Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Alexandra Agostinelli
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: ajagosti@buffalo.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University At Buffalo
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Political Habits of Bronies: A Comparative Study on Non-Governmental Participation among Bronies
Abstract:
This study aims to examine the impact of popular culture on political beliefs. Specifically, it explores whether involvement and comfort expressing that involvement in the My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic fan community influences the adult fans’ feelings of political efficacy and their level of level of involvement in civic and non-electoral political participation compared to the general population of American adults, regardless of political identification. This research hypothesizes that as individuals become more connected to a culturally homogenous and identifiable community, the more that community will mold their political opinions and actions. In addition, when the cohesiveness that binds a community together is a media product, the explicit and implicit messages contained in that product will influence the opinions and behaviors of the individuals in the community. Greater involvement and connection to the community leads to higher civic and non-electoral participation. To collect data, in- person interviews of attendees at the BronyCon convention in Baltimore during early August 2014 were conducted. Surveys were also administered through a number of social network sites visited by fans of the franchise. This dual data collection technique promises to bring richness to the findings that emerge from the study, as the qualitative responses from the personal interviews can be used to elucidate the various mechanisms whereby membership in a fan community influences aspect of political behavior and belief construction. Counties with more than three respondents were used to compare respondent’s ideology and the general population. One interesting finding is, as as a whole, the Brony community leans politically left, however in the locations of respondents that allowed for further analysis, the Bronies leaned politically right.


Name: Tracy Goodwin
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Tracy.Goodwin@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: John Barry Ryan, Stony Brook University john.ryan@stonybrook.edu
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Paper Title:  Conflicting Motivations: Gender Stereotypes and Partisanship in Presidential Elections
Abstract:
According to social norms, men are expected to display greater agency consisting of assertiveness, competitiveness, and ambition; and women are expected to display greater communality consisting of warmth, empathy, and supportiveness (Prentice & Carranza, 2002; Vinkenburg et al., 2011). When women act contrary to their prescribed gender roles they face negative backlash (Rudman et al., 2012). In the 2016 Presidential election, the Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton violated this social prescription, which left Democrats who endorse gender stereotypes in a bind. Clinton’s disregard for agency stereotypes led those who endorse gender stereotypes to evaluate Clinton more negatively, but Democrats’ partisan identity motivated them to support their party’s candidate. Democrats who endorse gender stereotypes compensated for their lower evaluations of Clinton by downgrading their evaluations of Trump. This allowed them to support and vote for Clinton as the better candidate despite her agency violations.


Name: David Rasmussen
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: david.rasmussen@faculty.ashford.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: SUNY New Paltz, Ashford University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: The Political Context of US Army Doctrinal Change in 2008
Abstract:
The publication of the new edition of the US Army’s principle doctrine, Field Manual 3-0, Operations, in 2008, represented the single largest shift of Army doctrine along a spectrum of war since the end of World War II. FM 3-0 is the military doctrine that informs how the Army organizes, trains, equips, and fights. This 2008 edition shifted the majority of Army doctrinal content from mid-intensity conventional warfare to low-intensity unconventional warfare content, and was considered revolutionary. The Association of the United States Army stated that, “the new field manual’s impact on the force and the application of doctrine is...revolutionary.” Jennifer Taw, a leading defense scholar, described the new manual as revolutionary in that it, “entails offensive, defensive, and stability efforts.” Describing this shift from mid-intensity to low-intensity warfare, General William Wallace, the officer in charge of Army doctrine in 2008, stated, “[j]ust as the 1976 edition of FM 3-0 began to take the Army from the rice paddies of Vietnam to the battlefield of Western Europe, this [2008] edition will take us into the 21st century…battlefields among the people” where unconventional warfare is waged. An Army doctrinal shift in 2008 from mid-intensity to low-intensity combat is not surprising given that the Army was deeply engaged in both Iraq and Afghanistan at the time. What is surprising is the timing of this shift. By 2008, the Army had been fighting in Afghanistan for seven years and Iraq for five. Previous updates to FM 3-0 were made during or immediately after other US conflicts. New editions were published in1941, 1944, and 1949 as the Army prepared for, fought, and learned from WWII. A 1954 edition was published just one year after the conclusion of the Korean War, and another update was released in 1968 during the height of the Vietnam War. The current body of scholarly literature suggests that the Army delayed updating its doctrine until 2008 because it was not willing or able as an institution to learn the lessons of Afghanistan and Iraq fast enough or well enough while engaged in those conflicts. Although this consensus provides a partial explanation for delay, failure to learn as an institution does not account for how and why the Army finally made this shift. I argue that domestic politics, particularly Republican losses in the 2006 mid-term elections, combined with the impact of the 2007 Republican presidential primary campaigns, had a significant impact on the Army, finally prompting it to make this doctrinal shift when it did in 2008.


