacy in democratizing or newly democratized states, I reverse the direction of the question by asking “what can legitimize regimes characterized by a lack thereof?” In other words, I intend to discover in my paper what can potentially legitimize strictly secular regimes in the eyes of citizens when democratic principles are not deeply entrenched yet. By making the general point that secularization prior to democratization can be rather hazardous to a country’s experiment with liberal democracy and its path to political maturity, I mainly examine two countries, i.e. Mexico and Turkey which have both historically followed the French model of laicism. Laicism, compared to the American or Anglo-Saxon version of secularism that is linked to the idea of freedom of religion, or what some scholars call ‘liberal multiculturalism’, the concept of laicism is a rather stricter version of secularism that has come to being out of a clash of different interests between the hegemonic authority–the ancien régime– and claims of new revolutionary actors. In this sense, laicism is reactionary, restrictive, and ultimately fragile in states with little to no prior experience with liberal democracy and its values. I put forth two main hypotheses in this paper. Firstly, holding everything at constant, if citizens consider themselves religious, they are less likely to show support and justify the laïque regime, as they would have a harder time justifying the restrictions posed on their religious duties and activities. And secondly, in case they do not perceive themselves as religious, they will only justify and support the system if there are strong institutions to safeguard this principle. In the Turkish case this would be the army or the judiciary who have traditionally considered themselves to be the ‘upholder’ of the laïque principles. In the Mexican case, I suspect the constitution to fulfill a similar role. In this sense, unless there is already a strong democracy in place, the existence of such an outside protector is the only way a laïque regime is legitimized. In order to test my hypotheses, I perform statistical analyses using data on public opinion in Turkey and Mexico from the World Values Survey- Wave 6 (2010-2014). My dependent variable is confidence in parliament, which intends to measure citizens’ support for not just their governments but for the present regime. My preliminary findings appear to lend some support to my theory, yet with certain caveats. Although in the Turkish case, the seculars appear to show the least support for the regime, adding an additional variable which measures confidence in the army increases their likelihood of having confidence in the system. In the Mexican case, secular people also show the least amount of support for the system, however more religious people also appear to be the most suspicious of the system. Additional tests will need to be performed to determine causes.


Name: Feyzeddin Donmez
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: fd854@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University(NYU)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  BREXIT AND ITS POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES
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This paper first, is an attempt to inform the reader about what Brexit is, somehow touching its traditional roots and most importantly investigating and discussing the significant reasons, which have been found to be sovereignty, economic, and cultural issues, that pushed Britons to decide to exit from the European Union. After providing the reader this preliminary groundwork so as to assist him/her to make a sense of the next step, the paper with a critical eye intensively tried to contemplate on possible impacts of Brexit which was the main focus of this paper aiming to contribute to the infant literature growing on this issue of Brexit. While trying to identify and make discussion of probable impacts of Brexit, in order to be clear and specific, the paper has paid attention to three realms: Brexit effects on the European Union, on Britain Itself and, finally on the Globe.


Name: Eunice Erhagbe
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: euniceerhagbe12@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: UNIVERSITY OF BENIN, BENIN CITY, EDO STATE NIGERIA
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  COMBATING CLIMATE CHANGE IN NIGERIA: RENEWABLE ENERGY AS AN ALTERNATIVE SOURCE OF ENERGY, AND A CRITIQUE OF CURRENT POLICY/ ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR ENERGY IN NIGERIA
Abstract:
COMBATING CLIMATE CHANGE IN NIGERIA: RENEWABLE ENERGY AS AN ALTERNATIVE SOURCE OF ENERGY, AND A CRITIQUE OF CURRENT POLICY/ ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR ENERGY IN NIGERIA BY DR. EUNICE ODUFA ERHAGBE* ABSTRACT The use of fossil fuels in Nigeria is a major contributor to climate change that has several devastating effect on the environment. This paper appraised the effects of climate change on the Nigerian environment, and the efforts made by Nigeria, and the international community to combat climate change. This paper found, that the excessive use of non-renewable energy sources, industrialisation and the non- implementation of planning laws are responsible for climate change. Secondly, it found that climate change has negatively impacted the Nigerian environment in terms of flooding, desertification, and the destruction of the ecosystem. It also found that although there are laws at the national level aimed at combating climate change, they are not effectively enforced, while those at the international level are not legally binding. This paper will argue that the negative consequences of climate change are inimical to Nigeria’s sustainable development. The paper will advocate renewable energy as an alternative source of energy. Further, the paper will critique the current policy/Administrative Framework for energy in Nigeria, it will fault the sincerity of the policy, and assert that the leadership of the country owes a duty to both the present and future generations to fight the climate change menace. *Eunice Odufa Erhagbe, Ph.D., B.L., Lecturer, Department of Public Law, Faculty of Law, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria. Email: euniceerhagbe12@gmail.com. Tel: 08023506796.


Name: Evrim Gormus
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: gormuse@mef.edu.tr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: MEF University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: One Belt One Road Initiative: The Chinese Spatial Fix
Abstract:
One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR) was introduced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 with the aim of invigorating the ancient Silk Route through the ambitious infrastructure projects. There is an extensive literature concerned with the implications of the OBOR for the global political and economic order. The bulk of these studies are located in the discipline of International Relations, and mainly focused on whether China seeks to preserve or revise global order through the OBOR project. This standard framework generally depicts the Chinese state as a static, coherent and unitary entity, and neglects the extensive disaggregation, decentralization and internationalization that the Chine state has undergone since the late 1970s. Rather than seeing the OBOR initiative as part of the ‘grand strategy’ of the Chinese state, my paper analyzes the OBOR initiative as a ‘spatial fix’ (Harvey, 2001:24)to the inner crisis in Chinese capitalism. My paper will hence first examine the transformation of the Chinese state following the gradual liberal opening from the late 1970s, which integrated China into the global division of labor and market competition. It will then inspect the factors that contribute to the crisis in Chinese capitalism following the three decades of economic growth, such as over-accumulation of capital, overproduction and excess capacity. My paper will finally uncover the unevenness and contradictions of the OBOR’s complex multilayer governance system composed of struggles between different interests in national and local levels.


Name: Kyong Mazzaro
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: kmazzaro@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The local politics of media freedom: Evidence from Mexico (2016-2018)
Abstract:
Recent studies draw a link between the presence of subnational authoritarian enclaves within democracies and increased threats and attacks against journalists. Case studies from Brazil to the Philippines, make the case that subnational authoritarian governments target media in an effort to stay in power, especially during electoral campaigns. However, although electoral incentives may explain why local incumbents target the media, variation in the timing and location of attacks within and outside enclaves suggests that the effect of local authoritarianism on media freedom depends on contextual factors. In this study, I explore the question of whether and how electoral incentives push government actors in subnational one-party enclaves to target journalists. Relying on original microdata from 2,443 Mexican municipalities on more than 1,600 events of government-led restrictions on media freedom from 2016 to 2018, I use a shared frailty Cox modeling approach to estimate the effect of degrees of electoral competition on the hazard of attacks against journalists. I find that municipalities within one-party enclaves are indeed more likely than other municipalities to experience restrictions, but only in certain electoral contexts. Specifically, being located in a one-party state only has a significant effect on the hazard of restrictions in highly competitive districts during local electoral campaigns where the survival of local incumbents is under threat.


Name: Guanjie Niu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: gn632@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Transporting Nationalism: Why Chinese Government can Provoke Nationalistic Sentiments in an Effective Way
Abstract:
During international disputes that involve China, if there is no existing nationalism foundation, such as historical grievances or previous conflicts, between the disputing nations, why the Chinese government can evoke a wide range of nationalistic sentiments among Chinese society in a short time? Setting up a framework on how nationalistic sentiment can be generated, I argue that instead of trying to transform the current dispute into a new collective memory full of nationalistic sentiments through a complicated and time-consuming procedure, the Chinese government manages to link the current situation with existing collective memories intentionally and transport nationalistic anger from these well-accepted national stories effectively. To test my hypothesis, I conducted a content analysis based on the Philippines vs. China (or the South China Sea Arbitration case) by using articles published on the official newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the People’s Daily. I show that in order to create an instant nationalistic fever towards the Philippines and the arbitration case among Chinese public, the CCP regime, on the one hand, suggested that the Philippines was actually a “puppet” of the longstanding “national enemies,” connecting the dispute with the manipulation of Japan and the United States; on the other hand, it contended that the current conflict could be regarded as another example of the “unfair international system,” for which Chinese people have suffered in the past one-and-a-half century.


Name: Oluwasolape Onafowora
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Federal University Oye-Ekiti
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: ONAFOWORA OLUWASOLAPE 2348033655364 DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OYE-EKITI, NIGERIA P.O.BOX 1774, ADO-EKITI. NIGERIA oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng solape.onafowora@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  FARMER-HERDER RELATIONS AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN EKITI STATE
Abstract:
On the 18th of January 2018, some suspected Bororo Herdsmen attacked Orin Farm Settlement in Ekiti State and killed a pregnant woman with scores of others wounded. But this was not the first incidence of herdsmen attack on farmers in Ekiti State. The relations between farmers and herders have been violent long before the ascension of the incumbent Governor Ayo Fayose who, in 2016, passed the Ekiti State Anti-Grazing Law. The grazing law criminalises illegal grazing in some parts of the State; prohibit herders from grazing with weapons; and gave a maximum time limit of 7 a.m to 6 p.m for open grazing. This has had resounding impact on farmer-herder relations since 2016. This paper adopts historical research method to investigate the relationship between farmers and herders in Ekiti State and the impact of the Anti-Grazing Law approaches of conflict management between the two groups. Oral interview, newspaper reports and government records formed the primary sources of information generation. Also, journal articles and books were explored as secondary sources so as to complement the primary sources. Content analysis was used to analyse the data derived on farmer-herder relations in Ekiti State. The findings indicate that the relations between farmers and herder in Ekiti State are connected to environmental, religious, political and ethnic issues. The paper also established that the implementation of Anti-Grazing Law in Ekiti State has effectively mitigated against Fulani herdsmen attacks in the State even though there were reported incidences of herdsmen attacks on farmers.


Name: Songhyun Park
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: songp@bu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Boston University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Diversity within a Variety of Capitalism and ‘Color’ in It
Abstract:
For over two decades, the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature has been firmly established in the field of political economy for its robust classifications of capitalist countries into two prominent models: Liberal Market Economies (LMEs) and Coordinated Market Economies (CMEs). Each model indeed presents its distinctive patterns of interactions among individuals and groups in complementary institutions in multiple spheres. However, the parsimonious VoC literature has been criticized not only for its identification of only two models but also for its lack of diversity within each national model in which some actors may defy path-dependency of their national model by fostering different patterns of interactions to meet their new and/or changing needs. In the examination of the United States in this paper, I argue that while its LME framework may still impose valid constraints, there exist subnational variations in which some states experience collective bargaining more or less than other states, challenging the VoC literature’s categorical claim of national coherence. Through network analysis and regression analysis, I find the effects of the CME model on numerous complementary institutions at the subnational level in varying degrees for different states, just as the VoC project holds at the national level, yet except for one area: vocational education. Explored in the last half of the paper, I maintain that the counterintuitive finding of the negative relationship between collective bargaining and vocational education is elucidated by the race element as a unique US experience. Enabled by societal forces of cultures, values, and history particular to the nation, this paper challenges the unconditional presumption of top-down, institutional influences, ultimately beginning to understand the diversity among nations even of the same variety of capitalism.


Name: Mishella Romo Rivas
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mrr538@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description: Decentralization and Reform Panel chaired by Dr. Tony Spanakos
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Paper Title: The Puzzle of Public Trust and Judicial Power in Latin American Democracies: Evidence from Brazil and Mexico
Abstract:
The Politics of Horizontal Accountability: A view from Brazil Mishella Romo Rivas In relatively stable democracies, constitutional courts typically enjoy a considerable amount of judicial legitimacy and independence. And yet, during times of rising polarization, the intervention of constitutional courts in matters of horizontal accountability seems to have a negative impact on its public confidence. An evaluation of the recent shift in public attitudes vis a vis the Brazilian STF, one of the most powerful constitutional courts in Latin America will make this evident. Recent public opinion data has shown that public trust for the Court among voters within both the left and the right of the political spectrum has declined following a series of rulings involving horizontal accountability from 2014-2019 (LAPOP 2019). While theories of diffuse support and strategic interaction in judicial politics would subsequently prompt us to expect the STF to exercise self-restraint to avoid attacks on its power, the Court has continued to assume its protagonistic role in national politics. What accounts for these developments and to what extent does diffuse support concretely affect judicial independence? These inquiries warrant further examination on the effect polarization has on both public attitudes and judicial behavior. This is particularly so considering that the literature has described public or "diffuse" support as one of the sources of de facto power that enables judicial independence, a key factor preventing "democratic backsliding." First discussed by Easton (1965) and later by Gibson and Caldeira (1998), diffuse support is what creates incentives for executives and legislatures to engage in compliance of judicial decisions (Staton 2010) that may constrain overreaches by populist/illiberal leadership in contemporary democratic regimes


Name: Alice Timken
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: act490@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:  Comparative Analyses: Nationalism in Effect
Panel Description: This panel looks at civic and ethnic nationalist programs in strategy, means, and outcome ("effect") through comparative analysis, with emphasis on nationalism as a multi-level, rather than rhetorical, phenomenon.
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Co-presenter info: Rahul Thayil; rt2191@nyu.edu (separate paper, on panel)
Paper Title:  Nationalism in Social Democratic Projects in Sweden
Abstract:
Many of today’s western democracies, once thought to represent the “end of history,” are revealing a growing preference for less democratic leadership and ethnic nationalist sentiment. This contemporary phenomenon encourages us to look at success cases of the past, where a democracy faced with divisive circumstances and nondemocratic temptations managed these forces effectively. Sweden’s interwar social democracy is presented by comparative scholars to be one such case (Berman 2006, Müller 2015). However, while political scholars have emphasized the importance of unifying ideology and policy in the success of the SAP, Swedish social democratic projects have seldom been analyzed in direct conversation with studies on nationalism. By failing to evaluate SAP projects within the context of nationalist frameworks, the field is unable to make robust conclusions on the impact of civic nationalism in this potentially revelatory case. Using existing frameworks from nationalist studies (Hechter 2001, Wimmer 2013), this research separates nationalist elements of Swedish social democratic projects from structural elements to analyze the isolated impact of civic nationalist ideology during the interwar period. It then explores the effect of civic nationalism on ethnic inclusion by comparing interwar Swedish policy and rhetorical appeals with more recent examples, focusing on refugee social and political reception (Alinia 2004, Eliassi 2010). It seeks to answer two critical questions for nationalist scholars and European historical comparativists: Was civic nationalism a deciding factor in the success of Swedish social democracy over the radical right? What effect do Swedish civic nationalist appeals have on inclusionary practices? Moreover, it explores the contribution of this case study to the existing literature on nationalism and civic nationalism in particular. This research finds that civic nationalist projects played a decisive role in enabling the Swedish social democratic experiment to survive regional trends toward non-democratic ethnic nationalism but does not accept the Swedish case an example of inclusive nationalism. While civic nationalism was not the only factor in Sweden’s ability to expand social democratic programs – both civic nationalist strategies and structural factors aided in the cohesion and success of Sweden’s social democratic experiment – it is unlikely that Sweden would have achieved the above ends without civic nationalist ideology and policy. Moreover, a recent decline in civic nationalist policy and rhetoric is associated with inferior treatment of refugee populations in Sweden. This research, then, justifies the comparative tendency to describe the importance of ideology in the Swedish social democratic case but clarifies the role of ideology, in tandem with civic nationalism, in Swedish national cohesion and the regime’s ability to resist ethnic nationalist trends. However, though effective, Swedish civic nationalist appeals cannot be typified as inclusive, for, while they allowed room for ethnic minorities, they excluded populations that did not abide by cultural and participatory ideals of belonging (Sejersted 2011). In this way, the SAP engaged not only in civic nationalist appeals, but exclusionary nationalist appeals as well, suggesting that today’s ethnic nationalist appeals, while concerning, may not be of a fundamentally different kind.


Name: Sule Toktas
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sule@khas.edu.tr
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Kadir Has University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: NARRATIVES OF MIGRATION: A CASE STUDY ON TURKEY
Abstract:
Turkey, due to its changing status in international migratory movements in the past decades, has become both a country of transit for migration from the nearby geographies to Europe and a host country providing temporary protection for different immigrant groups. There are different types of migrants (irregular, illegal, student, refugee, etc.) and multi-layered push factors (economic, marriage/family unification, security, etc.). What’s more, a significant volume of foreign population has emerged in the country after the mass influx of asylum seekers and refugees since the Syrian Civil War. In due course of the diversification in migrants and migratory processes, there arose a multiplicity of discourses and narratives on and about international migration in the public sphere of Turkey. The migrants are represented as victims, criminals, threats to the national economy or opportunity for a higher hand in international negotiations. One might speak of free oscillation of discourse and narrative blocks related to migrants/asylum seekers/refugees which are at times complementary and generic but at other times decompositionary and straticulated. The presentation aims to portray the discourse and narrative blocks on and about international migration circulating in the public sphere of Turkey. In light of the relationship that the society builds with these discourse and narrative blocs, the presentation aims to discuss the sources and the contexts of the social and political ecosystem.


Name: Brian Williams
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: brian.williams04@cortland.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: State University of New York College at Cortland
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Public Bills in the Canadian Senate: An Evaluation of Partisanship and Seniority
Abstract:
This study focuses on passage of private member bills (“public bills”) originating in the Canadian Senate. As appointed legislators with guaranteed seats, the Canadian Senate is thought to have advantage of greater independence and experience than the Commons (a chamber of “sober second thought”). An analysis of data from the 37th–42nd parliaments provides empirical support for these arguments. First, more tenured senators introduce significantly more public bills than their less-experienced counterparts. Second, senator public bills are significantly more likely to be vetoed in an opposition-controlled Commons. Evidence of a similar partisan veto is not found in the Senate.


Name: Charmaine Willis
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: cwillis@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Kimberly Turner, Southern Illinois University, turnerk@siu.edu
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Paper Title:  Repression by Proxy: State-Sanctioned Sexual Violence of Protesters in Sudan and Zimbabwe
Abstract:
The use of rape as a weapon of war by both governmental forces and insurgents is a wide-spread and age-old method of spreading terror and undermining support for the other side. For studies of regime-perpetuated sexual violence, the typical context is armed or violent civil unrest or sexual violence against individual activists while in regime custody. Journalistic reporting of systemic government-sanctioned rape policies as a preventative repression measure against peaceful protests has been less common, and less studied. This year in Zimbabwe and Sudan, top brass advocated rape against peaceful female protesters as a destabilizing maneuver against nascent nonviolent movements. The Sudanese policy of rape as a deterrence aimed to neutralize male protesters by visiting sexual violence upon female bodies. In doing so, this policy failed to account for the majoritarian role women played in these protests. We therefore ask the question: when do states resort to sexual violence to deter protests? In street protests where women are the dominant initiators, are governmental sexual violence policies effective? By examining the use of rape as a repression tactic in Sudan and Zimbabwe, this study contributes to our understanding about the strategic use of rape outside of civil unrest and the influence of protesters’ characteristics on states’ decisions to repress.


Name: Przemyslaw Zukiewicz
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: przemyslaw.zukiewicz@uwr.edu.pl
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Party switching and MP's replacements as a challenge for representative democracies in East-Central Europe
Abstract:
Studies concerning dynamics of party systems at the parliamentary level - expressed in changes of party affiliation between elections - prove the 'party-switching' approach to be too narrow. It takes into account only changes in party affiliation of MPs and does not include loss of their parliamentary mandates. The aim of my research project is to complement the current state of research on party systems with an analysis of its dynamic between the elections (during the term of parliaments) through conceptualization and measurement of the phenomenon of intraparliamentary volatility in some East-Central European parliaments. The term 'intraparliamentary volatility' is understood as the parliamentary configuration after the elections, resulting from two phenomena: a change of the party affiliation (party-switching) or a replacement of the deputy in the parliament by another one (replacement). In my comparative analysis of intraparliamentary volatility I am going to set together cases of 3 East-Central European parliaments: Lithuanian Seimas (terms of office: 2004-2008, 2008-2012, 2012-2016), Polish Sejm (terms of office: 2007-2011, 2011-2015, 2015-2019) and Czech Poslanecka snemovna (terms of office: 2006-2010, 2010-2013, 2013-2017). The paper should give answers to the following research questions (grouped in two sets): 1) What sociodemographic factors are correlated with party-switching or replacement phenomena? 2) How the dynamics of a political system between elections can additionally affect intraparliamentary volatility? In the light of questions 1-2 I am going to verify four research hypotheses: H1: The younger the MPs, the more often they change party affiliation (party-switching) or lose their mandates (replacement). H2: The shorter parliamentary experience of MPs, the more often they change party affiliation (party-switching) or lose their mandates (replacement). The hypotheses 1-2 are based on the assumption that along with the process of political socialization the level of a MP’s loyalty increase towards his/her own political party. In this case, other sociodemographic variables have smaller significance. It is proved by the Ceron’s research findings – he has observed that the age of a party influences the internalization of ties between MPs and the party (Ceron 2015). H3: The closer the next parliamentary elections, the more frequent the occurrence of intraparliamentary volatility in a given parliament. H4: The closer the local/presidential/European elections, the less frequent the occurrence of intraparliamentary volatility in a given parliament. The hypotheses 3-4 are based on the assumption that the most important factor determining dynamics of a political system are elections and predictions of their results based (predominantly) on surveys. Although while local, presidential and European elections favour parties’ cohesion, upcoming parliamentary elections intensify MPs’ actions aiming at maximization of their electoral results (including changes in party affiliation). The relations between MPs vote/office-seeking behaviour and party-switching was elaborated by Heller and Mershon (2005) and Pinto (2015).



History and Politics

Name: Harry Blain
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: hblain@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: City University of New York
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Paper Title:  Learning from the Last War (Within): World War II and the Centralization of American Law Enforcement
Abstract:
Why do policing strategies change? Scholars of social movements and contentious politics have generally identified a slow, evolutionary process, shaped by shifting economic conditions and long-term interactions between state authorities and their opponents. In this article, I explore the possibility of a swifter dynamic: law enforcers drawing on their interpretations of recent history to reshape their policing strategies during moments of crisis. Incorporating theories of historical learning from international relations, I analyze the internal deliberations of the United States Justice Department during the Second World War. I argue that the Department’s crucial wartime decision to centralize coercive power in the Federal Bureau of Investigation was motivated by the perceived lessons of the First World War. This process tracing of wartime internal security policy calls attention to the under-theorizing of elite learning in studies of contentious politics, while suggesting pathways for the incorporation of such learning into future research agendas.


Name: Hugo Bonin
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: bonin.hugo@courrier.uqam.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Université du Québec à Montréal
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  British Readings of Tocqueville’s Democracy in America in the 19th Century
Abstract:
Alexis de Tocqueville’s two volume Democracy in America (1835, 1840) has been the subject of countless analyses. Widely considered to have popularized the understanding of “democracy” as a type of society with “an almost complete equality of condition”, the reception of Tocqueville’s ideas had been studied in a variety of contexts (notably in France and the United-States, but also recently as far as China and Japan). Few, however, have looked at its impact on British politics. While from 1835 onwards John Stuart Mill and numerous Radicals famously praised the work as showcasing the strength of popular government, it was also hailed by Conservatives as proof of the dangers of “democracy”, an ominous word in Britain at the time. This twofold interpretation of the Frenchman continued for much of the 19th century. As late as the 1890s, adversaries such as Fabian Sidney Webb and Whig William Lecky could both claim Tocqueville in support of their respective arguments on the future of democracy. As part of an ongoing research on the history of the word “democracy” in 19th century Britain, this communication explores the reception and the impact of Democracy in America’s first seventy years. More precisely, through a study of parliamentary debates, of the periodical press and of political treatises, the dual nature of the British response to Tocqueville’s work is assessed. Both ends of the political spectrum claimed Tocqueville as one of their own for much of the period understudy – although he eventually entered the Liberal pantheon at the end of the century. This raises issues of translations of the book itself, but also of how political actors reinterpret concepts to fit their own frameworks and agendas. Besides, this ambiguous reception of Tocqueville underlines the ambivalence of the British political class regarding “democracy” for much of the 19th century.


Name: Arturo Enamorado
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: enamoraa@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Castro's Cult: How Historical memory and Politics created modern Cuba
Abstract:
The moment the airplane was carrying Batista and his family to the Dominican Republic, a new day dawned. For Castro, the war on the ground was over. However, the initial success of the national liberation soon became a communist uprising that created a cult of personality that held Cuba together in the face of adversity but also a permanent revolution. This revolution can be similarly related to the development of a revolutionary identity that began in the dense hinterland of the Sierra Maestra. Even with the death of Castro and the transition of power, Cuba has maintained itself in the same capacity that Castro left it in. Through his speeches and use of historical memory, Castro ensured Cuba could survive in the face of crisis. The success of the Cuban revolution even positioned the young communist nation to spearhead a national liberation effort in Africa, playing on the world powers fears. Even with the public knowledge limited human rights, Cuba today acts and breathes in a revolutionary way, found in its art and control of historical narratives and memory of the revolution.


Name: Augustus Fisher
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: olukayode.fisher@fuoye.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Federal University Oye-Ekiti
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  FOREIGN POLICY THRUST OF BUHARI's ADMINISTRATION
Abstract:
The task of this paper is to appraise the Nigeria's foreign policy thrust under the Buhari's administration. In doing this, it embarked on a historical and analytical examination of the contradictions that are embedded in Nigeria's foreign policy and their fundamental link to the the country's domestic crisis. The paper observes that the West planted this twin seed of contradictions during its relation with Nigeria (Africa) before independence. Successive administrations in Nigeria since independence have contributed to and nurtured, directly and indirectly, these contradictions, namely corruption and ethnicity. The study relied on systematic qualitative content analysis of secondary data sources as the tool of analysis for the study. A cursory thrust into the history of Nigeria's foreign policy remained the same though with slight modification. The study argues that the perception of Nigeria at the international level has been poor especially during the period under review. This is attributable to the twin enemy of corruption and ethnicity. Until these two contradictions inherited from Nigeria's (Africa) relation with Europe are taken out of the way, Buhari's and subsequent administrations foreign policy effort will have little or no positive impact. The study recommends the need for Nigeria to transform her convoluted foreign policy, redirect her diplomatic compass and re-align her foreign policy architecture to reflect the demands of a globalizing world. Key words: Foreign, policy, administration, thrust, corruption, ethnicity.


Name: Eudora Ohazurike
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: udohazurike@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  Administrative Practices in Africa: A Study of Nigerian Public Service
Abstract:
The creation of public services in Africa is presumably the desire to attain some broad developmental goals and a range of economic objectives. Over the past decades, the numbers and varieties of public services in Africa generally and Nigeria in particular have greatly expanded, but their (public service) overall performance has been rather very disappointing. Hence, this study examined administrative practices in Africa: a study of Nigerian public service. The broad aim of this paper is to look at the various administrative practices in Nigerian public service. The study also tried to interrogate the level of effectiveness in discharging administrative roles in the Nigerian public service. To achieve the aim of this study, facts and judgments were drawn from the structural functionalism theory. The study is a descriptive type which anchored its analysis on the library source of data collection. The paper observed that the administrative practices in the Nigerian public service are supervision, recruitment, training, remuneration, fringe benefits, communication, leadership, retirement among others. It was also discovered that favouritism, partisanship, corruption, tribalism, nepotism and other primordial considerations are factors that pose as threat to the realization of administrative practices in Nigerian public service. The study concluded that for Nigerian public service to perform effectively, its operations ought to be under some core values such as integrity, meritocracy, discipline, professionalism, patriotism, impartiality and secrecy of government information, except where the information divulged conforms to the Freedom of Information Act. Based on the results of the study, it was suggested that there should be a constitutional review of the federal character principle with a view of giving merit, competence and qualification, a huge opportunity in the selection, recruitment and promotion of workers in the Nigerian public service. Hence, rationality and not political consideration should be the basis of recruitment and advancement of employees in the public service. Keywords: Administrative Practices, Employees, Federal Character Principle, and Public Service.


Name: Krishnan Raman
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ramank0@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: NONE
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: CITIZENS, IMMIGRANTS, REFUGEES, GLOBALIZATION, ISOLATIONISM -- SELECTED ISSUES, AND NEED FOR NEW WORLD VIEWS
Abstract:
A basic question in political science is the relation between an individual and a community or a collective . There is a notion of the individual having a sense of “belonging” to a community. In nation-states, a way this is formalized is citizenship, and is linked to the notion of governance systems, and democracy. In other types of Collectives, there are provisions for different categories of belonging. The institution of citizenship is an old one. It implies rights/benefits and duties/obligations. Often not fully clear, and has sometimes led to controversies. In modern times, with new governance systems, increasing mobility, and the occurrences of wars, revolutions, natural calamities, Mass migrations, displaced persons, and the changing structure of families and societies, new questions have arisen, which need to be considered. In this paper, we discuss selected issues and point out the need for new approaches and modified world views. These are issues which should be addressed at a human level, and not just in the framework of formal structures and rules and laws. In particular we shall here look at issues relating to Citizenship, Immigration and related questions. Some viewpoints – these imply different Meta-level Values 1) The components of the world as a collection of “islands” – each looking out for its own interests; the links are looked at as means of promoting one’s own interests. 2) The components trying to establish relationships – toward some kinds of integration -- into a whole that is more than a sum of independent parts. The question of building bridges rather than walls. 3) Globalization – different interpretations -- Business, Political, Monetizing everything, using institutions such as WTO for commercial power. Citizenship related Issues : -- Examples of questions that arise : I. Who has the right to inhabit a territory, with some permanency, and reap the benefits ? What are the decision criteria , and the implied meta-level values ? Who decides who can be included, and who excluded ? Categorization and Stratification of the inhabitants Role of power in the scheme. Is it all or mostly powerplay ? II. Misuse of political power – e.g. the ability to create a structure, and create rules/laws -- some of which may favour one part of the community over another. It may seem that this is why the structure was created e.g. Discrimination of minorities or other sub-communities, religious discrimination. Even a perception of this can cause problems – e.g. lead to protests, even riots. III. To what extent can a society be a Land of Immigrants ? Does one have a right to immigrate to another land ? Factors that determine what is possible: -- Availability of opportunity, and of Capability / Mobility. --- Availability of Resources: An individual or group may deserve to be given shelter, but does the receiving community have the resources ? Major examples in Modern times – Refugees.-- after Political upheavals or Natural Calamities. TradeOff between Human kindness/generosity and the constraints of Resource Availability. Another question: When a group of people moves to a different land, they may develop it for their own benefit. And also that of their community, children and subsequent-generation descendants. May have to choose between these and the alternative of helping others in the present who are in immediate need, e.g. because of an emergency. – War, famine, flood etc May decide to keep the opportunities and benefits to Us rather than Them. Example -- Becoming an Immigrant, and then denying the opportunity & benefits to others. ----------------------------------- An issue that is becoming important. The Role of the Internet, and Cyberspace Communication in determining the character of a community, esp with the spread of social media..


Name: david ricci
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: msricci@mscc.huji.ac.il
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: hebrewuniversity
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title: Political Science for the Age of Trump 
Abstract:
NYSPSA Abstract “Political Science for the Age of Populism” by David Ricci Donald Trump epitomizes recent changes in the way Americans communicate and work together. That being so, some political scientists should investigate and teach about the ecology of capitalism -- that is, creative destruction -- which (1) produced this president and which (2) is straining democratic principles and practices, individuals and communities. Economists promote economic (a) creativity, presuming that it leads to growth which generates social welfare. However, no academic discipline focuses on economic (b) destruction. Yet such destruction imposes great costs on individuals and society, from government by social media to downsizing and outsourcing, from environmental deterioration to climate change, from personal anxiety to international trade wars. Consequently, some political scientists (but not all) should adopt a special mission of highlighting instances of damage as they arise and publicizing what we learn so as to help government officials and citizens mitigate the damage caused by creative destruction in our times. Unmitigated, those damages cause (i) resentment, which fuels (ii) populism, and therefore endangers (iii) democracy. Using terms fashioned by Judith Shklar (opposing tyranny) and Ian Shapiro (favoring problem-oriented research), such a project should especially target neoliberalism, which since the Reagan presidency has promoted and fostered indiscriminate economic growth and its consequences. Additional arguments along these lines will appear in David Ricci, A Political Manifesto for the Age of Populism: Challenging Growth, Markets, Inequality, and Resentment (Cambridge University Press, 2020).


Name: Sofia Sedergren
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ssedergren@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: The Graduate Center, City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Swedish Migration Politics: Have the Sweden Democrats Taken Over the Political Agenda
Abstract:
The Sweden Democrats’ anti-immigration rhetoric has gained increased influence over Swedish politics in recent years as mainstream parties have adopted an increasingly restrictive attitude towards immigration. Despite this rapprochement to the Sweden Democrats, mainstream parties continue to articulate their opposition to the party. My research examines if and how the Sweden Democrats have impacted mainstream parties’ immigration rhetoric in their election manifestos, and if changes on immigration postures have impacted political issues related to immigration, such as foreign policy and welfare; I also assess if the Sweden Democrats have introduced new policy issues and views to the political discourse. I examine 18 election manifestos published by the three largest parties in Sweden: the Moderates (Moderaterna, mainstream right party), the Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterna, mainstream left party), and the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, right-wing party) between 1998-2018. The analysis consists of two components. First, I conduct an analysis of the frequency of immigration rhetoric in the parties’ election manifestos, followed by a qualitative content analysis of the election manifestos. I discover that, while the Sweden Democrats have successfully impacted the debate on immigration and directly related issues, by making mainstream parties more restrictive towards immigration, the party has been unable to introduce new political issues or influence mainstream parties’ positions on topics which do not relate to immigration. I further conclude that the convergence between the Sweden Democrats and mainstream parties occurs in both directions; while mainstream parties are moving closer to the Sweden Democrats’ immigration posture, the Sweden Democrats are also becoming more mainstream by developing policy positions on issues other than immigration.


Name: Mihaela Serban
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: mserban@ramapo.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Ramapo College of New Jersey
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Property Rights, Identity and Citizenship in Romania
Abstract:
Property and citizenship are both relationships of power that delineate belonging to a community as well as political, economic, social, and cultural identities. Property and citizenship are mutually constitutive, as well as constitutive of the modern Romanian state. Identity building as a central element of Romanian state building began in the 19th century, had its defining moments between the two world wars, and continued under Romania’s communist regime and after the fall of communism in 1989. This paper explores the construction of identity and citizenship in modern Romania through property rights and the politics of property during and immediately after various political regimes. I focus here in particular on access to property rights, expropriations and other takings, restitutions, and property litigation over the past century, and more specifically on three key turning points: expropriations of the Jewish citizens of Romania during the Holocaust and state policies of Romanianization, the communist takings of the late 1940s-early 1950s that disproportionately impacted ethnic minorities in Romania, and the post-1989 restitution and litigation surrounding the return of property taken under the prior communist regime. Drawing from archival materials, administrative documents and court decisions, I find that in less than a hundred years, the 1918 dream of the Romanian nation state has been both largely achieved and undermined. Despite stark differences in property ideologies and policies, one common thread from fascism to communism to a democratic market economy has been the privileging, directly or covertly, of ethnic property that maps onto ethnic citizenship. This happened despite formal socialist policies of protecting the rights of ethnic minorities, and despite the formal return to liberal, individualist conceptions of subjectivity, property, and citizenship post-1989.


Name: Harvey Strum
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: strumh@sage.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Sage Colleges
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Warships as Messengers of Charity in 1847
Abstract:
In 1847 a debate developed in Congress and in the public about sending aid to Ireland and Scotland during the Great Famine. A bill proposing $500,000 in direct aid sponsored by Whigs in the House and Senate passed the Senate with bipartisan support. President Polk threatened to veto it because he viewed foreign aid an unconstitutional use of public funds---enough Democrats went along with him to kill it in the House. Public pressure led members of Congress to suggest an alternative loan two warships, Jamestown, and Macedonian, to carry privately raised relief supplies from Boston and New York City, respectively. A proposal by an Assemblyman to grant public funds in New York also lost to the constitutional objections. However, the city of New York followed its own foreign policy and voted $5,000 of public funds to purchase over 1,000 barrels of flour to ship to Ireland. A debate developed in New York City over whether to send relief supplies on privately chartered ships or use the Macedonian. This became a major issue in New York, Albany, Brooklyn, and New Jersey. New York City emerged as the major center for food shipments to Ireland and Scotland in 1847 and more ships left NYC than any other American port and more money was raised in NYC as NY Committee became a national committee that raised relief supplies from as far west as Wisconsin and a diversity of ethnic and religious groups, including the oldest Jewish congregation in the US and the "red brethren" of the Choctaw nation. The paper will discuss some of these issues and the voyages of the Jamestown and Macedonian. By the way, this was the only time in the history of the American Navy it loaned warships to be crewed and commanded by private citizens. The United States emerged in 1847 as the leader in international philanthropy. We would send privately raised relief supplies to Ireland during food shortages in 1862-63 and the Little FAMINE IN 1879-80 when we sent the Constellation with privately raised supplies to Ireland.


Name: Paolo Rico Tagatac-Chan
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: tagatacp@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  The Politics of Gift: Embroidered Wall Hanging from Myanmar to the United Nations
Abstract:
This paper uses an artifact donated by the government of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations on February 23, 1990 to reveal the political and social climate of Myanmar from 1988 to 1991. This gift was an embroidered wall hanging with the theme woven around “Loka Nat.” The ceremonial acceptance was couple months in the making through the efforts of representatives from the Permanent Mission of the Union of Myanmar to the UN and the office of the Secretary-General of the UN. This gift was given during the time when Myanmar citizens took its first step to transition from military to civilian government. But, these years also began the rule of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), a new military regime. Using methods of cultural analysis borrowed and adapted from the growing field of visual culture the analysis of the embroidered wall-hanging portrays the political and social intentions of the regime, which directly and indirectly ruled Myanmar until 2010.


Name: Enibokun Uzebu-Imarhiagbe
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: enibokun.uzebu@uniben.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Benin, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Judicial Education in Nigeria: Is Gender on the Agenda?
Abstract:
Although the Nigerian Judiciary is over a hundred and fifty years old, it was only in 1991, twenty-eight years ago that the National Judicial Institute (NJI) was established to serve as a focal point of judicial activities in Nigeria. The main objective of the NJI is to promote efficiency, uniformity and quality of judicial services in Nigeria courts. Over the years, the NJI has been at the forefront of providing continuing judicial education for all categories of judicial officers and organises biennial conferences for Nigerian judges of both superior and inferior courts. The NJI also organises courses and trains support staffs of the judiciary and disseminates information about all its activities through publication of books, journals, records and reports. In spite of the huge strides of the NJI in providing continuing judicial education for judges in Nigeria, gaps still remains with regards to training of judicial officers on how issues of gender affect fact finding, decision making, sentencing and courtroom behaviour. The historical method is used to analyse data drawn from in depth analysis of the course content of the curricula for judicial education and themes of the biennial conferences organised by the institute over years. This data will be supplemented with interviews conducted with judges and judicial educators at the institute, to demonstrate the extent to which gender have featured in the programmes, curricula and pedagogy for judicial officers and their support staff.



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Rana Ahmad
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ranaeijaz.polsc@pu.edu.pk
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science University of the Punjab Lahore Pakistan
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Paper Title:  Islamophobia: Challenges and opportunities for Pakistan
Abstract:
This paper is going to explain about the conceptual and operational framework of Islamophobia along with consolidation at the end. With the birth of Adam, the Iblees warned the Omnipotent that the human would become inhuman when went to earth and denied prostration to a creature composed of dust. Iblees showed pride upon his composition of fire that could burnt out anything. Allah scolds Iblees forever and left for lurking in the world till the day of judgement. He started disarraying the human beings from the straight path and put them in embarrassment before Allah. Started with Adam, alluring him for eating what Allah prohibited for him. Iblees successfully with the will of Allah disarrayed Adam. The world is created on the earth for the supremacy of Allah everywhere. The second victim was Qabeel who killed his brother Habeel while pursuing his ego and bowing his Nafs before Iblees. The people who are from the lineage of Kabeel may be the people who are creating aggravation in the world. The people who may be the off spring from other couples are fighting against the evil. All human beings are by nature Muslims and free as they all are created by Allah. Allah says in Quran that it is you who makes them Christian, Jews or anyone else. Otherwise we all are Adam’s off spring. There is no human being who can deny his creator, although having different understanding about that yet creator’s existence can never be denied. Thus, we all are human beings and need to sustain humanity through the canons of the Omnipotent. We resist to indulge in war or conflict while pursuing the pride of Iblees in heavens or pride of Kabeel on the earth. The Pride lies only with Allah and not the attribute of us. Today’s world, the twenty first century is an age of complexities since media creates convolutions through different set agendas in the global politics. The global North and global south have serious implications on the world ahead. The inequality is increasing day by day at global level and obliging the have-nots to rise against the monopolists. The monopolists need to sustain monopoly through grabbing the economic resources at the global level. The colonial age starts in the beginning of seventeenth century and ended with the American Revolution in 1776, that is third quarter of the eighteenth century. We may call it 1607-1775. However, the implications of the colonial age still exist in their colonies. This is how colonial powers did the divide and rule successfully. To date the colonial powers are dictating the terms to their colonies one way or the other. The colonies which become economically interdependent or autonomous started making their decisions at their own. Like the U.S.A has resolved its horizontal and vertical cleavages with the passage of time and started establishing itself as an independent country after the civil war in the US in 1863. It was the time when Jews from different parts of the world were wandering around and started settling down in the US. It is a group of people who has the fear of losing something. Islamophobia is a direct outcome of that fear. We may define Islamophobia, “it is an Agoraphobia in the hearts and on the nerves of the human beings who differentiate themselves as non-Muslim ruling and influential elite, the anxiety they have in their minds is, if the Muslims revert to their source of knowledge that is Quran, they will rule over the world again.” it is in fact an Agoraphobia, that pertains to an anxiety or fear may make any one helpless, embarrassed while reacting in panic. Therefore, the West knows that Muslims ruled over the world from fifth to thirteenth century and titled that time as dark ages to avoid the Muslim knowledge that enlighten that era with peace and harmony in the society. The Muslim knowledge took over the state as an institution to serve human beings instead of being served as a piece of land. Pakistan is facing different challenges of Islamophobia but also has opportunities to make the world aware of facts. This paper is based on qualitative analysis and triangulation method to make the analysis more interesting.