Name: Darby Ratliff
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: ratliffd@canisius.edu
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Institution: Canisius College
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Paper Title: The 9/11 Generation Turns 18: Generation Z and its Effects on the Political Landscape in the United States
Abstract:
In a survey conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2016, members of all living generations named the events of September 11, 2001 as having the greatest impact on the United States. Then, in 2018, the research institution named the cutoff for the millennial generation as 1997, citing the fact that millennials were old enough to understand the historical significance of the event, while those born after 1997 were likely not. In 2005, generational scholars Edmund and Turner wrote that “The New York attack could create a ‘9/11’ generation that will be conscious of the negative effects of terrorism on their life chances[…] This new global generation is likely to be less complacent than the generation that preceded it.” Now, as the generation of individuals who either have no memory of the events or were not yet born when they occurred comes of voting age, it is time to see whether or not Edmund and Tuner’s thesis will prove true. This paper will examine the effects of September 11th on the political landscape for millennials and then will consider how 9/11 will affect Generation Z’s political views. It will consider what their conceptions of the event and its effects are. The paper will also utilize data from the 2016 United States presidential election to see how those born in the earliest days of “Generation Z” (1997 and later) voted and looking at the engagement of youth in politics today, whether it be through a variety of issues-based movements (gun control, immigration, etc.) or otherwise. Finally, it will also theorize what ramifications 9/11 had on members of Generation Z as they come of age before the 2020 U.S. presidential election.


Name: Joshua Sandman
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jsandman@newhaven.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Univ. of New Haven
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Trump Going Public: Setting the Narrative and Employing Communication Media to Achieve Political Goals
Abstract:
I contend that President Trump has been effective in establishing the narrative that has dominated the national political dialogue. Issues central to his agenda have taken center-stage. Further, he has successfully accessed communication media to reach political objectives. Trump's out-sized personality and career as a Reality TV star puts him at ease with broadcast and social media. I study how Trump used his media skill in the presidential campaign and how he currently employs that skill in the political arena. I compare and rate the defectiveness of other presidents in the media arena. I contend that Trump is most highly effective with his three pronged base (white working class, conservative Republicans, and Evangelical Christians) and with broad segments of the general population. PLEASE NOTE: I am a Saturday Sabbath Observer. I am kindly requesting,If my paper is accepted for presentation, that I participate in the first or second panel session. I need to return to Connecticut prior to the Friday evening start of the Sabbath. I very much appreciate your consideration.


Name: Sean Shannon
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Sean.Shannon@Oneonta.Edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta
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Paper Title: “Judicial Entrepreneur? The Contract Clause and Justice Neil Gorsuch’s Dissent in Sveen v. Melin (2018)”
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Judicial entrepreneurs rarely play a short game. When maneuvering to change constitutional or jurisprudential thought, they are intentionally and methodically focused on a longer game of incremental change through their opinions and writings. This paper analyzes and evaluates whether Supreme Court justice Neil Gorsuch is playing the role of a judicial entrepreneur through his solo dissent in the eight-to-one decision in Sveen v. Melin (2018), a relatively simple Contract Clause case regarding a Minnesota law that automatically eliminates spouses from life insurance beneficiary designation at the time of divorce. The paper analyzes Justice Gorsuch dissent in Sveen in the context of the history of the Contracts Clause, the lingering shadow of substantive due process Liberty of Contract, and recent attempts to breathe life back into a laissez faire interpretation of the Constitution. Justice Gorsuch’s dissent is important because it lends clear insight into his originalist and strict constructionist approach to constitutional interpretation and, in the manner of the late justice Antonin Scalia, it may be indicating justice Gorsuch’s intent to pursue the Contract Clause and its interpretation as a judicial entrepreneur. Although Sveen may seem like a vanilla case, justice Gorsuch’s dissent argues the Court’s balancing approach is not appropriate and he lays his marker down that the critics “deserve a thoughtful reply, if not in this case then in another.” In respects to the Contract Clause, Sveen will probably not be the last time justice Gorsuch addresses the matter and is deserving of analysis.