Name: Kristen Blake
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kblake@molloy.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Molloy College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: The  Belt and Road Initiative in the Middle East
Abstract:
In 2013, during a state visit to Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced a plan to create an economic belt, known as the One Belt which covers an area that stretches all the way from Central Asia to the Middle East and Europe. This area used to be part of the ancient Silk Road which was in existence under the Chinese Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE). China’s goal is to create a thriving economic zone in the Belt area through investment and trade agreements. During a state visit to Indonesia in 2013, Xi unveiled another plan known as the Maritime Silk Road. The Road refers to sea routes and China’s aim to invest and expand maritime trade with countries located near the South China Sea, Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean. Together the two plans became known as the One Belt and Road Initiative (OBRI). In 2016, however, China dropped the term One out of the initiative’s name due to suspicion by many in the international community regarding China’s intentions. The BRI as it is known today, is an important part of China’s foreign and economic policy aimed at global development and the spread of Chinese influence. It consists of Chinese investment in more than sixty countries and international organizations in Asia, Middle East, Africa and Europe. The BRI has also become known as the New Silk Road. The BRI has led to much concern among many countries including the United States, Japan and India, who have devised their own plans such as the Indo-Pacific Strategy to counter the Chinese threat. China has been accused of not only spreading its political and military ambitions around the globe but also taking actions which could leave many vulnerable countries further in debt. This paper will analyze Chinese motives and rationale behind the BRI with particular emphasis on China’s interaction with the Middle East. It will discuss China’s impact on the economic, political and security interests of the Middle East. China’s reliance on Middle Eastern oil and gas has made the Middle East more valuable than other areas mentioned as part of the BRI. The paper will utilize a comparative method of analysis by looking at data concerning both China and countries who support the BRI as well as those who do not support the initiative. Given this is a new topic, it remains to be seen how the BRI evolves in time and how countries will react to it accordingly in the near future.


Name: Jonathan DiCicco
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: Jon.DiCicco@mtsu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Middle Tennessee State University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The 1969 Sino-Soviet Border Clashes as (Manufactured?) Shock to Sino-American Rivalry
Abstract:
The 1969 Sino-Soviet border clashes are examined in historical perspective, with an eye toward contemporary implications for great-power competition and crisis signaling. Conventional wisdom maintains that the 1969 ambush of Soviet forces at Zhenbao (Damansky) Island was intended to influence Soviet decision-making; this paper contends that China’s use of force against the Soviets may have been intended to influence American decision-making. To be more specific, China’s military action may have been motivated in part by the intent to signal to Washington the permanence of the Sino-Soviet split and to “drop a hint to the Americans” about Beijing’s willingness to reorient its relations with the U.S., which had been China’s principal enemy since the creation of the People’s Republic. Starting from this premise, what appears to critics as a miscalculation by Mao Zedong is reinterpreted as a successful strategic gambit that accelerated the U.S.’s movement toward rapprochement with China. Qualitative analysis of the U.S. government’s attempts to understand the Sino-Soviet military confrontation affirms the border clashes’ effectiveness in catalyzing the rapprochement. By investigating the possibility that Chinese leaders effectively manufactured a “shock” to the US-China rivalry, the paper raises questions about political scientists’ conceptualization and measurement of shocks to great-power rivalries.


Name: Btian Ford
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bpford1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: NYC DOE
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:   The Impact of Racial Politics on US Hegemony: Soviet and Russian Policy at the End of the Cold War
Abstract:
Truncated version -- please refer to email to program chair. This paper works to draw the connection between changing racial politics in the US and a less than forward thinking Foreign Policy based on asymmetry power relation between investor classes and working classes. Its major question is indicatied in the title: What Impact did Racial Politics in the United States have on Soviet and Russian Policy at the End of the Cold War? The paper argues that beginning in roughly 1968, the hegemonic coalition in the US began to splinter and polarize because of the Republican Party's whole-hearted embrace of racial politics. This resulted in a two party system in which neither party was interested in any sort of nation-building, even of a former adversary which had the potential to become a future adversary.


Name: Mohammad Haque
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: mohammad.haque@uconn.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Connecticut
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Masquerades of Security Assistance: Security Measures and Beyond
Abstract:
Although security assistance has become a key part of building security measures based on the states’ perceived security threats from external, trans-national and internal actors, its delivery has erupted a major debate and controversy based on its purpose and usage. Some argue that security assistance mechanism helps the recipient countries to defend security threats and sustain internal stability, and benefits the donor countries to protect their partners and allies across the globe. Others maintain that security assistance deteriorates internal stability and increases sufferings to the mass population in the recipient nations. Following human rights perspectives, the current study explores how and why the security assistance delivery mechanism is masquerading its actual purpose and roles while intending to develop security measures. Findings indicate that this mechanism benefits the minority - donors and the governments of recipient countries - while disregarding mass people’s rights especially gender equality, children’s and indigenous people’s rights. Thus, in the name of developing security measures, it is actually hampering the overall development process in the recipient nations.


Name: Wonmin Hong
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: hom3579@yonsei.ac.kr
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yonsei University, South Korea
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  North Koreans Becoming ‘Less Illegal’ in Northeast China: A Critical Study on State-Sanctioned ‘Illegality’ and Following Nuances by migrants’ agency
Abstract:
Within ‘illegality’ propagated by Chinese government, how had the migratory and residential patterns of North Koreans changed in Northeast China? And in which way could these individuals be ‘less illegal’ there? Based on the studies of migrants 'illegality’, which address it as socio-political conditions rather than mere legal term, this paper aims to uncover the fortuitous process of North Koreans being constructed as ‘illegal’ migrants by Chinese government. Due to the ‘illegality’ label, the migratory and residential patterns of North Koreans have thus changed into 'smuggled migration', reproducing their ‘deportability’ and 'illegality'. Despite the border policy of Chinese government, it is also argued that North Koreans could became ‘less illegal’ migrants, by strategically utilizing ‘ethnic capital’ in Northeast China. Unlike previous studies where North Koreans in China were depicted as "unable victims", with the 'critical narrative analysis', this study shows their political agency, producing nuances in the degree and boundary of ‘illegality’ in Northeast China.


Name: Changwook Ju
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: changwook.ju@yale .edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Playing the Hand You’re Dealt: The Implications of Sovereign Debt for War and Alliance Formation
Abstract:
Borrowing credit from outside actors is the main method by which countries finance war. This paper presents a granular theory of sovereign debt, war ,and alliances, drawing on the logic of political survival. First, I argue that states with high (low) creditworthiness are more (less) likely to enter interstate war, and are more (less) likely to take measures that terminate ongoing interstate war. Creditworthy states can enter interstate war without causing a financial burden to their constituents, and they are better able to win ongoing interstate conflicts with increased war chest, increasing the likelihood of their termination. Second, I argue that states with low (high) creditworthiness are more (less) likely to form alliances. Uncreditworthy states under security threat can outsource security obligations while evading disruptions to the state’s domestic political economy. A series of Instrumental Variable Probit (IVP) analyses offer considerable evidence for these arguments.


Name: Jemma Kim
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: jmkim@meiji.ac.jp
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Meiji University
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Paper Title: The Trade-Security Nexus in the Asia-Pacific: TPP and South Korea
Abstract:
In recent years, the paradigm of regional order in East Asia has moved beyond bilateral FTAs, into an era of regional economic integration based on mega FTAs. In particular, TPP drew attention as the largest example of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. However, South Korea has passed over participation in the TPP. Despite having been proud of being an "FTA advanced nation," South Korea has pushed forward with bilateral FTAs without joining the TPP. What kind of factors can explain South Korea's FTA strategy? The case study will focus on the factors that have affected the creation of the linkage strategy between FTAs and national security alliances. The relationship between trade, armed conflict, and alliances has been the subject of continued theoretical study. To what extent, then, is there a relationship between economy and national security, and if there is a relationship, with what mechanism does it function? As a hypothesis, I will verify that policy leaders' initiatives based on hedge strategies, which have recognized FTAs as comprehensive alliances, have promoted South Korean FTAs. Furthermore, I will verify that political and security calculations are factors contributing to FTA partner selection and timing.


Name: Flavia Lucenti
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: flavia.lucenti@uniroma3.it
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Roma Tre University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Explaining Dissatisfaction. China’s participation in the international society during the 2000s
Abstract:
The topic of this paper concerns the narrative elaborated by the Chinese Communist Party, regarding the China’s participation in the international society. It discusses the period between the beginning of the 2000s and the present day, which is crucial for observing how China sought to partake in global governance but the West hindered its efforts in fear of losing a leading role in world affairs. This encouraged the disappointment of China which, conversely, selectively undermined current international institutions and practices, stimulating a diverging interpretation of these that put at stake the stability of global order.The theoretical framework intertwines Constructivism with the English School’s approach. From the Constructivism, it focuses on states’ self-representation; when it exploits the English School’s design, this allows for unpacking the definition of great power and giving to it the meaning of full-fledged member of international society. Narrative indeed, represents the way through which I analize leaders’ frustrations regarding the failed expectations on China’s participation, which led them to contest the Western universal assumption of what constitutes an international "good" governance. Hence, when a sense of no-belonging with the rest of the international society has developed out, China chose to no longer sympathise with the promotion of liberal values, denouncing their use as a pretext for the West of expanding its influence in domestic business of states of strategic relevance. This idea corroborated Chinese leaders’ narrative with post-Western stances,  which are nowadays preventing international cooperation.


Name: Abubakar Mohammed
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: abumuhdxx@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Abubakar Mohammed Department of Political Science, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto abumuhdxx@gmail.com
Co-presenter info: Yahaya T. Baba Department of Political Science, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto ytkbaba@yahoo.com
Paper Title:  Secession and Border Disputes in Africa: The Case of Sudan and South Sudan Border
Abstract:
Conflicts in Africa are increasingly becoming violent and endemic. Many of these conflicts are related to crises of identities, competition for resources and power contestations. A few of these conflicts escalate to self-determination, separatist movements, and secession. These conflicts mostly transcend national borders and trigger the alteration and redesigning of national borders, which itself becomes a source of continued violent conflicts across borders. For instance, the attainment of independence by South-Sudan in 2013 has raised hope in achieving peace and stability after one of the prolonged civil wars in Africa. Nevertheless, the new state of South Sudan has turned to a devil’s domain. The internal conflicts in South Sudan have further aggravated the tensions in the region; in addition to the border disputes with Sudan. After the three years of political independence from Sudan, there is still no agreement over the 2,010-km border that divides the two nations. This, the paper thus examines the nature of border disputes between Sudan and South Sudan and the extent to which the border conflict influences the dynamics of internal conflicts in South Sudan and the implications for peace and stability in the region.


Name: Keith Preble
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kpreble@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: "Two's a company, three's a crowd: the logic of three level games"
Abstract:
My paper explores the complex power relations between Southeast Asian countries, China, and the United States. I expand upon the theoretical “two-level game” proposed by Robert Putnam and argue that there exists a "three-level game" in Southeast Asia. A “three-level game” describes the way in which states operate not only with a domestic and foreign policy environment but also within a regional dynamic. This “game” serves as an analytical lens that explains how competing demands affect the construction of a state’s foreign and domestic policies. These three levels – domestic, regional, and international – influence the power relations not only between Southeast Asian states but also within Southeast Asian individual states on the domestic level as well as with the two great powers in the region, the United States and China. I use a comparative case study approach to analyze the power dynamics of a “three-level game” using Malaysia, Philippines, and Vietnam. I explore how these three countries navigate complex power dynamics at home, in the region, and between the Great Powers; I demonstrate that these competing demands make consistent and coherent policies difficult to achieve given the dynamic and complex power relations among all the actors involved.


Name: Luba racanska
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: racanskl@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Chinese Foreign Policy in East and Central Europe (CEE): The Impact of the 16+1 Platform
Abstract:
China’s shift to a more pro-active foreign policy in international affairs led to a return to the regions of the former communist countries of East and Central Europe in 2012 when the Chinese government initiated a regional group 16+1. The focus of the new creation was mainly advertised as a new opportunity to increase trade and cooperation between China and the 16 regional countries. China’s role as a sole initiator and leader indicated a new format for Chinese foreign policy since the presidency of Xi Jinping: greater participation in the competition for resources and international trade. China looms as large as never before in the outlook of the CEE countries and the China–CEE relationship appears set to continue developing and deepening into the future. The policy measures that China promotes and the discourse it projects in CEE, in dialog with the emerging CEE discourse on China, also poses important questions about whose ideas, norms, values, and policy principles drive the relationship, to what ends, and with what consequences. This paper analyzes the impact of the 16+1 initiative that introduces new dynamics to China’s relationship not only with CEE but to wider Europe as well, and argues that such re-emergence of China–CEE relations after the 2008 crisis is due to the driving forces behind and objectives of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in order to change the rules and norms of the international system to better serve and interest and needs of rising China.


Name: Diogo A V Santos
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: diogosantos@nagoya-u.jp
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Estácio São Luís University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics 
Panel Description: This panel presents a set of views on different aspects of contemporary Brazil. The most populated country and largest economy of Latin America boasts a vibrant and complex society, but also faces daring challenges in some of the areas covered by this panel: government branch relations, corporate compliance, corruption fighting, environmental and urban design.
Co-author info: Luane Lemos Felício Agostinho, LL.M. Attorney at Law, Barrister in Brazil. Director of Environmental Conservation and Managament. Maranhão Ports Co., Brazil
Co-presenter info: Luane Lemos Felício Agostinho, LL.M. Attorney at Law, Barrister in Brazil. Head of Environmental Management. Maranhão Ports Co., Brazil
Paper Title:  Sustainable Development in Brazil's Amazon and Cerrado Commodities exports: A case study of the Northern Port of Itaqui-Brazil
Abstract:
Brazil has been home to some environmental disasters in recent years that have attracted attention for the international community. The fires at the Amazon rainforest, oil spilling on its northeastern Atlantic coast, mud avalanches on precious river valleys bordering mining zones. Also, this South American economic and environmental giant has some of the most advanced and sophisticated regimes of environmental legislation. The purpose of this paper is to examine some of the best practices Brazil has developed to accommodate its need for economic development and environmental protection and conservation. In recent years Brazil has developed a significant capacity to produce agricultural and mining commodities for export. The development of Brazil's agricultural and mining industries has demanded intense investment in technological R&D as well as transportation and logistics infrastructure. Commitment to environmental conservation and engagement in sustainable development goals has become a defining feature of contemporary international relations. Brazil has a long-standing tradition as a proactive and positive member of the international community and the recent environmental disasters and interactions with some international peers, such as France and the European Union have the potential to significantly shift Brazil's foreign policy and insertion in international dynamics regarding the global environmental agenda discussions and other negotiations and interactions in general. The Itaqui port is one of Brazil’s main commodities export outlets allowing for cheap and strategic logistics. The port is also located on the outskirts of the Amazon region, and subject to stringent environmental legal protection and must develop practices that preserve and protect the environment while allowing and promoting intense and strategic economic activity. The literature has noted that the so-called commodities export boom in Latin America has generated severe social, cultural, and environmental impacts. Ensuring the continuation of economic development so needed for reducing poverty, while conserving natural resources and promoting sustainability has and will continue to require technological development, creative solutions and continued application of successful practices. This research examines the relation between handled cargo volumes and Index of Environmental Performance (Índice de Desempenho Ambiental, in Portuguese) to compare levels of sustainable development and environmental management in an arch of commodity export-oriented ports in Northern and Northeastern Brazil, with special focus on the Itaqui Port, located in a ecological transition zone between Amazon and Savannah ecosystems, and Ocean and hinterland environments. We find Itaqui Port's environmental management to be a case of success in sustainable development while serving as a strategic hub for the economic development that The Brazilian impoverished society so needs and also serve as an important international trade hub.


Name: Gezim Vllasi
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: gezim.vllasi@edu.uni-graz.at
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Graz
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Explaining Small States’ Foreign Policy change and identity through Role Theory: Evidence from Switzerland’s and Austria case
Abstract:
This article focuses on changes of identities of foreign policy of small states in the post-Cold war period, and specifically it investigates how small states approaches the changes of the roles and behaviour in IR. Theoretically, this thesis uses the concept of National Role Conceptions (NRCs) to argue that the way small states perceive themselves in the international system can help explain their behaviour and understanding of the reality. Empirically, analyses of Austria’s Switzerland’s foreign policies will be carried out. My project contributes to the study of small states by suggesting that these actors do not necessarily adopt similar foreign policies despite sharing the common characteristic of size. Since that they could not undertake this adaptation collectively instead, they had to accomplish it on an individual basis owing to their different geopolitical positions and the limits imposed on them as a result of the Cold War. This culminated in different types of participation behavior in international politics for both states. The end of the Cold War brought significant changes in the foreign and security policy of these states. Austria in the last decades has become more cooperative by joining the EU and in line revised their foreign and security policy towards EU priorities. And consequently, neutrality is linked to nonalignment. While Switzerland on the other hand still contains a rather stable foreign policy and it is the only contemporary European to maintain strict neutrality after the fall of communism.


Name: Daniel Weisz Argomedo
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: dweiszar@uci.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of California Irvine
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Hactivism: Redefining What Activists Can Do
Abstract:
The importance of this project is to show that hacktivism has redefined the boundaries of what activists can do as well as the theoretical preconceptions of what is necessary to cause meaningful change and the creation of powerful social movements. The first chapter presents a literature review on social movement theory, that provides the theoretical context for the questions I explore in subsequent chapters. The following chapters are divided into three main research questions. Chapter Two addresses the first question: How does the non-territorial domain of cyberspace create new opportunities for activism? I argue that the Internet represents a unique location in which hacktivists engage each other and have bearing on the physical world and on the Internet itself. The research question I pose in Chapter Three is: How is power manifest differently in hacktivism compared to other forms of social movement strategy? This question follows the premise that social movements require large numbers of individuals to exercise greater impact. Hacktivists integrate individuals who are not technically adept at hacking into their activities. However, a single technically adept individual could cause as much if not more impact than a large group of individuals. The final research question I explore in Chapter Four is the following: Does hacktivism possess any distinct advantages over other forms of social movement protest, and if so, what are they? I show that the answer to this question has to do with the flexibility of hacktivism, which allows activists to use it effectively, on a global scale, against practically any target.


Name: Aaron Zack
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: azack@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: John Jay College and Baruch College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Russian- German Relations: the German View
Abstract:
The content and course of Russo- German relations will partially determine whether Europe maintains its prosperity and security, or slides into a chronic state of political, economic, and military conflict. The importance of Russo- German relations is not novel. The estrangement of Russia and Germany contributed towards the outbreak of the First World War, and the alternating conflict and cooperation between Soviet Russia and Germany were decisive in precipitating and limiting subsequent European and global conflicts. This paper will present and analyze the results of interviews of German foreign policy officials, academics, and think tank staff who focus on Russo- German relations. The interviews were conducted in Berlin in 2018. The interviews explore German perspectives on Russo- German relations. German policies will then be analyzed within the historical context of conflict and cooperation between Germany and Russia. This research was funded by a grant from the City University of New York.



Political Theory

Name: Rana Ahmad
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ranaeijaz.polsc@pu.edu.pk
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science University of the Punjab Lahore Pakistan
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Paper Title:  Islamophobia: Challenges and opportunities for Pakistan
Abstract:
This paper is going to explain about the conceptual and operational framework of Islamophobia along with consolidation at the end. With the birth of Adam, the Iblees warned the Omnipotent that the human would become inhuman when went to earth and denied prostration to a creature composed of dust. Iblees showed pride upon his composition of fire that could burnt out anything. Allah scolds Iblees forever and left for lurking in the world till the day of judgement. He started disarraying the human beings from the straight path and put them in embarrassment before Allah. Started with Adam, alluring him for eating what Allah prohibited for him. Iblees successfully with the will of Allah disarrayed Adam. The world is created on the earth for the supremacy of Allah everywhere. The second victim was Qabeel who killed his brother Habeel while pursuing his ego and bowing his Nafs before Iblees. The people who are from the lineage of Kabeel may be the people who are creating aggravation in the world. The people who may be the off spring from other couples are fighting against the evil. All human beings are by nature Muslims and free as they all are created by Allah. Allah says in Quran that it is you who makes them Christian, Jews or anyone else. Otherwise we all are Adam’s off spring. There is no human being who can deny his creator, although having different understanding about that yet creator’s existence can never be denied. Thus, we all are human beings and need to sustain humanity through the canons of the Omnipotent. We resist to indulge in war or conflict while pursuing the pride of Iblees in heavens or pride of Kabeel on the earth. The Pride lies only with Allah and not the attribute of us. Today’s world, the twenty first century is an age of complexities since media creates convolutions through different set agendas in the global politics. The global North and global south have serious implications on the world ahead. The inequality is increasing day by day at global level and obliging the have-nots to rise against the monopolists. The monopolists need to sustain monopoly through grabbing the economic resources at the global level. The colonial age starts in the beginning of seventeenth century and ended with the American Revolution in 1776, that is third quarter of the eighteenth century. We may call it 1607-1775. However, the implications of the colonial age still exist in their colonies. This is how colonial powers did the divide and rule successfully. To date the colonial powers are dictating the terms to their colonies one way or the other. The colonies which become economically interdependent or autonomous started making their decisions at their own. Like the U.S.A has resolved its horizontal and vertical cleavages with the passage of time and started establishing itself as an independent country after the civil war in the US in 1863. It was the time when Jews from different parts of the world were wandering around and started settling down in the US. It is a group of people who has the fear of losing something. Islamophobia is a direct outcome of that fear. We may define Islamophobia, “it is an Agoraphobia in the hearts and on the nerves of the human beings who differentiate themselves as non-Muslim ruling and influential elite, the anxiety they have in their minds is, if the Muslims revert to their source of knowledge that is Quran, they will rule over the world again.” it is in fact an Agoraphobia, that pertains to an anxiety or fear may make any one helpless, embarrassed while reacting in panic. Therefore, the West knows that Muslims ruled over the world from fifth to thirteenth century and titled that time as dark ages to avoid the Muslim knowledge that enlighten that era with peace and harmony in the society. The Muslim knowledge took over the state as an institution to serve human beings instead of being served as a piece of land. Pakistan is facing different challenges of Islamophobia but also has opportunities to make the world aware of facts. This paper is based on qualitative analysis and triangulation method to make the analysis more interesting.


Name: Saladdin Ahmed
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ahmeds2@union.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Union College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 5
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Paper Title: The Ideological Crisis of Unsuccessful Revolutions
Abstract:
This presentation will begin with a rejection of the commonly held assumption – advanced by both postmodernism and neoliberalism – that we no longer live in the age of ideologies. Against this post-ideologicalism, I will argue that we live in a more ideological age than ever, insofar as capitalism has achieved virtually unrivalled global dominance since the demise of Leninism and Maoism. Drawing from Terry Eagleton’s work, I will first demonstrate how the internalization of capitalism is so severe that it has become easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. From there, I will demonstrate the degree to which today’s social and political movements of dissent lack a revolutionary ideology. Indeed, the failure of progressive movements that have arisen over the last decade to deliver lasting change is ultimately due to this ideological dearth. They have not coalesced around a revolutionary ideology capable of offering an alternative vision or at least basic critical propositions necessary to inspire a popular climate of opinion that could negate the existing order and de-normalize its retroactive ideologies. I will argue that it was the lack of a comprehensive anti-capitalist ideology that doomed the Occupy Movement from the start. Granted, there was an anti-1% sentiment that resonated widely, but the moral discourse to which it gave rise only exposed the ideological void of the movement. This enabled the media and civil society at large to dismiss Occupy’s potential capacity to threaten the existing order, despite its relative success in creating a temporary public sphere for debating the question of alternative. The same ideological crisis manifest in the absence of an emancipatory ideology has plagued Iran’s 2009 Green Revolution and 2019 Gas Revolution as well as the Arab Spring uprisings. In the absence of an alternative to Marxian revolutionary ideologies, and because liberalism is not a revolutionary ideology, the liberal forces in the Middle East and North Africa region were unable to achieve a lasting social and political rupture. In failing to form a strong political front capable of sustaining the momentum of the movements of resistance against totalitarian forces, popular uprisings across the region have given way to fundamentalism or military regimes headed by dictators. In short, liberalism can neither replace capitalism nor survive any decisive confrontation with a relatively popular ultra-nationalist or fundamentalist religious front. Even more importantly, and contrary to the neoliberal promise of capitalism’s deliverance of the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy, it is now clearer than ever that capitalism’s global dominance fosters the rise of illiberal forces across the world. We can see this in the Chinese, Russian, Turkish, and Chilean models, which are among the clearest examples of combining capitalism with political despotism. However, one could also argue that the rise of populist right wing movements in the US and various parts of Europe reinforces the same conclusion: capitalism empowers retroactive and profascist regimes. Therefore, contrary to the Fukuyaman “end of history” projection, in the foreseeable future, the ideological conflicts will only become profounder.


Name: Maxwell Burkey
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: MBurkey@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Stockton University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Panel Title: PT 2
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Paper Title: Civility and Resistance in American Political Discourse
Abstract:
Contemporary American political discourse is structured to a significant degree around the notions of civility and resistance. With the rise of exclusionary, right-wing nationalist movements across the western world, and the election of Donald Trump in the United States, scholars and activists have a renewed interest in combatting racially tinged popular movements and the uptick in white nationalism in America. The terms civility and resistance have gained their current currency largely as the two dominant frameworks for containing white nationalism and other iterations of right-wing populism. The first, civility, points to a tradition of what has been called “civic religion” or patriotism that combines the best of American institutional liberalism (the rule of law, civic equality, etc.) with an inclusive and progressive sense of American identity (America as a land of immigrants, etc.). The second, resistance, is more amorphous, but it places emphasis on an extra institutional response to populism and locates itself in a tradition of disruptive social movements. In this paper, I examine the imbrication of these two strands of political discourse and suggest that contemporary resistance discourse participates, to a significant extent, in the civility framework, limiting its critical potential and eschewing its more radical historical antecedents.


Name: Abby Dobson
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: Adobson@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 2
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Paper Title:  The Intersection of Race, Gender and Class in Homelessness Discourse: What’s Black Feminist Political Thought Got To Do With It?
Abstract:
This paper will explore and interrogate the Intersection of race, class, gender and homelessness policy and discourse. It will examine the invisibility of Black Women in the definition of the crisis of homelessness and development of political interventions for this intersectional crisis of public policy and the social-political implications of this invisibility. The examination will draw on Intersectionality Theory and Black Feminist Political Thought. The examination will call for a politics of dignity in intervention and policy prescriptions.


Name: Eylem Dogan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: doganib@mef.edu.tr
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: MEF University - Istanbul/TURKEY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title:  Marx’s Critiques of Political Economy and Speculative Philosophy: A Comparative Analysis
Abstract:
In his eleventh thesis on Feuerbach, Marx declares that his primary concern is not to interpret the world but to change it. However, he himself builds an interpretation of the world as well. Marx’s revolutionary theory is founded on that interpretation the starting point of which is the “the material production of the immediate life”. In that respect, Marx considers his interpretation as having epistemological superiority over the two disciplines that he criticizes most frequently, speculative philosophy and political economy. A comprehensive method to grasp Marx’s interpretation of the human and of human history therefore requires examining the details of his criticisms of how political economy and speculative philosophy, as two alienated sciences, misinterpret human reality. In this paper, I first present a comparative analysis of the propositions of the two disciplines in question through which the distinctive points of Marx’s perspective and interpretation could be recognized exhaustively, and I show that both disciplines involve similar reductions in their conception of the human being. I conclude by arguing that, due to the different implications of these reductions, the perspective of political economy is a more pressing problem for Marx.Although Marx’s criticisms of the two disciplines differ in their context, the methods and conceptualizations of political economy and speculative philosophy point to a common problem: the inadequate categorization of human. This problem results in inappropriate or incomplete claims about human reality. From the perspective of Marx, private property designates for political economy what gravitation signifies for physics: it is a universal law. Political economy defines the human in relation to private property, assuming it as an integral aspect of human “essence”. As such, it ignores the degradation of labor in the capitalist mode of production. Therefore, political economy, reducing human being into an “economic category” fails to recognize the alienation of labor which dehumanizes human beings. Speculative philosophy, on the other hand, reduces human being into a “philosophical category”. It re-presents the human through categories such as “essence” or “existence”. Real individuals, their actions and conditions are not taken into account when describing the content of those categories.Although the categorizations of the human by both disciplines are inadequate, I argue that there is a crucial difference between the two: Speculative philosophy presents a fictional illusion as the reality itself whereas political economy presents an incomplete image of the “concrete reality” from its own perspective. Political economy, although incompletely, represents the reality: human beings are practically treated as economical categories. However this representation remains incomplete because it both ignores the inhuman aspects of the concrete reality and normalizes the consequences of the capitalist mode of production. The perspective of political economy is therefore a primary problem for Marx compared to speculative philosophy which involves merely a problematic reduction of the human at the level of consciousness.


Name: Taylor Doherty
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: taylordohert@umass.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts - Amherst
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title:  Queer Theory and Discourses on Normality in Trumpian Times: Towards a Queer Epistemic Disobedience
Abstract:
“This is not normal.” Actually, it is. My contention is that this is indeed normal. Anti-blackness, white supremacy, and patriarchy are inextricably embedded into our society. Trump is simply an emboldened iteration of the foundations of capitalist modernity. Discourses of normalcy offer a rather thin conceptualization of the realities of our Trumpian times and fail to acknowledge the structural issues at hand. To argue that this is not normal is to commit an act of epistemic violence and erasure and practice a specifically American form of hubris and exceptionalism. This paper draws on queer theory, decolonial theory, and Marxist feminist frameworks to explore the normalcy of the racist, white supremacist, xenophobic, misogynistic, patriarchal, and homophobic underpinnings of the Trump administration. The paper transcends theoretical abstracts to explore how concepts of queerness can help us envision and create a space of resistance. A multifaceted approach, an explicitly queer and decolonial approach, to dismantling structures of power is necessary – we must decolonize, deheterosexualize, and subsequently destruct the status quo. In short, we need a queer epistemic disobedience and a resistance to regimes of the normal (Warner 1993).


Name: Claudia Favarato
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cfavarato@iscsp.ulisboa.pt
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 5
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Paper Title:  The origin of the state, the origin of the tribe. Navigating endogenous ideas on the political system
Abstract:
Keeping in mind the interplay between political science and studies on Africa, I aim to address the approaches herein adopted to analyse the concept of the political, taking into account configurations beyond the mere state. To do so, I firstly recall the canons of political science, underpinned in eminently western epistemology, and then look at the contribution of African and Africanist scholars on the same topic. The explanatory epistemological approach guides my critique, grounded in analytical analysis of the available literature, corroborated by fieldwork data gathered through non-participant observation and interviews with local informants.According to the canons of political science as a discipline, as well as for the international order, the state is assumed as the normative model. It shapes daily politics, and how studies and analysis are structured. Beyond the surge to universality in theoretical and practical terms, in the African continent the state is not the outcome of native political structures’ development, but it is a foreign importation or the inheritance of colonial occupation. Scholarship of the latest 20th century pinpointed the character of alienness of the state and the inappropriateness of the related models of analysis. The problem thus lays not on the veracity of the canons’ underlying assumptions, but on their comprehensiveness.African and Africanist scholars counter-responded the canons with the elaboration of normative models of forms of organization for the sovereign power, articulated within the theoretical frame of communitarianism, African socialism and moral-oriented Ubuntu. Although, critics extensively pointed that such theorizations rely on anachronistic and nostalgic ideas of traditional societies that long ago existed, thus intertwining logical analysis with imagined notions of a cherished past. Moreover, the African socialism experiments of the national leaders going “back to the roots” too often served the aims of one-party, authoritarian regimes in their run for power.During fieldwork, I researched on the state and indigenous polities in Guinea-Bissau. The former is a formal and institutionalized configuration of power, largely modelled upon the western majoritarian democracy model (although it is a weak entity and overall dysfunctional in its implementation). Contrary-wise, the local-traditional power is an unrecognized system laying in the twilight of informality yet strongly legitimated by the people. it deeply differs from the state, since foundations of endogenous power provide for a relational model that discards the assumptions of western individualism. They conceive the relationship between individual and community/state onto peculiar - pluralistic and semi-physical - patterns instead. To unriddle these foundations is an essential step to understand configuration of power in Guinea-Bissau, as in other African realities.In light of the exposed, I intend to discuss the production of political science knowledge and research on the Africa continent. Departing from the case of the state and indigenous power in Guinea-Bissau, I will unfold my argument avoiding, on the one hand, culturally dependent western-centric premises and, on the other hand, an analysis grounded on cherished societies devoid of underpinnings in my considerations.


Name: Michael Gamkrelidze
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: gam1938@gmail.com
Professional Status:
Institution: Independent researcher
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Panel Title: PT 4
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Paper Title: On the Science of Social Boundaries or on Social Ammoriology 
Abstract:
This paper is a continuation of “Democracy as a State of Social Boundaries”, presented at last year's NYSPSA 73-rd Annual Conference. The idea then was to consider social systems of various sizes and types, from a family of two members to the world community, as dynamic steady state systems, seeing the advantage of this approach in the possibility of describing social systems in non-anthropomorphic terms, free of value judgment and common to physical and biological systems. We proceeded from the fact that the state (condition, order) of the system is a mathematical concept, as well as the boundary, also common to physical and biological systems. We hope that it will gradually relieve us of the need to operate with such controversial and ambiguous terms as capitalism, socialism, democracy, exploitation, and many others. In this article an attempt has been made to outline the taxonomy of social boundaries, their nature, their interdependence, their significance, their variability, their impact on the stability of social systems, on their development, survival in competition, etc. Keywords are: sovereignty, discrete and continuous states of the social system, social boundary.


Name: Flavia Lucenti
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: flavia.lucenti@uniroma3.it
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Roma Tre University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Explaining Dissatisfaction. China’s participation in the international society during the 2000s
Abstract:
The topic of this paper concerns the narrative elaborated by the Chinese Communist Party, regarding the China’s participation in the international society. It discusses the period between the beginning of the 2000s and the present day, which is crucial for observing how China sought to partake in global governance but the West hindered its efforts in fear of losing a leading role in world affairs. This encouraged the disappointment of China which, conversely, selectively undermined current international institutions and practices, stimulating a diverging interpretation of these that put at stake the stability of global order.The theoretical framework intertwines Constructivism with the English School’s approach. From the Constructivism, it focuses on states’ self-representation; when it exploits the English School’s design, this allows for unpacking the definition of great power and giving to it the meaning of full-fledged member of international society. Narrative indeed, represents the way through which I analize leaders’ frustrations regarding the failed expectations on China’s participation, which led them to contest the Western universal assumption of what constitutes an international "good" governance. Hence, when a sense of no-belonging with the rest of the international society has developed out, China chose to no longer sympathise with the promotion of liberal values, denouncing their use as a pretext for the West of expanding its influence in domestic business of states of strategic relevance. This idea corroborated Chinese leaders’ narrative with post-Western stances,  which are nowadays preventing international cooperation.


Name: Sean McKeever
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: smckeever@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: SUNY Albany
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 1
Panel Description: Topics in Political Thought
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Paper Title: Humility: Adorno and the Forgotten Political Virtue 
Abstract:
Early democratic theorists understood the importance of humility as a political virtue; it was, they argued, impossible for democracy to realize its potential without humility. In today’s political climate, a renewed analysis and discussion of humility as a political virtue is necessary. Adorno, especially his conception of the good, gives us a theoretical grounding for why humility is a reasonable—and perhaps the only reasonable—starting point for political thought and action. His is a negative dialectical conception of the good that seeks to keep identity and nonidentity in constant, peaceful tension. This is a necessary conception of the good, he contends, because any positive definition of identity is always incomplete and, therefore, false. This means that we cannot fully know even our own identity let alone the identity of others. Any attempt to define identity suppresses some part of identity expression and is, therefore, oppressive. This loss of understanding of our identity is, at first, destabilizing and disorienting, causing vertigo. This only occurs, though, because we are used to the system’s oppressive stabilization. As continual criticism puts into practice correct living, we can overcome vertigo. This constant reevaluation and destabilization is not to say that there is no identity. The good for Adorno is “beyond identity” but it is not just a life of difference, which would itself become an identity. There is still an identity that must constantly be posed in tension with difference, which means Adorno does not make the move to eliminate identity that some theorists after him do. Instead, identity and difference must be in constant, peaceful tension with each other. Since we never fully know our identity and since every attempt at getting identity and difference to peacefully coexist will fail, we should adapt an attitude of humility. When each of us do this, each of us will realize, “I am oppressive and continue to be so with every thought or action.” This knowledge alone allows for political actions that can begin to move against my own and other people’s oppression. Adorno’s critical theory, and in particular his conception of the good, then, help us to recover humility as a political virtue. This humility, far from suppressing political movement, will spur us to proper political action. Indeed, without this humility, we are stuck with hubris and will not be able to move in ways that fundamentally shift our political society.


Name: Melisse Pinto
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: melisse.pinto@castleton.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Castleton University
Scheduling Preference:
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Panel Title: PT 2
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Paper Title: Perspectives on the General Will, Sovereignty and the Environment
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the growing impact of environmentalism on the theoretical basis of leftist populism. Traditionally leftist population has shared with capitalism the producerist perspective that in order for humanity to flourish, it must dominate the earth through labor and technology. Currently, there are new perspectives emerging that recognize that the interests of the people are not dependent on extracting the most value from the earth but by finding a way to control and balance human needs within the context of a harmonious ecosystem. Populism, both left and right, has generally been associated with a type of economic sovereigntism. Each state seeks to maximize the amount of value its people can extract through labor by controlling resources, technologies and markets. This creates a highly competitive world system based on states protecting a territory controlling resources, and a “mode of production”. By protecting access to territory, the state fulfills its defining function of protecting the survival of its citizens. Emerging versions of leftist populism such as that of Jean-Luc Melenchon in France appear to be moving toward a new definition of sovereignty, not based on domination, but a new consensus concerning the relationship between man and nature, and man and man derived from an alternative perspective on the place of labor in human life. I argue that this perspective is related to Rousseau’s understanding of the General Will as the source of a kind of natural sovereignty that is profoundly egalitarian and rejects domination and mastery in all its forms.This paper analyzes the growing impact of environmentalism on the theoretical basis of leftist populism. Traditionally leftist population has shared with capitalism a producerist perspective that in order for humanity to flourish, it must dominate the earth through labor and technology. Currently, there are new perspectives emerging that recognize that the interests of the people are not dependent on extracting the most value from the earth but by finding a way to control and balance human needs within the context of a harmonious ecosystem. Populism, both left and right, has generally been associated with a type of economic sovereigntism. Each state seeks to maximize the amount of value its people can extract through labor by controlling resources, technologies and markets. This creates a highly competitive world system based on states protecting a territory controlling resources, and a “ mode of production”. By protecting access to territory, the state fulfills its defining function of protecting the survival of its citizens. Emerging versions of leftist populism such as that of Jean-Luc Melenchon in France appear to be moving toward a new definition of sovereignty, not based on domination, but a new consensus concerning the relationship between man and nature, and man and man derived from an alternative perspective on the place of labor in human life. I argue that this perspective is related to Rousseau’s understanding of the General Will as the source of a kind of natural sovereignty that is profoundly egalitarian and rejects domination and mastery in all its forms.This paper analyzes the growing impact of environmentalism on the theoretical basis of leftist populism. Traditionally leftist population has shared with capitalism a producerist perspective that in order for humanity to flourish, it must dominate the earth through labor and technology. Currently, there are new perspectives emerging that recognize that the interests of the people are not dependent on extracting the most value from the earth but by finding a way to control and balance human needs within the context of a harmonious ecosystem. Populism, both left and right, has generally been associated with a type of economic sovereigntism. Each state seeks to maximize the amount of value its people can extract through labor by controlling resources, technologies and markets. This creates a highly competitive world system based on states protecting a territory controlling resources, and a “ mode of production”. By protecting access to territory, the state fulfills its defining function of protecting the survival of its citizens. Emerging versions of leftist populism such as that of Jean-Luc Melenchon in France appear to be moving toward a new definition of sovereignty, not based on domination, but a new consensus concerning the relationship between man and nature, and man and man derived from an alternative perspective on the place of labor in human life. I argue that this perspective is related to Rousseau’s understanding of the General Will as the source of a kind of natural sovereignty that is profoundly egalitarian and rejects domination and mastery in all its forms.