Name: Adam Stone
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: astone@gsu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Georgia State University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: You can't control me, I'm a defector: Democrats Voting for Trump’s Circuit Court Judges 
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the final U.S. Senate confirmation votes on the 29 Trump nominees (and possibly more during the lame duck session) to the U.S. Court of Appeals during the 115th Congress, First Session. Trump has appointed more appellate court judges in his first two years in office than any other president in history and the Republican-controlled Senate is attempting confirm as many as possible to create a conservative judicial legacy no matter the electoral fate of Trump and the GOP. Some Democratic senators have provided support for this conservative judicial revolution. Who are these defectors? Analyzing these confirmation votes using OLS regression, we find that reelection concerns are important, in line with the literature on Congress pioneered by Mayhew. Incorporating Govtrack’s ideological scores to the regression analysis provides further prediction of defection based on moderate ideology and using Govtrack’s leadership score to derive a partisan hierarchy also adds a predictive element of this model. The conventional wisdom of Red-State Democratic senators up for re-election in 2018 supporting Trump’s judicial nominees for political survival is challenged by these empirical findings.


Name: Eric Svensen
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: eps007@shsu.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Sam Houston State University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Are Executive Orders Unlawful?
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Can executive actions be both legal (upheld by the Court) and unlawful (violate constitutional doctrine)? Despite a strong tradition in the United States on centering law within constitutional principle, one example of this contradiction is executive agreements—instances when presidents circumvent Congress and ignore the treaty provision of the Constitution to unilaterally forge international agreements. Surprisingly, where scholarship on the use of executive agreements in both political science and law tends to focus on the practical reasons presidents use this tool or why these agreements are sometimes necessary to solve important global issues, rarely does the literature discuss its fundamental flaws. Not only do executive agreements strain constitutional principle by marginalizing Congress in the foreign policy debate, this approach also creates expectations on presidential leadership that is not transferable to other policy areas. In this paper, I argue executive agreements are unlawful since presidents sidestep the Constitution, effectively removing Congress from the treaty process. In addition, and perhaps more troubling, I argue by ceding constitutional ground to the chief executive Congress and the Courts elevate the presidency into an unnatural position in the constitutional order where the relative ease in which presidents use executive agreements creates the impression that presidents can transcend partisan politics and restrictive constitutional arrangements whenever necessary. As a consequence, the public is often frustrated with presidents who seemingly exercise powers that ignore the separation of powers in foreign policy but are often constrained by constitutional limitations in the domestic policy front.


Name: Jim Twombly
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jtwombly@elmira.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Elmira College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: AP-2 Voting Choice
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Co-author info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Co-presenter info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Paper Title:  Polarization and Presidential Approval
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There are two major observations we can make about recent politics, the analysis of which have intersected in only a few works thus far (see for example Abramowitz 2018). At the same time that a president is experiencing record low and relatively stable approval (Twombly 2018) we also observe a highly polarized political system – both in elected office and among the electorate (Campbell 2017, Wood and Jordan 2017). Pew Research (2018) recently reported that President Trump’s approval rating is the most polarized of any president since Eisenhower. By polarized, Pew means the difference between approval from the president’s party and the approval of the president from the opposing party. This raises the question of the strength of any relationship and its explanation. This project proposes first to examine the relationship using measures of polarization suggested by the previously named authors and standard measures of presidential approval to determine if there is a statistically significant relationship between the measures. Further, the project will seek to uncover factors that may be driving such a relationship, including measures of economic performance and social trends.