Name: Samah Rafiq
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: samah.rafiq@yale.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 4
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Paper Title:  Privatization of Border Control: The Case of Visa Processing Companies
Abstract:
While border control is still justified via the concepts of states’ sovereign decision-making, it nonetheless involves various kinds of private actors to which parts of the process have been delegated. I focus in this paper on private visa application processing companies like VFS Global. These companies are the first, and mostly the only, point of contact between an individual visa applicant and the destination state. They gather and store vast volumes of personal data on applicants ranging from biographical information, fingerprints, retina scans to bank statements. This privatization of border control is a fairly recent phenomenon and has been linked to the rise of neoliberalism across the globe. It impacts the individuals who cross international borders, the states who enter into contracts with these private actors, as well as the infrastructure of border control writ large. The impact therefore can be located at various levels – individual, state, international. Two key questions emerge therefore: 1. does privatization in any way or measure impact the state’s monopoly on sovereign-decision making in matters of border control? 2. How does this privatization interact with issues concerning data gathering and privacy? This paper is my attempt to engage these contemporary yet complex questions.


Name: Gergely Rajnai
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: rajnai@ualberta.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Alberta; Corvinus University of Budapest
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Consolidating Power through Electoral Reform
Abstract:
Electoral reforms have long been a central topic in political science. These reforms are usually assessed by comparing the new system to certain previously established criteria. The effect these reforms have on the performance of political parties is also generally assessed by using a priori standards and expectations. However, how the actual results are affected by electoral reform is very rarely analyzed. This paper examines electoral results from dozens of countries over the past decades, focusing on the issue of whether those who have initiated electoral reform benefited from it or not using large databases and statistical methods. Results demonstrate that electoral reform generally does not benefit the reforming actors significantly, however, certain factors (such as the magnitude of the reform or the political environment in which the reforms are enacted) increase the probability of these reforms yielding electoral dividends to those initiating it.


Name: david ricci
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: msricci@mscc.huji.ac.il
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: hebrewuniversity
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title: Political Science for the Age of Trump 
Abstract:
NYSPSA Abstract “Political Science for the Age of Populism” by David Ricci Donald Trump epitomizes recent changes in the way Americans communicate and work together. That being so, some political scientists should investigate and teach about the ecology of capitalism -- that is, creative destruction -- which (1) produced this president and which (2) is straining democratic principles and practices, individuals and communities. Economists promote economic (a) creativity, presuming that it leads to growth which generates social welfare. However, no academic discipline focuses on economic (b) destruction. Yet such destruction imposes great costs on individuals and society, from government by social media to downsizing and outsourcing, from environmental deterioration to climate change, from personal anxiety to international trade wars. Consequently, some political scientists (but not all) should adopt a special mission of highlighting instances of damage as they arise and publicizing what we learn so as to help government officials and citizens mitigate the damage caused by creative destruction in our times. Unmitigated, those damages cause (i) resentment, which fuels (ii) populism, and therefore endangers (iii) democracy. Using terms fashioned by Judith Shklar (opposing tyranny) and Ian Shapiro (favoring problem-oriented research), such a project should especially target neoliberalism, which since the Reagan presidency has promoted and fostered indiscriminate economic growth and its consequences. Additional arguments along these lines will appear in David Ricci, A Political Manifesto for the Age of Populism: Challenging Growth, Markets, Inequality, and Resentment (Cambridge University Press, 2020).


Name: Nader Sadre
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: nadersadre@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 1
Panel Description: Topics in Political Theory
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Paper Title:  Plato’s Spartan Puzzle: Law and Travel in the Republic and the Laws
Abstract:
My paper is about the relationship between law and travel in Plato's political thought. I use the story of Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, as a pretext to interpret Plato’s efforts to reconcile the tension between political stability and free movement. In Plutarch’s account, Lycurgus is the traveling legislator who legislates against travel. Plato, an admirer of Sparta, reconciles this contradiction in two ways. First, in the Republic, he does so by devaluing travel as a source of knowledge. Later, in the Laws, he reconciles it by devaluing the knowledge that Lycurgus gains in transit–and, by extension, the Spartan legal code. This change in Plato’s attitude towards Sparta–or, at least, in the arguments expressed through the characters in his dialogues–reflects pessimism about the possibility of a state governed by laws rooted in universally-valid knowledge, as well as the cultivation of an elite class capable of governing in accordance with that knowledge. I argue that this pessimism is accompanied by a corresponding optimism about the possibility of crafting laws capable of cultivating sufficient virtue among the ruling class to perpetuate the state and its institutions.


Name: Andrea Antonino Silipigni
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: silipigni.a@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 4
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Paper Title:  The EU’s Neoliberal Political and Legal Framework and the Enforcement of Monetary and Financial Measures: Critical Perspective over a Long Story of (Un)Successes Before the 2009 Eurozone Crisis
Abstract:
For the most part, critical political and legal accounts agree that supranational organisations have mostly relied on neoliberal international treaties, regulations, and directives to enforce first, and to bind later nation states to specific criteria. More specifically, they argue that the European Union – via the Maastricht Treaty, as well as the Stability and Growth Pact – has been able to ensure compliance of its member states with both the debt-to-GDP ratio (not exceeding the 60%), as well as the deficit-to-GDP one (not exceeding the 3%).This paper proposes a rather different understanding of the European Union’s neoliberal political and legal framework and its monetary and financial outcomes. More specifically, it hypothesises that the Maastricht Treaty, and the Stability and Growth Pact have failed in binding most of EU member states until the major reform process that took place between 2011-2013. To this purpose, this paper analyses the weaknesses of the complex neoliberal political and legal framework before the just mentioned reform. In addition to this, it analyses its macroeconomic monetary and financial outcomes within the same period of time.In order to address the above-mentioned hypotheses, this study draws upon several political, legal, and economic sources, among many others: the Maastricht Treaty, the Stability and Growth Pact, and the Eurostat’s reports.The analysis shows that for almost twenty years the EU has failed in binding most of its member states in meeting monetary and financial criteria stemming from the Maastricht Treaty, as well as the Stability and Growth Pact. For this reason, it suggests that the EU has decided to resort to national neoliberal political and legal structures to address its weak enforcement, as well as binding mechanisms in the aftermath of the 2009 Eurozone crisis.


Name: Yunus Sozen
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: sozenmy@lemoyne.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Le Moyne college
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 5
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Eylem Dogan, MEF University, Istanbul. doganib@mef.edu.tr
Co-presenter info: Eylem Dogan, MEF University, Istanbul. doganib@mef.edu.tr
Paper Title: Populism, Resentment, and Ressentiment 
Abstract:
In this paper, we focus on the relationship of two polemical concepts, resentment and populism, as well their connections with democracy and authoritarianism. To inquire upon this relationship, we first overview the populism literature and the uses of the concept of resentment in that literature, covering the debates on populism’s definition, origins, and relationship with democracy and authoritarianism. We observe that, in the literature on populism, resentment is mainly utilized to describe the negative emotion that leads to the rise of the so-called ‘noxious’ political phenomenon of populism, while there is a lacuna in the study of the relationship between populism-in-power and resentment. We then make two arguments concerning the interrelations of these two concepts, utilizing the Argentinean and Turkish cases of populism-in-power as illustrations. First, we argue that populism defined as a socio-cultural phenomenon, relates better with the concept of resentment and its theoretical background than other political strategic or ideological definitions of the concept. Our second argument connects resentment with populism-in-power in a modern democratic institutional framework. Building on Tocqueville’s insight that in modern democracies, the combination of political equality with persistent inequalities of social and economic power provide a fertile ground for envy-resentment, we argue that populism-in-power exacerbates already existing resentment-generating conditions of democracy. This occurs because of the tendency for populists-in-power to hyperpoliticize socio-cultural differences, their promise of redemption in this world through politics without delivering equality of power, and their rhetoric of victimhood while in power. Finally, utilizing Ure’s conceptual framework that distinguishes among different forms of resentment, we argue that populism-in-power (especially its right-wing forms) is the vehicle that potentially transforms (or degenerates) ‘socio-political resentment’ to ‘ontological ressentiment’.


Name: Anthony Tresca
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: atresca@trinity.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Trinity University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 2
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Paper Title:  Getting Deep About Deep Ecology
Abstract:
In November 2019, the United Nations released a striking report over the devastating state of the climate crisis; their report found that because we failed to reduce our global emission rates “deeper and faster cuts are now required.” The United Nations’ recommendation for deeper changes seems to open the door for a movement that has ‘deep’ in the name: Deep Ecology. Despite existing since the late 60s/early 70s, Deep Ecology has failed to produce the type of change necessary to effectively combat the current climate crisis. This paper examines Deep Ecology’s more spiritual and philosophical approach to the issue of climate change, including: their history, their advocacy for biocentric equality, and their focus on changing an individual’s mindset in order to cultivate an ecological consciousness within them. The paper then examines major criticisms with the movement and finds that all critics come to a unifying and damning conclusion about the movement: Deep Ecology does not offer a realistic solution to the fast approaching climate crisis. Yet, Deep Ecology’s inability to solve the climate crisis does not mean the philosophical movement is a failure and bad; instead, it just shows that Deep Ecology in combination with other more tangible steps should be taken to effectively combat the current climate crisis.


Name: Michael Villanova
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: mvillanova@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, CUNY
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 3
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Paper Title:  The Lumpen: Understanding the Concept in Marx’s Works and its Relevance for Contemporary Political Struggle
Abstract:
The role of class struggle in historical materialism and Marx’s works is central in explaining political, economic, and historical phenomena. While the two main classes, the proletariat and bourgeoisie drive the progress of capitalist society, Marx also includes references to other classes such as the lumpen that are historically relevant in class struggle. For the early Marx, his conception of the lumpen has often been noted as lacking a serious material analysis of the class’s position in capitalist history as he often resorts to pejoratives, such as “social scum” in The Communist Manifesto, to determine their political viability. The prevailing literature concludes that Marx’s writings on the lumpen are either reflections of moral ideologies about the underclass during the time he was writing, useless for contemporary class struggle, or lacking serious class analysis all together. This presentation will put forward that Marx’s understanding of the lumpen continually changes throughout his works and is integral, not just peripheral, to class struggle and that Marx can offer a material explanation for the lumpen’s role and function in a capitalist society. By tracking how Marx changes his understanding of the lumpen throughout his works, I argue that Marx’s “mature” economic works break from his earlier indictments of the lumpen as counterrevolutionary when he concludes in Capital that the lumpen are an exploited class due to their relation to productive labor as constructed by industrial capitalism. This approach to understanding the lumpen in Marx’s works leads me to argue that the lumpen can be a possible revolutionary force in class struggle. Connecting Marx’s works to contemporary times, I will show that traditional lumpen ways of production and life are becoming more ubiquitous, due to recent political and economic trends, and therefore more important to incorporate into political movements. I will contend that current political discourse has worked to discount the political actions of the lumpen in countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom, while at the same time the lumpen class has considerably grown in such countries. I conclude that the political left must incorporate an understanding of the lumpen and how the lumpen function in capitalism into its struggles if it is serious to create a radical class based politics in the near future.


Name: Robert Patrick Whelan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: rwhelan1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Binghamton
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 1
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Paper Title: Policy Design and Incommensurability: A Contractualist Response to ‘Sacred Values’.
Abstract:
Political commentators such as Cass Sunstein argue that policies are optimal when constrained by the regulatory principle first enshrined in Reagan’s Executive Order 12291. Appealing to a form of welfare consequentialism, this principle claims that economically significant regulations are justified only if they secure an expected net-benefit. However, the justificatory role afforded to cost-benefit analysis can be criticized for its failure to adequately address the claims of society’s most vulnerable members. Ex ante contractualism offers an appealing alternative as it affords the aggregation of costs and benefits no role in justifying governmental policies. On this view, principles of action and the policies they licence can be justified only if no individual could reasonably reject them in favour of any alternative. Often, justifying social and economic practices requires redistributing expected costs and benefits so that no individual can reject the associated principle as overly burdensome. However, in detailing how the redistribution of benefits can mitigate individual objections, contractualism appears implicitly ‘monist’ in its understanding of value; all accounts suggest that individual complaints and the benefits provided to offset them are reducible to, and measurable in terms of, a singular value, typically individual welfare. Critics argue that presupposing incommensurability precludes the rational comparison and substitution of values required to mitigate ex ante objections. Drawing on contemporary research in social and moral psychology I argue that rational comparisons and substitutions between incommensurable values is possible. However, this empirical literature raises distinct challenges which suggest further modifications to the contractualist account. Importantly, the psychological commitment to ‘sacred values’ suggests that certain trade-offs are morally forbidden. As such, the contours of permissible substitutions must be delineated with respect to the ‘taboo’ and ‘tragic’ trade-offs generated by ‘sacred values’. The import of this analysis is that regulatory bodies must contend with the possibility that even non-aggregative trade-offs necessarily involve moral wrongdoing.


Name: Daniel Zimmer
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: dpz24@cornell.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Cornell University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: PT 1
Panel Description: Topics in Political Theory
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Paper Title:  The Family of Man's Peril: Total Precarity and the Limits of Political Solidarity
Abstract:
In January of 1954 The Family of Man opened at the MOMA. The most famous photography exhibition ever assembled, The Family of Man contained over five hundred images of human beings from all continents and walks of life hung without commentary and clustered loosely by activity. My essay argues that, despite its fame and enduring status as an object of critique, subsequent analyses of The Family of Man have continually failed to grasp the full novelty of what the exhibition attempted to illustrate, and in so doing reveal a larger blind spot in Western political and critical theory. Although a great deal of attention has been paid to the composition and content of the five hundred black and white portraits the exhibition contained, nearly all critics have either neglected to mention or only glossed in passing the presence of another image, this one rendered in color and physically impeding one’s path to the exit: an eight foot tall illuminated transparency of the glowing fireball from the Ivy Mike hydrogen bomb test. Inscribed next to it were words excerpted from the grim Christmas Eve address delivered by philosopher Bertrand Russell three weeks prior under the tile “Man’s Peril” (soon to be condensed as the “Russell-Einstein Manifesto”), which warned that if in a coming war “enough H-bombs are used there will be universal death—sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority the slow torture of disease and disintegration. My essay reconsiders the depiction of undifferentiated human totality illustrated in The Family of Man as a direct response to the hydrogen bomb and an attempt to rethink human universality when confronted by the unprecedented prospect of “universal death.” If find that, despite the literally unavoidable placement of the eight foot wide image of the hydrogen bomb, this defining feature somehow passes without comment in the early critiques of the exhibition developed by both Roland Barthes and Max Horkheimer. I attempt to illustrate that by criticizing the exhibition for downplaying the importance of cultural difference in favor of the commonality of the human species, both of these famous critical theorists miss the radical novelty announced by both The Family of Man and “Man’s Peril”, which is that now that hydrogen weapons have placed human survival in human hands, the species itself has become the potential subject of a new form of political universality. Drawing several important parallels between this early confrontation with the planetary impact of hydrogen weapons and contemporary discussions of global warming, I conclude by arguing that the image of unqualified human universality conjured by the total precarity of “universal death” offers an initially appealing but ultimately pernicious approach to developing novel forms of solidarity in the face of planetary challenges. By beginning with negative solidarity of undifferentiated vulnerability, the approach to human universality advocated by Russell and depicted by The Family of Man proves unable to generate a positive political project and ultimately terminates in political quietism.



Identity Politics

Name: Rana Ahmad
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ranaeijaz.polsc@pu.edu.pk
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science University of the Punjab Lahore Pakistan
Scheduling Preference:
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Paper Title:  Islamophobia: Challenges and opportunities for Pakistan
Abstract:
This paper is going to explain about the conceptual and operational framework of Islamophobia along with consolidation at the end. With the birth of Adam, the Iblees warned the Omnipotent that the human would become inhuman when went to earth and denied prostration to a creature composed of dust. Iblees showed pride upon his composition of fire that could burnt out anything. Allah scolds Iblees forever and left for lurking in the world till the day of judgement. He started disarraying the human beings from the straight path and put them in embarrassment before Allah. Started with Adam, alluring him for eating what Allah prohibited for him. Iblees successfully with the will of Allah disarrayed Adam. The world is created on the earth for the supremacy of Allah everywhere. The second victim was Qabeel who killed his brother Habeel while pursuing his ego and bowing his Nafs before Iblees. The people who are from the lineage of Kabeel may be the people who are creating aggravation in the world. The people who may be the off spring from other couples are fighting against the evil. All human beings are by nature Muslims and free as they all are created by Allah. Allah says in Quran that it is you who makes them Christian, Jews or anyone else. Otherwise we all are Adam’s off spring. There is no human being who can deny his creator, although having different understanding about that yet creator’s existence can never be denied. Thus, we all are human beings and need to sustain humanity through the canons of the Omnipotent. We resist to indulge in war or conflict while pursuing the pride of Iblees in heavens or pride of Kabeel on the earth. The Pride lies only with Allah and not the attribute of us. Today’s world, the twenty first century is an age of complexities since media creates convolutions through different set agendas in the global politics. The global North and global south have serious implications on the world ahead. The inequality is increasing day by day at global level and obliging the have-nots to rise against the monopolists. The monopolists need to sustain monopoly through grabbing the economic resources at the global level. The colonial age starts in the beginning of seventeenth century and ended with the American Revolution in 1776, that is third quarter of the eighteenth century. We may call it 1607-1775. However, the implications of the colonial age still exist in their colonies. This is how colonial powers did the divide and rule successfully. To date the colonial powers are dictating the terms to their colonies one way or the other. The colonies which become economically interdependent or autonomous started making their decisions at their own. Like the U.S.A has resolved its horizontal and vertical cleavages with the passage of time and started establishing itself as an independent country after the civil war in the US in 1863. It was the time when Jews from different parts of the world were wandering around and started settling down in the US. It is a group of people who has the fear of losing something. Islamophobia is a direct outcome of that fear. We may define Islamophobia, “it is an Agoraphobia in the hearts and on the nerves of the human beings who differentiate themselves as non-Muslim ruling and influential elite, the anxiety they have in their minds is, if the Muslims revert to their source of knowledge that is Quran, they will rule over the world again.” it is in fact an Agoraphobia, that pertains to an anxiety or fear may make any one helpless, embarrassed while reacting in panic. Therefore, the West knows that Muslims ruled over the world from fifth to thirteenth century and titled that time as dark ages to avoid the Muslim knowledge that enlighten that era with peace and harmony in the society. The Muslim knowledge took over the state as an institution to serve human beings instead of being served as a piece of land. Pakistan is facing different challenges of Islamophobia but also has opportunities to make the world aware of facts. This paper is based on qualitative analysis and triangulation method to make the analysis more interesting.


Name: Marvin Astrada
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: ma190@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Scott B. Astrada, Georgetown University Law Center, sba50@georgetown.edu
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Paper Title: Politicized Identity in American Political Thought & Practice: Assessing Identity’s Impact on Power, Representation & Community in the Modern Legal & Political Process
Abstract:
Identity politics, broadly construed, has found expression in every facet of American politics since the founding of the US as a formal political unit in 1791. Politicized identity (PI), manufactured for public consumption by what can be termed Identity Based Factions (IBFs) has exercised a substantial degree of influence on the character and content of American politics throughout the nation’s history, especially in the political and legal process. The need to examine modern PI as an explanatory variable when analyzing the form and substance of American political thought and practice, especially in the realm of ascertaining what exactly constitutes an American national identity/community, is a necessary exercise. This work therefore critically analyzes the impact of PI on the character and content of American politics, generally, and, more specifically, how PI affects/effects the notion of a national American identity/ community. This work is justified, in part, because: 1., PI requires periodic re-examination due to its historical and culturally-contingent nature; and 2., IBFs contour the character and content of our politics, exerting considerable influence on the political and legal process and policy spaces, as well what exactly constitutes representation and community—key factors in the articulation of American politics. Does PI and the IBFs that champion identarian-based politics, predicated on notions of discrete and insular political communities, adversely affect the notion of a unified American national community? Do PIs and IBFs prioritize the interests and goals of discrete political communities (and sub-communities) at the expense of fostering a national community or identity? Is it accurate to state that if one desires a national community, then this needs to be prioritized over identarian-based political communities? Ostensibly, each seems to inform the other, each seems to play a formative role in being a producer and product of the other, so that the relationship between national community and identarian political communities needs to be critically re-examined within the present legal and political process. This work thus explores and critically examines the complexity of identity politics as manifested in the political and legal process. This work is conceptual and structural in nature. This work analyzes some of the problems, tensions, and effects of PI vis-à-vis positing an American political community, as well as the impact that PI has on the character and content of inclusive representational politics—the medium by which an American political community is framed and posited. Social scientific and legal concepts and methods are employed to address the aforementioned questions. More specifically, case law, legal and political theory, politics, and philosophy are employed to reexamine and analyze identity politics and PI on American political thought and practice. The aim is to contribute to a larger political discourse that seeks to: 1., better bridge the gaps between theory and practice; 2., appreciate and gauge the conceptual and empirical complexity of politicized identity; 3., expose how the conceptual directly informs the practice of identity politics; and 4., highlight and critically analyze the power-effects of politicized identity in the political and legal process.


Name: Carolyn Conway
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: carolyn.conway@uconn.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Connecticut
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Myself, Dr. Evelyn Simien and Dr. Thomas Hayes are all affiliated with University of Connecticut, Political Science Department, 365 Fairfield Way U1024, Storrs, CT 06269-1024 (email:evelyn.simien@uconn.edu, carolyn.conway@uconn.edu, thomas.hayes@uconn.edu)
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Multiple Group Identity, Candidate Affect, and Vote Choice in the 2016 American Presidential Election
Abstract:
What is the political significance of identity categories? Can vote choice and candidate affect legitimize ideology-based boundaries? Past research has established that feminists differ from non-feminists in their attitudes and values toward a range of policy issues (Cook 1993). More recent scholarship has found that African American and Latina women differ from white women in terms of candidate affect and vote choice (Simien and Hampson 2017). Feminists are more likely to support certain types of candidates than their non-feminist counterparts because of their social location (race, class and gender). Using data from the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), this paper utilizes statistical analysis to determine the impact of multiple group identity on candidate affect and vote choice- that which results in bloc voting and boundary making during the presidential selection process. The paper develops a measure of candidate affect derived from the 2016 ANES. Feminist identity like racial group identity (read: black) should remain a statistically significant predictor of candidate affect even after controls for partisanship and ideology are included in respective models. It is our expectation that African American women and feminists alike will express greater dislike for the Republican candidate (Donald Trump) and this negative affect will serve as a catalyst for political behavior. Similarly, African American women and feminists alike will express greater warmth for the Democratic candidate (Hillary Clinton) and this positive affect will serve as a catalyst for political behavior.


Name: Md Mostafa Faisal
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: parvezbogra2011@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Gazi University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Challenges of Refugees in host country: a example of Rohingya in Bangladesh
Abstract:
People migrated from their home or country for the war or persecution is an old phenomenon. Rohingya is one of them those who migrated their homeland Myanmar due to government’s persecution. The United Nations refers to them as one of the most persecuted ethnic minorities in the world and this minority group from the Arakan state of Myanmar crossing by land into Bangladesh, while others take to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand to escape state sponsored persecution. Rohingya minority persecution is one of the most intense episodes of human suffering of the early twenty-first century. There are about 1.1 million Rohingya people are migrated as refugee from Myanmar to Bangladesh which begun from 1978 and again in 1992. But a large number of Rohingya peoples are migrated from 2012 and later in 2016 and 2017. The aim of this study is to explore the main challenges of Rohingya people in the refugee camps, particularly their health, shelter, food, water and sanitation, security and protection, and sexual harassment of women. This study based on the both primary and secondary data. Primary data collected during my PhD thesis purpose and some of them have taken for this research. And Books, peer reviewed journals, magazines, conference papers, news and feature articles from contemporary newspapers as the sources of secondary data. This paper conclude that, United Nations, International community and Bangladesh authority should ensure better management in refugee camps and only a proper repatriation can solve the problems. Keywords: Rohingya, Migration, challenges, Bangladesh, Myanmar.


Name: Esther Franke
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: frane423@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The New School for Social Research
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Carla Wember (University of Kassel and University of Applied Sciences Fulda; carla.wember@oe.hs-fulda.de)
Co-presenter info: Carla Wember (University of Kassel and University of Applied Sciences Fulda; carla.wember@oe.hs-fulda.de)
Paper Title: “Toronto taught me how to listen to people“ - Enabling structures of solidarity through affective dissonances in food networks in Toronto
Abstract:
How do collective action and solidarity form beyond identity politics? This is the starting question and the epistemological interest of this paper, which addresses the emergence of subjective and collective spaces of movement in and through shared life-world spheres. Based on data obtained in an empirical study in food networks in Toronto, Canada, it is argued that problematizations of shared lifeworld concerns (such as food, but also housing, mobility, education, sport, etc.) can generate "affective dissonances" (Hemmings 2012) and thus potentially create enabling structures for solidarities. Here, then, it is not the shared identity that makes alliances possible, but rather the emotional physical experience of the divergence between ontology and epistemology, i.e. the difference between the felt perception of one's own being in the world and the conditions of a liveable life (cf. Probyn 1993), which makes collectives possible across and through difference. The argument is developed on the basis of qualitative interviews with members of the local food network in Toronto and with recourse to theories of transnational feminist solidarity and feminist theories of affect. The findings have, firstly, movement policy implications when it becomes clear that everyday concerns in the world offer potential as concrete points of materialisation for experiencing inequality. This, so the argument goes, can succeed if (feminist) interpretative frames exist and are accessible, which make the emerging affective dissonances explicable and thus make solidarity possible. Particularly against the background that neoliberal crises increasingly make everyday concerns such as food, housing or mobility problematic, enabling structures of feminist reflexivity can emerge here. Secondly, there are also practical research consequences. If the focus is directed to places where everyday issues are problematized, the potential of new spaces of action for solidarity can be made visible and offers of interpretation that connect to everyday life in its limitations and possibilities can be developed in order to offer affective dissonance space for solidarity. Keywords: affective dissonance, political solidarity, feminist reflexivity, alternative food networks


Name: Cyril Ghosh
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: cyril.ghosh@wagner.edu
Professional Status:
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Test
Panel Description: Test
Co-author info: Test
Co-presenter info: Test
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Abstract:
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Name: Rebecca Krisel
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: rkrisel@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Dialogic Opportunity Structure of the Period Poverty Movement in the United Kingdom
Abstract:
In the Spring of 2019, the British Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Hammond announced in his Spring Statement the approval of government funding for free menstrual products in all English primary and secondary schools as well as colleges (Burns, 2019; Stewart, 2019). This announcement came as a result of a two-year nationwide campaign to tackle the pervasive issue of school-aged girls who could not afford to purchase menstrual products, a phenomenon also known as period poverty. The success of the movement was in part due to its ability to frame period poverty as an impediment to girls achieving their full potential through education. However, when the issue of period poverty first became known in the public sphere in the United Kingdom (U.K.) it was framed as an issue affecting women welfare recipients who could not afford menstrual products. Why was the discursive repertoire of education for girls more durable than the discursive repertoire of women on welfare? To explain this puzzle, I developed the dialogical opportunity structure framework as a way to explain the strength and durability of a frame. Based on a frame’s hegemonic (strong) or counter-hegemonic (weak) speech genre and the stability (embedded in public culture) or volatility (emerging or short-lived) of its dialogic opportunities, we can determine whether a frame might be strong and durable, strong but short-lived, weak and durable, or weak and short-lived. This framework is informed by dialogism and the concept of discursive repertoires (Steinberg, 1998) and it is built in response to the inability of the discursive opportunity structure (Koopmans & Statham, 1999) to account for why, within a particular movement, some frames are more durable than others. Based on the dialogic opportunity structure model, I argue that when the problem of period poverty was framed within the context of education for girls it was tapping into the hegemonic speech genre of rights and education whereas when it was framed in the language of women and welfare, it was aligning itself with a counter-hegemonic speech genre of anti-austerity and poverty. Given that period poverty is an emerging issue in the U.K., we can consider it to be a volatile dialogic opportunity. Which leads the girls education frame to be considered “strong but short-lived” whereas the women and welfare frame is “weak and short-lived.” This explains why the girls education frame was more durable than the women and welfare frame. Unlike the discursive opportunity structure framework, this model does not explain why a frame is successful at influencing policy — however, it is useful in highlighting the struggle among frames fighting for a similar issue.


Name: Ikechukwu Nwosu
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: iyknwosu@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  AFRICAN ENTRANCE IN THE WORLD CAPITALIST ECONOMY: TRENDS AND TRANSFORMATION IN NIGERIA
Abstract:
Africa economy is embroiled in a deep economic crises irrespective of her abundant human and natural resources. In Nigeria, this trend is partly due to successive leaders’ inability to unlock the potential for capitalist development and intensive industrialization. There is therefore the need to investigate on the aspects of Africa’s entrance in the world capitalist economy with particular emphases on the trends and transformations in Nigeria. This study focuses on the trends of entrance by Nigeria in the world economy by drawing judgment from the resource curse theory. The theory buttressed that abundance of resources rather than stimulation of economic development can act as an impediment to the Gross Domestic Product of any given country. The reasons adduced for this negative relationship between resources and underdevelopment includes corruption, decline in the competitiveness of other sectors, over-dependence on one source of income (oil resources) and mismanagement of resources, Dutch Disease among others. This paper is both historical and analytical as information was gathered from secondary sources using the content analysis method in order to achieve the aims of the study. The paper observed that Nigeria's failure to actively get involved in the world capitalist economy is as a result of the continued weak macro-economic performance. The weak macro-economic performance stems from the fact that the primary sources of investment financing and domestic savings have been inadequate, while foreign aid (i.e., foreign savings) has contributed to overall resource availability which has been insufficient to fill the gap between domestic savings and the needed level of investment. It is along this line of intellectual foresight that the paper concluded that Nigeria will continue to face marginalization if steps are not taken to remove the barriers to Nigeria’s entrance in the world economy. Based on these findings, it was suggested among others that the over-reliance of Nigeria on oil should be discourage and the need to diversify the country’s economy will boost her GDP and ensure that they are actively involved in the world economy. Keywords: Development, Gross Domestic Product, Marginalization, Resources, and World Economy.


Name: Shiw Balak Prasad
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: shivbalak85@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science B N Mandal University Madhepura Bihar State INDIA
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Politics of Empowerment of in South Asia
Abstract:
In the 1970s most Latin American countries were ruled by military dictatorship. All forms of civil disobedience were met with arrests, tortures,or even death. The bodies of the victims often simply disappeared. The vanished body, deprived of identity , of physical and spiritual space, of social as well as historical memory, brings to mind the nearly universal condition of women puts to the margins of official and recorded history, uneducated, illiterate and powerless. The story of the disappeared represents a startling parallel to the world wide struggle by women for visibility and for human rights and justice. So the women's rights, must also be defined as being seen and treated as equal in the political and ideological as well as domestic and private arenas. The participation of women in the political and the social realm allows for delegitimizing discrimination against women --and achieving genuine equality--not only under law It also affects the individual cultures that previously denied women the possibility of an education and confined them to a world of silence. All South Asian countries are trying to their best afford for development of women. But, unfortunately half population of the countries deprived their even basic rights now. So all the facts shall place at the moment of paper presentation in this context.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Markson Agyapong
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: marksonagyapong.ma@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Bergen
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Citizens´Trust in the Judiciary in Ghana: Performance or Identity?
Abstract:
More often, when it comes to trust in institutions, performance is the ideal measure. However, there have been countless studies that were contradictory to these findings especially in developing countries. Thus, some scholars identified that in most developing economies, institutional trust is not always determined by performance but culture and identity. On this note, the study focused on assessing the factors responsible for citizen´s trust in one pivotal institution in Ghana named the Judiciary. The main objective of the study was to examine the level of citizen´s trust in the judiciary and the various factors leading to the trust. This study employed the mixed method approach. Both quantitative and qualitative data was used to triangulate results. Online surveys, document reviews and interviews were the source of data. Citizens were the main source for data collection. The results depicted that performance influenced citizen´s trust in the judiciary. Nevertheless, people´s identity played a role in this regard. Citizen´s educational background, age, party affiliation, ethnicity all had an impact on their level of trust in the Judiciary. In conclusion, the study confirmed to previous findings that performance is a measure of citizen´s trust in the judiciary but identity variables equally influenced citizen´s trust.


Name: Mohannad Al-Suwaidan
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Mohannad.Al_Suwaidan@tufts.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Fletcher School- Tufts University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Institutional Capacity Constraints on Distributive Policies in Resource-Rich States
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Distributive policies are constrained by the capacity of the state to design and implement policy choices. States with low capacity face a higher design and implementation cost and are more likely to turn to price-based universal policies that are easy to implement but highly wasteful. I theorize that not only does state capacity determine the available policy options, but the level of capacity during the design and implementation phase of the distribution explains the choice of policies decades later. This is due to the lock-in effects of distributive policies that become increasingly difficult to reverse after stakeholders have developed an interest in the policies. Even as state capacity expands over time, the levels of state capacity during the design and implementation phase remain the more important determinate of the policies used. To test this theory, I look at the role of state capacity in determining the size of gasoline subsidies across 156 states in two time periods. As a universal product with widely available and reliable data, gasoline serves well as a test case for this theory. First, I test for the relationship between state capacity from 2003-2015 and the size of gasoline subsidies in the same period. The relationship is statistically weak and shows little or no relationship between the two variables. In the second test, I look to state capacity from 1963-1975 as a determinant of gasoline subsidies from 2003-2015. This relationship is highly significant. The result holds after controlling for confounding variables and fixed regional effects. The period 1963-1975 is the period when oil prices increased sharply and many exporting and importing countries designed and implemented policies around gasoline and energy. This finding statistically shows the lock-in effects of distributive policies during the design and implementation phase. States with low capacity in the 1960-70s experienced an increase in capacity over time. However, the effects of the policies implemented during that period could still be seen 40 years later. This highlights the importance of accounting for state capacity, not only during the same period as the policies in question but during the critical phase of the design and implementation of distributive policies.


Name: Somabha Bandopadhay
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: somabha.crsgpp@nujs.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: WEST BENGAL NATIONAL UNIVERSITY FOR JURIDICAL SCIENCES, KOLKATA, WEST BENGAL
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: SHIVAM PANDEY, LEGAL RESEARCHER, HIGH COURT, RANCHI, JHARKHAND, INDIA
Co-presenter info: SHIVAM PANDEY, LEGAL RESEARCHER, HIGH COURT, RANCHI, JHARKHAND, INDIA
Paper Title:  AGRICULTURAL COMMONS: WHERE DOES INDIA STAND?
Abstract:
Commons hold immense significance in the lives of considerable population of every nation, which is hardly in the public domain for discussion. The importance of common pool resources is growing perennially, so is its complex problems decreasing effectiveness. The idea of commons is premised on conservation and preservation of natural resources alongside survival of several communities who are dependent on these commons. The idea propagates a socialistic form of participatory governance of natural resources in a cycle of conservation, dependence and livelihood. Unfortunately, this has been suffering setbacks almost since its inception. Hardin in ‘Tragedy of Commons’ has expressed this view few decades back but societies are far from learning from his observations. The problems suffered by the West and East are surprisingly similar, even though it significantly differs in regard to the economy, technological developments, community’s awareness and adaptability to these. Nobel Laureate Elinor Ostrom has devised, what many subsequent scholars have opined the Indiana model of commons in the West; whereas, N.S. Jodha has considerably contributed to this in India. Common property resource management is the new trend-an alternative, efficient utilization and preservation of natural resources giving way for sustenance of the community to counterbalance the disadvantages they suffer. But, how far has this approach been adequately operated and stakeholders been made aware is doubtful. In India, the Jagpal Singh vs. State of Punjab judgement has for the first time contributed to the jurisprudence of commons in the contrary, if not the only authoritative documents emanating from the Indian legal system. The aftermath of this judgment has been felt in some states, though not all, but their significance is immense. Yet, the lingering question remains on the effectiveness of these policies. The paper proposes to investigate these issues to develop a sustainable model of conservation of nature.


Name: Kevin Bronner
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: kbronner@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Nelson A. Rockefeller of College Affairs & Policy, University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Kevin M. Bronner, Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy, University at Albany. kbronner@albany.edu
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Paper Title: Lessons Learned in the Public Budgeting Literature: 1930-1974 
Abstract:
The paper will discuss the key aspects of the public budgeting literature from 1930 to 1974. A paper was presented by the same author at the 2019 NYSPSA conference with budgeting literature from 1899-1929. The new paper will update the budgeting literature from 1930 to 1974. The proposed paper will update the budgeting literature to discuss concepts such as budgeting theories, the President's Committee on Administrative Management (1937), and the Hoover Commissions of the 1940s-1950s. Other topics will include the literature associated with performance budgeting, program budgeting, and the the politics of budgeting. The paper will also discuss the key literature leading up to the 1974 federal budgeting act, parts of which are still in place today.


Name: Marco Castillo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: MCastillo@citytech.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: New York City College of Technology
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Don't Forget to FOSS! An Exploratory Study on the Use of Free Open Source Software in American Governments
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In the late 1990s, the open source software movement formally started, challenging the dominant commercial paradigm that drove and defined both the consumer and the corporate software industry. The very nature of free open source software (FOSS) implied the potential for significant cost savings and other economic benefits for both consumers and governments alike. But both governments and consumers continue to spend extraordinary sums on proprietary software, often even when there appear to be viable FOSS alternatives, leading to the possibility of waste and/or unnecessary costs for citizens and governments alike. In this paper, I explore the phenomenon of the use of free open source software in governments in the United States, seeking to develop a greater understanding of the reasons for the utilization, or lack of utilization, of open source software in various governmental settings. I explore a number of possible explanations for current FOSS utilization patterns, including the lobbying efforts of private sector corporations, the technical needs of public sector organizations, the financial impacts of transaction costs, and the phenomenon of path dependence as possible explanations for current public sector FOSS utilization patterns. I conclude by developing a set of propositions for future research based on these findings.


Name: Michal Gilad
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: gmichal@pennlaw.upenn.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Pennsylvania Law school
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Abraham Gutman, Philadelphia Inquierer
Co-presenter info: Abraham Gutman, Philadelphia Inquierer
Paper Title:  The Tragedy of Wasted Funds and Broken Dreams: An Economic Analysis of Childhood Exposure to Crime and Violence
Abstract:
The problem of childhood exposure to crime and violence has been flagged for several decades as a monumental issue of great proportion. We have previously named the problem the Comprehensive Childhood Crime Impact, or Triple-C Impact for short. It was estimated to be one of the most costly public health and public safety problem in our society today. But how much does it cost us? In today’s world, crime penetrates the lives of children from all different directions. Children witness violence at school, in the neighborhood, or even in the “safety” of their own home. Children may also be affected indirectly when parents fall victims to crime, or when a parent is incarcerated. The unique developmental, social, and cultural characteristics of children make them particularly prone to the negative forces of crime. Childhood crime exposure leaves deep scars that gravely affect the mental and physical health, as well as the life outcomes, of affected children. Despite the severity of the Triple-C Impact problem, and the devastating effect it has on millions of children nationwide, little is done on the policy level to heal the open wounds. The majority of children harmed by crime do not receive the much needed services to facilitate recovery from trauma. At present, there are no effective mechanisms in place to identify affected children and refer them to vital services. Although resources and services for affected children do exist in most States, access is obstructed by a myriad of bureaucratic hurdles and flaws in the system’s design. The ramifications of this ongoing state of neglect go beyond compromising the well-being of individual children, and have a spill-over effect on society. With millions of children across the nation untreated and hampered from conducting a healthy and productive lifestyle, and with heightened risk for acute health problems, substance use, criminal behavior, and repeat victimization, community safety is inevitably compromised. These negative outcomes of imposing proportions carry hefty costs that are inevitably shouldered by society as a whole, and unnecessarily burden public funds. Although the attention given to the problem and its costs has repeatedly recrudesced over the years, thus far no one has empirical knowledge as to the exact level of financial expenditure associated with the Triple-C Impact problem. This paper takes on the challenge of pursuing a data-driven economic analysis of the Triple-C Impact problem. The paper designs an economic model, using a cost-of-illness, “bottom up” approach, to evaluate the broad range of cost elements associated with the problem, and to estimate the full cost of the problem to the state and to society. It finds that such expenditure aggregates to a total annual cost of over $458 billion, or a lifetime cost of $194,413 per each affected individual. Ultimately, the analysis presented in this article sets the foundations for the development of an evidence-based argument as to the unparalleled opportunity for long-term fiscal savings and economic benefits of investment in early intervention efforts that will facilitate recovery of affected children and alleviate the risk for injurious outcomes.


Name: Bianka Godlewska-Dziobon
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: godlewsb@uek.krakow.pl
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Cracow University of Economics
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: phd Magdalena Franczuk, Cracow University of Economics, franczum@uek.krakow.pl
Co-presenter info: phd Magdalena Franczuk, Cracow University of Economics, franczum@uek.krakow.pl
Paper Title:  The role of public institutions in stimulating technological progress and innovation in the economy.
Abstract:
As a society, we are at the time of the revolution that is fundamentally changing the world in which we live, work, and communicate. To take advantage from the achievements of the 4.0 revolution, we need to transform current thinking and policies - including politics. The current civilizational breakthrough is not only intelligent and interconnected machines, but above all, the reorientation of entire connection systems, those that affect countries, companies, organization and the whole of society, as well as all within their structures. We should apply the newly defined interrelationships between various actors of social life, which are governments, entrepreneurs, public, public, and administrative. The current revolution knows no boundaries that would protect any of the actors from the social life. Today, in face of these changes, the key task is determining the relationship between public and private sectors. The present economic thought based on the doctrine of state interventionism or questioning the essence of the liberal paradigm seems to be too tight and not sufficient enough. The current reality requires the creation of an entrepreneurial country concept treating the county and its market as complementary entities and capable cooperation. This requires a country to be taken differently than just as “meddling” or easing economic growth. It is a key partner of the private sector – and often a partner, capable of taking risks that business will never take. The implementation of this task also requires a change in the functioning of institutions, organizations, government structures consisting in improving efficiency, decentralization, redistribution. This would not only allow them to survive but also build the competitiveness of regions by supplying a growing range of services in the most efficient and individualized way. Research questions: In the paper, we raise questions: what impact revolutionary changes have on the county and public institutions; how these changes should stimulate economic development, what tools the new revolution gives in taking over the role of entrepreneurship promoter and whether it is possible at all. Research methods: The work has a theoretical character. The research basis are studies of domestic and foreign literature on the subject and analysis of institutional changes taking place on a national and global scale as well as analysis of existing documents, especially national and local development policies Preliminary findings: The authors of the paper are trying to show that in the economy based on digital technologies, the boundaries between sectors and institutions are becoming increasingly blurred. The digital changes mean that the existing institutional solutions, including regulatory and socio-economic policy, increasingly turn out to be incompatible with the requirements of the new economy. This approach may show a new role for public institutions, which should be more involved in stimulating technological progress and innovation in the economy. Therefore, the task of public institutions should be to effectively use the potential of digital technologies aimed at improving the quality of life and building economies capable of competing.