Comparative Politics

Name: Fatima Abubakar
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: abtima85@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Federal University Lokoja
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: OKOH, Bartholomew, University of Abuja , barthy01@yahoo.co.uk
Co-presenter info: OKOH, Bartholomew, University of Abuja , barthy01@yahoo.co.uk
Paper Title:  Tackling Poverty In Africa through Good Governance: Nigeria in Perspectives.
Abstract:
The objective of this study is to examine how poverty in Africa can be tackled through good governance. Governance is conceptualized as the system of values, policies and institutions by which a society organize collective decision-making and action related to political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental affairs through the interaction of the state , civil society and the private sector. Nigeria being the most populous Black Country with tremendous natural and human resources yet suffers chronic poverty presents an important case scenario in poverty discourse in Africa. Findings revealed that social injustice, inequality, poor policy implementation, weak institutions and corruption are the root causes of poverty in Nigeria. This ugly state of affair has produced many indices of poverty such as low per capita income, low life expectancy, high infant mortality, dilapidated infrastructures etc. The past government efforts at tackling poverty has largely failed due to absence of transparency and accountability in public offices. The paper strongly recommends the need for institutional framework that will respond to the needs and aspirations of the people, coupled with massive investment in physical and social infrastructures across the states in Nigeria. Keywords: Poverty, Governance, Good Governance, Institution, Nigeria.


Name: Abdulaziz Almuslem
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: aalmusle@buffalo.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: State University of New York at Buffalo
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  How Democracy Improves the Investment Climate in Postcolonial and Other States
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This research shows that the distinction between different conceptualizations of democracy is important if democracy aims to create a low-risk image of the postcolonial state that can help attract investment. Specifically, this research shows that the mere election process, without the normative component of protecting civil liberties in the postcolonial states, actually increases risk perception for investors thereby having an adverse effect on FDI and domestic capital. The implication of this research on the chances of civil conflict is important since wealthier states have a reduced chance of experiencing civil conflict, and attracting investment can help promote wealth.


Name: Ikenna Mike Alumona
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: ikennaalumona@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University , Igbariam Campus
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Prof. Lere Amusan. Professor and Head, Department of Political Science and International Relations, North - West University, South Africa, lereamusan@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  Youth Cultism, Crime and Lethal Violence in Nigerian Cities
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In many parts of the world, cult groups create an atmosphere of negative peace as a result of their footprints in the security market which facilitates arms proliferation. Youth cultism is one of the sources of violence in most Nigerian cities. Several studies on cultism have focused on the evolution of cult related activities in Nigeria from non-violence to the proliferation of splinter secret cults in tertiary institutions and communities. This paper examines the socio-economic and security implications of cultism in Nigerian cities. The paper answers the following questions: Why are Nigerian cities prone to cult related activities? How does cultism affect people in cities? Analysis in this paper is anchored on social control theory which offers more insight into the spatial spread and ways of containing the organised criminal behaviour in the country. Recent confrontations between security forces and cult groups explain why the threat is more pronounced in some cities than others. This qualitative study stresses that the abatement of cultism so far has not yielded expected results as some innocent people are murdered by cult groups with dangerous weapons. The assurances of safety, protection, success in the society and influence by members when they join do not always materialise as desired. The paper suggests that informal peace education and security collaboration by all stakeholders remain crucial to the management of cult violence in Nigerian cities. Timely identification of notorious groups/members through early warning system will go a long way to discouraging the spatial spread and recruitment of new members. Keywords: Youth cultism, crime, Nigerian cities, cult groups, weapons.


Name: Annalyn Bachmann
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: annalyn@mit.edu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: MIT Center for Collective Intelligence
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Paper Title:  Overcoming Top-Down Nationalism with Collective Governance
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Top-down nationalism was identified by Charles Tilly as a methodology of control instituted by political elites to distract from endemic problems that could destabilize their ability to control a country and threaten their political preponderance. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that nationalism is used by elites to distract from internal crises during transition periods to consolidate power, and thus, collective models of governance will help overcome this trend within political life. To illustrate this point, three case studies will be presented that outline nationalistic tendencies in an area of the world which has undergone significant political transitions: Central Europe. Through an examination of nationalism in Romania, Poland, and Hungary; this paper hopes to identify a potential theoretical model of collective governance that will help overcome some of the challenges presented.