Name: Allison Remy Hall
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: arh2189@tc.columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Teachers College, Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Public Art In Business Improvement Districts: Arts Administration in Privatized Public Spaces
Abstract:
This study examines District Management Association public art programming in Business Improvement Districts in New York City in an effort to discover what purpose, public or private, these privately managed public art programs fulfill, and how the actions of arts administrators define the value of those programs. The primary cases explored are the Times Square Alliance and the Garment District Alliance, DMAs and their active public art programs. Through a survey of historic press documentation and neighborhood data over time, I identify the formation of these art programs in connection to redevelopment trends in New York City from the 1990s until today. Using programming data and interviews, I explore the perspectives and practices of the arts administrators who manage DMA public art programs. This allows me to place the curatorial practices, administrative processes, and intra-organizational interactions of DMA arts administrators within a framework that connects characteristics of private and public modes of governance to valuation of art as intrinsic or instrumental. I conclude that public art programs at DMAs, regardless of the intentions of their administrators, serve a largely private purpose connected to the profit-motives of DMA board leadership, and suggest that arts administrators at DMAs might seek to fulfill a public purpose in such a private organizational context via structural practices that embrace accountability and facilitate public participation.


Name: Gina Keel
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: ginakeel@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Contested Rulemaking: Interest Group Narratives and USDA's Efforts to Implement the Controversial Bioengineering Disclosure Standard
Abstract:
In 2016, bi-partisan support led to a national “bioengineered foods” disclosure law. Lawmakers from both parties claimed credit for achieving a national system of disclosure and transparency for consumers but one that does not stigmatize biotechnology. Preemptive legislation evolved from a voluntary GM labeling law to a mandatory bioengineering disclosure with “options.” The bioengineering disclosure standard will be determined through USDA rulemaking, delayed but underway. The law requires agency rules to “prohibit claims regarding the safety or quality of food based on whether or not the food is bioengineered” which protects the food industry and limits the commercial speech of Anti-GM competitors. Congressional intent to promote marketing of bioengineered foods is a clear policy outcome; USDA must “provide science-based information through education, outreach, and promotion to address consumer acceptance of biotechnology.” Food industry allies averted labeling mandates that threatened their commercial interests and won new resources to promote bioengineered food through marketing and consumer education. The policy shift initiated by GM labeling advocates was muted, and the food policy subsystem appears to have reverted back to industry-friendly agency policymaking. This paper will examine the narratives of GM labeling advocates as they seek to limit industry domination of the disclosure standard.


Name: Jeffrey Kraus
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jkraus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Health Policy in the Empire State: Is the Affordable Care Act affordable?, *Jeffrey Fred Kraus
Abstract:
The paper will examine the evolution of health policy in New York state since the establishment of Medicaid/Medicare in 1965. The paper will focus on simultaneous efforts to expand access while containing costs, and will emphasize how the Affordable Care Act has impacted on health care/costs in New York. The major question is whether the present policies are sustainable in the long term.


Name: Michelle Morazan
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: mmorazan@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Leaders in Immigrant Nonprofit Organizations: Exploring how Leadership Attributes Contribute to Success in Securing Government Contracts
Abstract:
In a time of clashing immigration policies, immigrant nonprofit organizations have become indispensable in the lives of immigrants. As these under-resourced organizations face increasing demand for services, they also wrestle with securing funding in a fiercely competitive environment. How these immigrant leaders understand these challenges and successfully strategize for and secure funding to serve their communities becomes vital. The purpose of this study will be threefold. 1). To present descriptive information on several dimensions of immigrant nonprofit organizations that have entered into contractual agreements with New York City government agencies to provide services to constituents. 2). To discover if immigrant leader’s attributes contribute to their success in securing and maintaining these contracts. 3). To explore how immigrant nonprofit leaders, with different leadership attributes, make sense of the political opportunity structure as they formulate strategies and select tactics to secure New York City funding. The aim is to explore of how immigrant nonprofit leader’s a) vision and articulation; b) environmental sensitivity; and c) unconventional behavior may contribute to his/her ability to make sense of the political opportunity structure and subsequently strategically compete and secure city contracts and/or grants. In order to achieve this an explanatory sequential mixed method of inquiry will be added to a grounded theory approach. Mixed methods will be used in three sequential phases to gain insight into the phenomena by integrating quantitative and qualitative strands of inquiry. Convergence will be obtained through triangulation of data sources, theoretical perspectives and methods. Each method and phase will provide a different aspect of the answer to the three areas of inquiry.


Name: Jayita Mukhopadhyay
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jayita_m@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Women's Christian College, Affiliated to University Of Calcutta, India.
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Interrogating India’s Role in Impeding Climate Change in South Asia
Abstract:
As the world community in general and South Asia in particular grapple with the threat of Climate Change and attempt to fulfil their commitments to the Paris Climate Agreement within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), particular attention is riveted to India’s initiatives in countering climate change. India is the largest country in South Asia, second most populated country in the world and home to one fifth of world population. India is not only the largest and most populous country in South Asia, but also the most resourceful one, being one of the world’s fastest growing economies. What is even more compelling, India is world’s largest functional, thriving democracy, loudly proclaiming its commitment to hallowed norms of liberty, equality, and justice, not only at home but also in the international arena, harbouring deep rooted ambition of securing the high pedestal of a regional super power, of becoming a rule maker than a rule taker. This paper tries to unravel the way in which India is trying to mitigate the adverse impact of climate change, mostly of anthropogenic nature, in South Asia and how far it is able to provide leadership to South Asia’s collective effort in countering climate change. Using mostly qualitative research method of policy analysis, this paper will undertake a scrutiny of all major initiatives India has taken in recent years to reduce carbon emission, to promote the use of renewable sources of energy like wind, hydel and solar power, to replace outdated production techniques with eco-friendly, technologically upgraded methods of production and thereby to move towards the millennium development goal of ensuring environmental sustainability while fighting poverty, hunger and underdevelopment. Attention will be paid not only to India’s initiatives in the domestic sphere but also to its proactive role in regional as well as international arena. India’s attempt to use regional bodies like SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) for bolstering cooperation among neighbouring states in dealing with extreme climatic events, its attempt to persuade its neighbours in adopting green technologies and technological and financial assistances provided to weak neighbours in mitigating climate change will all be taken due note of to ascertain India’s performance in this regard. India was at the forefront of negotiations and deliberations among developed and developing countries which ultimately led to the Paris agreement, formally known as the Conference of Parties (CoP) protocol on combating climate change, world’s first comprehensive regime on tackling the phenomenon within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). A comprehensive review of all these policy initiatives reveal that India has played a significant role in responding to the challenge of climate change both at home and abroad though much remains to be done in promoting concerted action globally for saving humanity from future climate catastrophes.


Name: Andrew Pattison
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: apattison@colgate.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Colgate University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: William Cipolli III, Colgate University, Department of Mathematics, wcipolli@colgate.edu Jose Marichal, California Lutheran University, Department of Political Science, marichal@callutheran.edu
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Paper Title:  Devil-shifting and Down-shifting: A Narrative Policy Framework Examination of the Fracking Debates on Twitter
Abstract:
Recent work on the use of Twitter has turned towards examining the role of narrative in the policy process. We build on the work of recent Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) applications using Twitter data that tested hypotheses related to the scope of conflict and the use of the angel/devil-shifts. We apply NPF to Tweets that mention fracking policy in New York and Pennsylvania.  We build upon previous work by looking at a much larger corpus of tweets (263,000) over a longer time frame (6 years) to examine whether policy changes (e.g. NY's high volume hydraulic fracturing moratorium) impacted the types of narratives used by elites. Specifically, we test hypotheses related to the angel-shift and devil-shift using novel sentiment analysis, and hypotheses related to NPF narrative elements using more traditional content analysis. Our results offer alternative theories for the angel-shift and devil-shift as related to policy change.


Name: Godwin Unanka
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: gunanka@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Imo State University, Owerri - Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Juliet A. Ndoh Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: anuligr8@gmail.com And Paschal Igboeche-Onyenweigwe, PhD Dept. of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri, Nigeria. Email: igboechepascal@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  BOTTOM-UP PARTICIPATORY GOVERNANCE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: PERCEPTIONS IN NIGERIA'S CROSS-ETHNIC STATES OF IMO AND AKWA-IBOM
Abstract:
ABSTRACT In the midst of claims to democracy (government of the people) by most countries of the world, for Third World countries, the questions that have so far yearned for answers include: (1) Are the people actually participating in governance? (2) Are the people interested in participating in governance? (3) Could the people’s participation or non-participation in governance have any potentials (albeit, perceived) of enhancing the chances in achievement of sustainable national development? This paper examines the link between participatory governance and sustainable development in two cross-ethnic states of Nigeria – Imo and Akwa Ibom: (1) To ascertain the practice or otherwise, of true democracy-in-governance in the two cross-ethnic states; (2) To determine the extent to which participatory governance is desired across the two states, and (3) To determine the appropriate form of participatory governance that is perceived appropriate for achievement of sustainable development and at what levels of government. In pursuit of these objectives, the study assumes that if participatory governance is a viable strategy for achievement of sustainable development, it cannot be imposed on the people. Thus, using a descriptive-survey design, the paper is based on a study of a randomly selected sample of 904 indigenes/residents of the two cross-ethnic states. Blending descriptive-correlational and phenomelogical analyses, the study found that: (1) Indigenes and residents of the two states perceive the existing governance at local, state and federal government levels as impositions even when (2) they (the people) desire participatory governance, and very importantly (3) The people’s perception of bottom-up (community-grown) form of participatory governance correlate positively with their perception of potentials of achievement of sustainable development at the local government level (not at the state and federal government levels). The findings suggest that the two cross-ethnic states of Nigeria lack true-democracy even when the community-grown form of participatory governance is perceived appropriate for the achievement of sustainable development at the local government level. Accordingly, the paper recommends: To create chances for the achievement of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (2016-2030) in Nigeria, policy efforts (albeit, constitutional amendments) should be made towards the institutionalization/establishment of the bottom-up-community-grown participatory governance (COMPAG) system to replace the current representative democracy at the local government levels.


Name: Lukasz Wordliczek
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: lukasz.wordliczek@uj.edu.pl
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Jagiellonian University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Between incrementalism and punctuated equilibrium: the case of budget in Poland, 2001-2017
Abstract:
The trouble with change in human affairs is that it is so hard to pin down. It happens all the time. But while it happens it eludes our grasp, and once we feel able to come to grips with it, it has become past history. Ralf Dahrendorf, The Europeanization of Europe [in:] Andrew J. Pierre (ed.), A Widening Atlantic? Domestic Change and Foreign Policy. New York: New York University Press, 1986, s. 5 “Incrementalism” and “Punctuated Equilibrium Theory” (PET) have secured their standing in studying policy change through budget analysis. The former—incrementalism—assumes that the policy change outputs regularly and incrementally reflect policy inputs (Davis, Dempster, and Wildavsky 1974). On the other hand, PET’s theoretical and empirical findings shed some light on policy process as a parallel to information process. In this way, policy process starts with inputs (sources), than it goes through throughputs (decisions made according to bounded rationality scheme and with noise factors) and it results with outputs (irregular and punctuated policy shifts). The main reason explaining these irregularities is “institutional friction.” Thus, we are between “dynamic” (PET) and “static” (incrementalism) approaches. However insightful for policy students, the current approaches are quite limited and those applied are contested (Desmarais 2019; Dowding, Hindmoor, and Martin 2013; Jones 2016). Thus, the main aim of the paper is to contribute to the debate on how to study policy changes across time. In the line with the above, some empirical evidence is suggested to confront it with theoretical assumptions. Here, it is examined if budgetary outlays in Poland follow either incrementalism or PET’s core premises. One of the relevant critical points in this realm is to determine if data exhibit normal or leptokurtic distribution. Furthermore, it is investigated which independent variables have the most impact on budget’s yearly changes. Methodologically, the study is based on official budgetary data obtained from the Polish census bureau (Główny Urzad Statystyczny). Some descriptive statistics are provided to tackle the issue of the dependent variable’s distribution. Additionally, an unsupervised learning technique is used to cluster budget data and to identify outliers (i.e. punctuations) and their possible explanations. Technically, yearly budget changes are studied via cross-validation, confusion matrix and ROC analysis. At the same time, however, the argument is supported by as little formal notation as possible. Thus, the paper contributes to, respectively, theoretical, methodological and empirical research on policy agendas and policy change. Consequently, the paper aims at filling the gap in theory-driven literature on budget shifts through their empirically sound and rigorous explanations.



State and Local Politics

Name: Michael Armato
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: marmato@albright.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Albright College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: TEST
Panel Description: TEST
Co-author info: Daria Newfeld, Ph.D., Albright College, dnewfeld@albright.edu
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Paper Title: The Electoral Impact of Progressive Political Activists in New York's Hudson Valley
Abstract:
This paper will highlight the electoral impact of progressive political activists in New York's Hudson Valley. It will show how they work as candidates and with candidates and voters to win elections. In doing so, it will also account for the intricacies of New York's electoral system, as it is an important force fashioning the behaviors of these progressive activists. The data for this work comes from 64 interviews conducted with progressive activists in the Hudson Valley since June 2018. This is a part of a larger project that will contribute a constitutive analysis of progressives in the Hudson Valley of New York to the literature.


Name: Craig Burnett
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: craig.burnett@hofstra.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Hofstra University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Sara Bornstein, Hofstra University, sbornstein1@pride.hofstra.edu
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Paper Title:  The Shame of the Towns: An Exploration of How Political Appointments Reinforce Single Party Machine Dominance in Nassau County
Abstract:
We examine twenty years’ worth of election data from Nassau, Suffolk, and Westchester Counties in New York to explore the frequency with which elected officials arrive on their respective town council via regular election, appointment, or special election. Overall, we find that officials overwhelmingly gain their seat on the town council by winning a normal election in both Suffolk and Westchester counties. By contrast, almost 50 percent of town councilmembers in Nassau County arrived at their position via the appointment process. Taking a closer look at the data, we discover that two of the three towns in Nassau County — specifically, the Towns of Hempstead and Oyster Bay — are aggressive users of appointments rather than special elections to fill a suspiciously inordinate amount of vacancies. As a result of their appointment, we uncover that the appointees in both the Town of Hempstead and the Town of Oyster Bay enjoy an unearned incumbency advantage in their first election. These results largely conform to our expectations of Nassau County politics, where an Italian-American dominated Republican Party machine has steered politics since its growth as America’s first suburb.


Name: Christopher/Tom Drennan/Mandeville
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: christopher.drennan@clinton.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Cliton Community College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Tom Mandeville, Clinton Community College. Tom.Mandeville@clinton.edu
Co-presenter info: Tom Mandeville, Clinton Community College. Tom.Mandeville@clinton.edu
Paper Title:  Community and Local Government: The Creation of a Local Government Center
Abstract:
Community and Local Government The Creation of a Local Government Center This paper seeks to explore and describe some of the steps as well as the hurdles encountered with the creation of a local government center. It is based on the continuing experience of an initiative first formulated in early 2018 and formally launched in October of that year. Now known as the Center for Governance at Clinton Community College, this paper recounts the development of the Center through the creation of an advisory committee, a mission statement appropriate to the center’s various objectives and the early stages towards the realization of these objectives. The initiative began with the recognition that Clinton County situated as it is along the southern border of Canada and thus far from the politics of Albany, might well benefit from a local government center which could help coordinate and act as a resource center for state politics as well as those of the surrounding counties; Essex and Franklin. Collectively known as the “North Country,” these three counties (Clinton, Essex and Franklin) would become the target area for such a center. At least this was the idea back in 2018 and a quick canvassing of local and state politicians suggested that there was considerable enthusiasm for the proposal. And so, after assembling a board of advisors, on October 2, 2018 the Center for Governance at Clinton Community College was officially launched with a public gathering of roughly 75 interested citizens and locally elected leaders to listen to a keynote speech by the Executive Director of the New York State Committee on Open Government. Also, as part of the strategy behind this initial meeting, the attendees were able to participate, by means of a survey, in shaping several of the Center’s objectives. For example, it was determined that the Center should be active in the area of education by providing training opportunities and resources for local government officials. Again, as part of the survey results, it was apparent that the Center should act as a hub for communication and engagement between local governments and the public. And finally, it was determined that the Center should engage in research addressing issues peculiar to the area which it serves. The Center for Governance at Clinton Community College is still very much in its infant stage and so, apart from sharing our experiences with the creation of the Center, like all infants it’s also seeking whatever guidance may be forthcoming from the participants and audience here today at the NYSPSA 2020 annual conference. Christopher Drennan Tom Mandeville


Name: Jeffrey Kraus
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jkraus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Health Policy in the Empire State: Is the Affordable Care Act affordable?, *Jeffrey Fred Kraus
Abstract:
The paper will examine the evolution of health policy in New York state since the establishment of Medicaid/Medicare in 1965. The paper will focus on simultaneous efforts to expand access while containing costs, and will emphasize how the Affordable Care Act has impacted on health care/costs in New York. The major question is whether the present policies are sustainable in the long term.


Name: Dan Ziebarth
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: dziebarth@gwmail.gwu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: George Washington University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Public-Private Partnerships and Democratic Participation
Abstract:
A significant amount of literature has inspected the relationship between public-private partnerships (PPPs) and state and local government. This literature has focused primarily on how these agreements shape financing, economic development, and public policy measures. There has been no research thus far, however, on how these PPPs may affect civic engagement and democratic participation at the state and local level. There are many reasons to believe that PPPs may raise levels of civic engagement and democratic participation, as they deeply affect state and local politics and shape the socioeconomic development of local communities. This paper fills this gap in the literature by exploring the relationship between the establishment of business improvement districts (BIDs), a form of public-private partnership, and voter participation rates. An original data set is constructed from 18 state assembly districts and 22 BIDs in New York City across nine elections between 2002 and 2018. This paper shows that, even after controlling for differences in income, education, and race across the 18 assembly districts, there is a significant relationship between the establishment of a BID in a community and an increase in electoral participation rates. These findings are compelling, providing insight into the role that PPPs play in the political development of communities and opening a new path in the existing literature that can continue to be built upon.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Anita chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: universtiy of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  Interdisciplinary use of online collaborations: lessons from Korea and the U.S.
Abstract:
With the growth of courses, academic researchers have been evaluating the academic viability of these online offerings. Using data collected across a cross-country online collaboration (across the U.S. and Korea) discussing current and controversial issues in American politics, I assess whether students are “academic/reflectivity” in their discussions with each other. “Academic reflectivity” was computed as a compound variable measuring deliberative, reflective posts and responses, using class or text references, posing questions that furthered academic discussions and the length of the post suggesting thorough discussions. I statistically confirm that their discussions are academically reflective, without class differences or gender bias, and that these discussions are academically reflective across any type of question (theoretical or controversial) asked over the semesters. This study adds its significant findings about the growth of online discussions promoting and enhancing the experience of e-learners and collaborative endeavors. The collaboration is one that can certainly interdisciplinary and global.


Name: Phyllis Conn
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: connp@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
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Paper Title:  Implementing the AACU Written Communication VALUE Rubric: Applying a Multidisciplinary Rubric in a History Seminar
Abstract:
Controversy has surrounded the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) multidisciplinary rubrics since their release in 2009. The VALUE rubrics (Valid Assessment of Learning in Undergraduate Education) were developed as tools to assess student work across disciplines and across institutions to determine how well students are achieving learning outcomes considered essential by faculty and employers. The rubrics have been criticized for being overly broad, not useful for communicating expectations to students, and as ineffective for assessing student coursework (Anson, Dannels, Flash & Gaffney, 2012). Instead of using the VALUE rubrics for assessing student coursework, I used the Written Communication VALUE Rubric as a method of beginning a conversation about writing with students in a history seminar. In the spring 2018 semester, I used this rubric to help students discern the commonalities and differences between writing in history and in other related disciplines. This paper will examine how students responded to this work, how their historical writing may have developed as a result, and how my own thinking evolved about teaching writing in history. For example, my conclusions include a recognition that student historical writing develops through multiple methods of discussing, performing and evaluating all types of writing, not just historical writing – students’ own writing, course readings, primary sources, other students’ writing, and readings from outside the course. Finally, this paper will connect the work I did with my students to contemporary research on teaching writing in the humanities and social sciences.