Name: Emmanuelle Bryant
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: emmanuelle.bryant@pgr.reading.ac.uk
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Ms
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Construction of a citizenship in Turkana County, Kenya: From Subsistence to Activism
Abstract:
Construction of a citizenship in Turkana County, Kenya: From Subsistence to Activism. The rural citizens, in the semi-arid and arid Turkana county, have historically been disconnected from the national politics and modern state altogether, forced to cultivate a citizenship produced through everyday struggles and practices. However, since the introduction of oil extraction in the area, protests have raised unprecedentedly to block, on multiple occasions for weeks, the international oil company’s activities. Many times, local citizens were using the company as a scapegoat to make pay the state for the historical debt of isolation and poverty. Claims went above material wants to conquer their well-being through security and a stable livelihood. Yet for the majority little, in terms of outcomes, has come out from most protests leaving the Turkana citizens doubtful of being, one day, the recipients of potential benefits in the future. Through a field work operated in the area, hundred interviews have been conducted to comprehend citizenship in a ‘die-hard’ culture and its shift through the analysis of the processes of protesting in the context of oil extraction. Results found that despite clear necessities, the micro-corruption and manipulative interests have shaped and directed the processes and outcomes of what seemed to be the only power the most vulnerable ones detained to gain satisfaction. Hence, by exploring the determinants of insurrection and its predicaments, this paper re-considers a historically exclusionary subsistence citizenship to a subordinated activist one.


Name: Amobi Peter Chiamogu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: amobi.chiamogu@federalpolyoko.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Federal Polytechnic, Oko
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu, Department of Public Administration, Federal Polytechnic, Oko, uchep.chiamogu@federalpolyoko.edu.ng
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Paper Title:  Ethnicity, Religion and Challenges of Governance in Africa: A Critical Analysis of the Nigerian Nation State
Abstract:
The mix in the politicization of ethnicity and religion with various communities especially among the minority ethnic groups across the country in response to skewed and arbitrary fragmentation and balkanization of the Nigerian state through the creation of regions, states, local government councils, jobs and disbursement of appointment positions largely shape and determine the 'how and what' of governance, character of politics and national integration in Nigeria. The central government became alien to the units where access to the government turned platform for religious and ethnic nationalism thereby occasioning the dawn of ethnicization and religionization of politics as a way of expressing the enticement of politicians and public officers to the ethnic or religious space. This paper thus seeks to trace the nexus between politicization of ethnicity and religion and the challenges to governance in Nigeria. It sees the duo as the major contending parameters for appraising Nigerian national questions. It through the use of secondary sources of data observed after an in-depth review of historical, unification and disintegrative forces literature for Nigeria, observed that the embers of kinship and religious ties have continually paved way for political support thereby forming the major desiderata for political/resources mobilization and allocation in Nigeria. While recommending significant devolution and decentralization of powers to be preceded by a nationwide programme of moral and ethical revival aimed at promoting virtues of honesty, transparency, accountability and justice, the paper makes case for good governance along lines of best practices at all levels of governance in Nigeria.


Name: Elinor Chisholm
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: elinor.chisholm@otago.ac.nz
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Otago, Wellington (New Zealand)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Urban politics and resistance to public housing redevelopment: New Zealand in comparative perspective 
Abstract:
Public housing is undergoing redevelopment in many countries in an effort to improve its quality and provide housing for higher-income people as well as public tenants. This redevelopment is at the forefront of urban political debates. Proponents for redevelopment argue that public housing should be integrated into the wider community, and that public land should be used to help address public and private housing shortages. As public housing estates transform, tenants have struggled for the right to stay put or to have a say in how their communities are developed. Analysing how public tenants understand their rights to their communities is an important and often neglected contribution to the wider literature on how redevelopment shapes urban politics, transforms neighbourhoods, and affects tenants. The aim of this study was to investigate how New Zealand public tenants have framed their right to stay in their communities in opposition to redevelopment. This paper presents the results of a thematic analysis of statements given by public tenants in three communities undergoing renewal. I contrast the narratives put forward by New Zealand public tenants with those of public tenants resisting redevelopment in the United States. Both New Zealand and American public tenants drew attention to the strength of their communities. New Zealand public tenants made additional claims about their right to stay in their communities based on historical policy commitments and on indigenous rights. Some tenants argued for a right to stay based on commitments made to provide returned service-people and their families a “home for life”. Others argued for a right to stay in their communities as Māori – through their ancestral connections to the land, or through the relationship between Māori and the government under the Treaty of Waitangi (1840), New Zealand’s founding document. The connection to the long history of Maori displacement is also reflected in the use by public tenants of methods employed by land rights activists such as hikoi (protest marches), planting gardens and occupying land. The global project of redeveloping public housing communities is resisted in locally specific ways which draw on distinct understandings of the right to the city. Common imperatives across countries to redevelop public housing in order to use land more efficiently and fund housing services, will confront local resistance based on specific history and culture. The case of New Zealand illustrates the importance of historical state commitments and indigenous understandings of the right to the city to the global story of public housing redevelopment and urban politics.