Name: Allyssa Hampson
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: ahampson@cairn.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Cairn University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Effect of Gender on Patterns of Conversation in Seminar History Courses
Abstract:
This paper explores the patterns of classroom discussion as they are related to gender. The study was conducted in a Christian faith-based university in an upper level history class on Russia and the Soviet Union. The class was taught in the style of a seminar and all questions asked were located in the upper level of Bloom’s taxonomy and were open-ended in nature. I assessed whether the patterns of conversation were affected by the students’ genders. The study took place across six class sessions of two and a half hours each. The conversation patterns measured were: speaking first, interrupting, responding to previous comments, formulating stand-alone comments, use of assertive language, use of hesitant language, asking questions, and making statements. I confirmed that students’ patterns of conversation were affected by their gender in that male students tended to speak first, interrupt others more frequently, make stand-alone comments, use assertive language, and make statements, while female students tended to respond to previous comments, use hesitant language, and ask questions rather than make statements.



Undergraduate Research

Name: Holly Alexander
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: holly.alexander@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Cost of Becoming One's Self: A Closer Look at the Factors of Transitioning in a World That Does Not Like Change
Abstract:
Abstract Transgender rights is increasingly becoming a mainstream political issue in the United States. However, there is still not enough of an understanding about some of the major challenges transsexual and transgender people face. This paper will examine specific areas of experiences of transgender people in 21st Century US society. The aim is to reject the misconception that fully transitioned persons are fully accepted, provided necessary attention and health services, and that transitioning is easily accessible and affordable. The focus areas of inquiry will be the social acceptance of transgender people in partnerships and families, the medical transition process and how mental health is addressed, and the factors of cost associated with transitioning. There are disparities that lie in these areas for male-to-female and female-to-male transgender persons; these will be discussed where necessary. Humans being social creatures, one area of concern might be the kind of social environment provided by the family, romantic and platonic relationships, and all other companions. The physical transition for a person would also be an extremely pivotal experience. Medical – physical and mental – provisions, or lack thereof, is unavoidable as this can determine how an individual transitioning perceives and acclimatizes to his or her new life. Finally, this paper explores the factor of cost in transitioning. Inescapable, medical costs for a person transitioning, even by recommendation from professionals, play a huge role. This is a gray area because it is not often discussed what allows someone to qualify for financial assistance for transitioning hormones and procedures, the costs covered by insurance and the costs that remain considered cosmetic, nor the effect of not being able to afford as little as a consultation about one’s condition. To further understand these specific issues, testimonials from transsexual and transgender persons were read, real scenarios of patients were cited: provided by professionals who replaced the patients’ real names with letters or numbers, and quantitative data highlighting certain demographics was analyzed to aid in conclusions. The findings presented in this paper indicate that support is necessary but not always available, there is a wide variable for the medical needs of trans* persons that needs to be met, and cost likely works as a deterrent for people to make the transition.


Name: Tatjana Calimpong-Burke
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: tc54683p@pace.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Pace University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Indigenous Peoples of Hawaii and the Supersession of Sovereignty 
Abstract:
In this paper, I analyze and criticize Jeremy Waldron's perspective on the “supersession of sovereignty,” using the U.S. Supreme Court Case Rice v. Cayetano as the focal point of my discussion. I ask: is it ok to “discriminate based on race” in the case of indigenous peoples, more specifically the native Hawaiians? Can distinctions between indigenous Hawaiians and residents of Hawaii be permissible because they should be recognized as continuing to hold sovereignty? If so, has such sovereignty been “superseded”? In 1996, Harold 'Freddy' Rice attempted to vote in an Office of Hawaiian Affairs election even though he did not meet the racial qualifications to be considered a part of the constituency served by the Office. The Supreme Court in Rice v. Cayetano ruled in favor of Rice, holding he was wrongly denied the right to vote based on race in violation of the 15th amendment. In contrast, the dissent argued that ancestry differed from race and that indigenous Hawaiians retained a status similar to that of Native Americans, who retain some sovereignty. I explore how the Court’s decision has language similar to Waldron’s philosophical arguments on the “supersession of sovereignty.” I largely side with the dissenters, but examine how Waldron’s perspective could challenge their arguments. Waldron argues that even if indigenous peoples were wrongly deprived of sovereignty, changing circumstances could make it unjust to revert sovereignty to them now. Waldron is well-known for his supersession thesis, but this is usually discussed in the context of property rights, not sovereignty. I argue that it is particularly illuminating to explore whether and how his argument would work if applied to the Hawaiian context and whether sovereignty has been superseded in this case. I argue that there is merit to the claim that sovereignty cannot be fully restored to the same form it existed in before historic injustices in the Hawaiian context. However, Waldron does briefly talk about how there could be a partial supersession of sovereignty. I develop this idea of “partial supersession” further in the Hawaiian context and analyze what it would mean. This sovereignty is based on historic title to self-rule; it is diminished because of changed circumstances, but has not vanished. This would involve recognizing that indigenous Hawaiians have more than so-called “special rights.” I ask, however, how far does any residual right of sovereignty extend? Does it allow and amount to discriminating based on race? I argue that my analysis of Waldron’s supersession argument can cast new light on the arguments in Rice v. Cayento. I largely side with the position of the dissent, but I argue that the concept of “partial supersession” provides new arguments not available to the dissent. I not only draw on Waldron's views, but I challenge it using the arguments of Will Kymlicka and other philosophers.


Name: Jasmine Cui
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: jasmine.cui@emory.ed
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Emory University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description:
Co-author info: Sarah Qadir; sarah.qadir@emory.edu, Emory University Meredith McKelvey; meredith.mckelvey@emory.edu, Emory University Faculty Advisor: Elisha Cohen; elisha.ann.cohen@emory.edu, Emory University
Co-presenter info: Sarah Qadir; sarah.qadir@emory.edu, Emory University Meredith McKelvey; meredith.mckelvey@emory.edu, Emory University
Paper Title:  From Online to Office: Social Media and Electoral Outcomes (Updated/Final Version)
Abstract:
Building on previous scholarship on voter mobilization, political communications, and digital culture, I propose a theory of social media followership and its role in determining electoral outcomes. By instrumenting for the effects of followership on a candidate’s vote share using the date of the candidate’s Twitter account creation, we isolate the effects of having an engaged Twitter followership and estimate the amount of electoral support that can be ascribed to a politician having a robust online presence. While previous literature has made the assumption that a politician’s online clout causes their in-district popularity and, consequently, facilitates electoral victories, little quantitative research has been done to ascertain whether or not a large social media following is truly as powerful and, most importantly, causal as it is believed. Furthermore, I observe it is often the case that incumbents, with pre-existing in-district popularity are subsequently popular on Twitter, achieving large followerships, indicating that the direction of causation which is assumed might be faulty. This article contributes to the existing literature by ascertaining the true nature of the relationship — if there is one — between social media following and electoral outcomes. In our preliminary findings, we observe a significant effect, leading us to believe that there may, indeed, be a positive relationship between social media followership and electoral outcomes. Furthermore, we observe that followership advantages political aspirants in three, distinct ways. First, social media followership is often monetized in a way which contributes to a candidates war chest. Followership also endows politicians with an information advantage and, additionally, appears to inform both entry and exit strategies. Lastly, and most importantly, followership increases the recognizability of the candidate by lowering the costs of message transmission. We discuss these three channels of causation the qualitative portion of our study.


Name: Gabriel Henrique de Paula Alves
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: gabriel.henrique98@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon - Institute of Social and Political Sciences (ISCSP).
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East
Panel Description: An presentation regarding the theme of  “Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East”.
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Paper Title:  Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East
Abstract:
“Proxy wars and Superterrorism: A new challenge for the international intelligence in the Middle East”. Author: Gabriel Henrique de Paula Alves ; Mentor: Professor Teresa de Almeida e Silva. ABSTRACT The article has the purpose to analyze the new demands of the security agenda with the post-Cold War, mainly what it concerns to the new shape of war: Proxy Wars. Therefore, the proxy warfare is the main aspect to be investigated, with the aim to understand which are the consequences of these proxy wars for the international system. With this in might, the article makes a parallel between Proxy Wars and superterrorism, related to Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) weapons. This assumption is based in the idea of States seeking for maximize their power; in the other hand, insurgent groups could use superterrorism as a brand-new key power to achieve their claims. Hence, this essay has a starting question which: is the proxy wars a negative externality that could raise the superterrorism in the Middle East, assuming a new shape of onslaught for counterterrorism strategy for the international intelligence? The perspective of proxy wars is evaluated by an analysis of historical facts regarding proxy warfare such was between Turkey and Russia to support Kurd region and the crisis in Syria. The second stage will submit the debate of superterrorism and how it diverges from the conception of terrorism itself, in view of the damages and future consequences, as it happened in Hiroshima, Nagasaki and in the Vietnam War. From this standpoint, the utilization of CBNR by insurgent groups was introduced within reports in 1999 of production of this kind of weapons by Al-Qaeda with the “Project Yogurt”. In summary, this essay will investigate how all this factors configures as contemporary challenges for the strategic studies, national security and above all, how international intelligence, such as INTERPOL, CIA, NATO, FATF and others, will produce efficiency solutions to reduce these struggles. Finally, the theoretical background of this project starts with a passage from the perspective of war hearkening Thucydides and Clausewitz to Buzan and Mary Kaldor (era post-Clausewitz) with the idea of “new wars” and the international security agenda after the Cold War to introduce proxy wars. Third, the realism classic, the offensive realism and neorealism has the purpose to read the discussion between power and imposition of interest by the State actor and non-State actors, assuming a different shape for security studies, not only based in a military aspect. To show the security dilemma as a conglomerate of factors and the importance of “soft power” instead of “hard power” to reduce futures struggles and safeguard the peace in the international society. Keywords: Proxy Wars; Superterrorism, International Intelligence; Neorealism; Middle East.


Name: Morgan Johnson
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: mjoh296@lsu.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Louisiana State University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Criminal Justice Systems and Psychological Disfranchisement
Abstract:
The criminal justice system, has always been at odds with Black and poor people. Recently the criminal justice system in America has been criticized for its bias and disproportionate use against Black people. We have discussed extensively how this system of oppression has come about; who made it, why they made it, how it benefits them. We often discuss the literal effects of being incarcerated, and how it upholds our country’s current race based power structure. Throughout our extensive discussion of the criminal justice system and its effects on colored people, we have not discussed how it affects the political psyche of the affected populations. We often discuss the lack of political participation in terms of structural issues such as; discriminatory voting laws, lack of resources, inability to make it to polling stations, income, and educational variations. Though these laws and practices greatly contribute to people’s inability to vote, it does not account for everything. Despite all these obstacles, the average person could still reasonably exercise their right to vote. So then what is preventing people in this demographic, particularly Blacks, from voting? The prevailing consensus is that there is a widespread apathy epidemic among the Black community. However, I would argue that years of oppression, particularly criminal-justice based oppression, has damaged the Black political consciousness in such a way that low-income Blacks no longer believe in the political system or the power of their vote. This research will attempt to begin exploring the criminal justice system’s effects on Black attitudes towards government, and subsequently Black political participation. This work will discuss the body of literature used as a foundation for this work, followed by a discussion of my research method, findings, and an analysis. This work is intended to begin the discussion about other potential consequences of the criminal justice system, and other causes for Black’s failure to participate politically.


Name: Jack Leighton
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: jack.leighton@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Cases of Chinese Human Rights abuses and the International Response
Abstract:
In the post-World War II global community, the atrocities carried out by Nazi Germany demanded a global concensus for the treatment of all human beings. As the global forefront of peacekeeping efforts, the United Nations took on this responsibility and drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. This was signed by the original United Nations Security Council, which included the Chinese government. This establishes that China has indeed recognized the universality in the concept of Human Rights and what they entail.The Universal Human Rights Declaration, as outlined by the United Nations details thirty articles of Human Rights that are inalienable to human life. These include rights to movement within one’s country, freedom from arbitrary interference in one’s life, right to determine one’s own education, freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, rights to religion, and the right to equal dignity. These rights are internationally determined to be the most fundamental and the most important rights a state must give to its people.By examining three cases of the Chinese government abusing the rights of citizens living in Autonomous Zones(Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong), the patterns of abuse begin to emerge. The accounts of Human Rights abuses conducted by the Chinese government are a nearly constant stream in outlying regions, especially those discussed, since the CPC took power in 1949. The common tales of forced abortions and sterilization of women, torture, suppression of religious freedom, arbitrary arrests and other Human Rights abuses seem to pose that the Chinese government gives little to no concern to Human Rights when it conflicts with their goals of a Han Chinese hegemony. While the international community places pressure of words, they are in a strong position to refuse to change. International law gives them the territorial integrity that allows them to barr journalists or the United Nations entry into their country. This is the biggest asset in their ability to conduct themselves as they please. Other countries are unable to assess these situations for themselves, and are forced to look to second hand accounts. These second hand accounts directly conflict with the accounts given by the Chinese government, and countries are forced into submission so as not to provoke massive aggressions from China. Risking a war with a nuclear capable superpower is not something that is taken lightly by any country, even large militaries like the United States. China has the second largest economy in the world, so smaller countries are unable to challenge their economic might in order to combat their Human Rights abuses.


Name: Maria Lore
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lorema@lemoyne.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Le Moyne College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  President Calderón’s “Multi-Front War”: Combatting Drug Trafficking Organizations with the Use of Defective Institutions
Abstract:
This paper reinterprets Mexico’s transition from a one-party to a multi-party system at the beginning of the twenty-first century. This change occurred when the seventy-one-year rule of the centrist Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) ended with the right-of-center National Action Party’s (PAN) electoral victory in the 2000 general elections. This paper scrutinizes this rise in political pluralism that coincided with an increase in drug transshipment activity in Mexico, and the economic and political factors that caused narcotics trafficking to expand. Most significantly, this paper addresses the “war on drugs” that Felipe Calderón, the PAN politician who served as president from 2006 until 2012, implemented throughout his term. It questions why President Calderón’s anti-drug efforts failed to entirely eradicate drug trafficking activity, and instead caused a plethora of human rights abuses to occur. In connecting this “war on drugs” to political transition, I argue that human rights abuses resulted from the failure of Mexico’s institutions to accommodate the shift in governing tactics that ensued as power was transferred from the PRI to the PAN. Before the PAN obtained federal authority, Mexico’s bureaucratic system was arranged in such a manner that military and judicial officials remained devoted to the PRI and its leadership to retain at least partial independence over the internal affairs of their respective departments. These institutions, and particularly the military, were therefore unable to effectively shift their operational style to adhere to the PAN’s agenda that restricted such autonomy. Alternatively, the PAN fell short of overturning critical aspects of the PRI’s decades-old clientelist order, and it is these changes that institutions under the PAN did not make to the PRI’s governing structure that also resulted in rights abuses and an unsuccessful “war on drugs.” This included the PAN’s decision not to train military personnel to fight as law enforcement officers, as well as the party’s choice to refrain from eliminating the bribery and “shyness” that continued to plague courts. Thus, when Calderón implemented his anti-drug initiatives, he was essentially compelling his administration to fight a “multi-front war,” both against institutional weaknesses inherited from the PRI and in opposition to armed drug trafficking organizations, or DTOs. I therefore conclude that Calderón’s “war” was unsuccessful because cartel activity could not be eliminated while the military and judiciary remained incapable of facilitating the policy changes that would result in effective DTO suppression. In approaching my research, I use primary sources that include Gibler’s eyewitness accounts compiled in To Die in Mexico: Dispatches from Inside the Drug War, as well as statistical documents published by Human Rights Watch, Congressional reports, and secondary sources.


Name: Blake Reed
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: blake.reed001@albright.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Albright College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Pennsylvania Public Good Distribution in Rural and Urban Areas
Abstract:
Pennsylvania is composed of vast amounts of rural land, as well as populous cities like Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. Like other states throughout the country, Pennsylvania provides public goods and services to its residents, and distributes them using state and federal level funding. Due to its complex makeup of rural and urban areas, state government has to ensure that the allocation of goods is provided in an effective manner, while ensuring that large areas and populations are not left out. In many cases, to ensure effective use of government money, it appears that urban areas are given more funding, as more constituents are affected, and the need for public goods might be higher in urban areas. This may, however, leave rural areas at a disadvantage, as funding and allocation of goods and services are not prioritized for these areas. This paper will look into the funding of public goods on a county level, and compare the funding received by rural and urban areas throughout the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to determine if rural areas are being underfunded or overlooked in the distribution of public goods. Using data provided by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s Department of Transportation, this paper will look into the allocation of funding and public goods and services between urban and rural areas throughout the state. The data will be compared on a county-by-county basis, using definitions of “rural” and “urban” from the Center for Rural Pennsylvania, which states that an area is considered rural if it is under 284 persons per square mile—the state average—and urban if it is above. This resource has already categorized Pennsylvania counties as either urban or rural; the same categorizations are to be used by the authors. Using the data and definitions provided, a coding system for the data will be developed and explained, allowing for better analysis and fair treatment of the data. To this point, little research has been done regarding rural areas and the distribution of public goods in this capacity. There is, however, evidence to suggest that the people that reside in rural areas do not have the same levels of political efficacy as their urban counterparts. There is also evidence to suggest that those in rural areas feel that they have been neglected by the government, and that they have not been allocated the same funding, goods, or services that those in urban areas appear to receive. Due to this feeling of resentment among rural areas, as well as the politically competitive climate in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, determining the equity of funding and public goods is an important aspect in understanding the relationship between rural areas and the government, as well as rural areas and their urban counterparts.


Name: Ellen Thome
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ethome@fordham.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Fordham University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  School and Sanctuary: How state-level sanctuary policies affect migrant K-12 students’ academic performance
Abstract:
Since 2010, use of deportation has increased and become more central to immigration policy in the United States and abroad, with deportation becoming a central aspect of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign platform during the 2016 presidential election. The threat of deportation has a profound effect on immigrant children living in the United States on all aspects of their lives. This paper seeks to examine how state compliance with ICE affects migrant K-12 students’ performance on state standardized tests. While previous literature on the subject has already demonstrated how sanctuary policies can improve public safety by increasing trust in law enforcement, as well as produce economic benefits in the districts where they are applied, there is a gap in the literature regarding sanctuary policies and education outcomes, particularly among immigrant K-12 students who are more likely to experience obstacles to education, including poor mental health, low preschool enrollment, and high rates of absenteeism. This paper examines two states with large populations that lie along the U.S.-Mexico border: California, which is a sanctuary state, and Texas, which is a non-sanctuary state. Using test score data from student performance on standardized tests from state departments of education (cde.ce.gov for California and tea.texas.gov for texas), this paper compares the mean test scores for students in their state’s Migrant Education Program (MEP) with their state’s statewide mean test scores to determine the size of the achievement gap between migrant students and their state’s mean score. This paper examines migrant student performance in both mathematics & language arts (the CAASPP for California and the STAAR for Texas) as well as English language proficiency (the CELDT for California and the TELPAS for Texas). The results indicate that state-level sanctuary policies have little effect on migrant K-12 students’ performance on tests, while other factors such as state-set academic standards and computer access may have a greater effect on the academic performance of migrant students. This brings with it the normative implications that lawmakers and educators should take students into consideration when drafting sanctuary bills by including proposals that explicitly address the needs of K-12 immigrant students, in addition to expanding mental health and academic support services aimed at immigrant students. As sanctuary and deportation will likely be key topics for candidates in the 2020 presidential election, a strong understanding of sanctuary status and its effects on different populations will be vital for voters across the United States.


Name: Rita Udeozo
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mailrees410@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Corporate Social Responsibility and Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria: A Case Study of Shell Petroleum Development Company.
Abstract:
There has been a debate as to whether or not business organisations should take any responsibility in their immediate environment of operation.In Nigeria, multinational oil companies have been criticised for the poverty and crisis in the Niger Delta, where they obtain over ninety percent of their total production of crude oil.Using this as a point of departure, this study investigates the effect of Corporate Social Responsibility CSR on the sustainable development in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria; with focus on the activities of Shell Petroleum Development Company SPDC.The objectives of the study were to determine: whether SPDC adopted mitigation and adaptation policy actions on environmental sustainability in the Niger Delta; whether SPDC provision of amenities affected the quality of lives of producing communities; and whether the pressure of environmental activists NGOs induced the propensity to oil extraction conflicts in the region.Using the Citizenship framework of analysis,this study adopted ex-port-facto research design.The study found that despite the good intentions of SPDC in its CSR approach remain amateurish and sketchy, calling for further implementation of Marshall plan of action on Niger Delta. Keywords: *Corporate Social Responsibility, *Sustainable Development, *Multinational Oil Companies, *Niger Delta Region,*Nigeria.



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