Name: Monday Dickson
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mondaydickson@aksu.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Akwa Ibom State University, P.M.B 1167, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Global Economic Crisis and Recession in Nigeria: The Linkages and Consequences
Abstract:
In 2008, the global economy experienced the most severe crash since the 1930s. The economic downturn took a heavy toll on the economy of both rich and poor countries creating joblessness, wage stagnation and widespread economic insecurity. Soon after the world economy came out of the morass of the decline, recession engulfed the Nigeria State that had for the previous decades experienced sustained growth at unprecedented levels. This article examines the relationship between many of the key issues prevalent during the global economic crisis and recession in Nigeria. The study adopts the descriptive/qualitative research technique and relied essentially on relevant secondary data. Using the Marxian approach to economic crisis as the framework of analysis, the paper probes important questions including: What were the major causes of global economic crisis vis-a-vis recession in Nigeria? What is the relationship between the global economic crisis and recession Nigeria? The study argues that the sharp collapse in global economy left no country on the globe immune to recession owing to deep contradictions inherent in world capitalist system. Findings reveal that recession in Nigeria was a reaction from the global economic crisis which emerged from the basic working of capitalism. Consequently, Nigeria and other developing countries have been increasingly affected by the recession in advanced economies through the consequences of unbalanced trade and financial market channels. While the nation must adjust to the challenges of global capitalism, there is the need to refashion every aspect of the domestic economy towards diversification for self-sufficiency.


Name: Anna Feuer
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: anna.feuer@yale.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Environmental Warfare Tactics in Asymmetric Conflict 
Abstract:
This paper considers how, and under what conditions, actors in irregular conflicts weaponize nature. When do insurgents and counterinsurgents alike pursue environmental degradation—ranging from limited and short-term damage to ecocidal violence—as a tactic of war? To what extent do we do we see variation in the frequency and form of environmental warfare? And when do conflict actors exercise restraint in their use of violence against the natural environment? There has been little effort by political scientists to identify the conditions under which conflict actors make use of environmental warfare tactics in either conventional or irregular warfare; the limited social science scholarship on this topic typically makes use of single case studies rather than cross-case analysis. While environmental warfare has a long and devastating history—one stretching from Cyrus’ diversion of the Euphrates to the use of Agent Orange in Vietnam—recent acts of environmental sabotage by the Islamic State and al-Shabaab give these questions particular urgency. I describe the use of environmental warfare tactics over a broad range of irregular conflicts and develop a framework to explain its variation. Deliberate attacks on the natural landscape, the frequency with which these tactics they are deployed, and the diverse forms they take are conditioned by context-specific incentives, constraints, and intervening variables; in many cases, the intentional destruction of the natural landscape is difficult to explain by reference to operational strategy alone. I identify six categories of incentives that influence the decision to weaponize the natural environment: strategic, political, tactical, ideological, cultural, and technological. I then develop three case studies—the British use of chemical herbicides in the 1950s, Saddam Hussein’s draining of the Mesopotamian marshes in the 1990s, and Sudanese scorched earth tactics in the 2000s—to demonstrate how these distinct incentives operate for counterinsurgent forces. *Note: I think this paper straddles the Comparative/IR sections; I would appreciate being considered for either.


Name: Gloria Gennaro
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: gloria.gennaro@unibocconi.it
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Bocconi University, Milano
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Cosmopolitan Cities? Evidence on Anti-Immigration Politics in Cities from a Natural Experiment in France
Abstract:
Immigration is a salient topic in the political agenda in the United States and Western Europe. However, the attention devoted to immigration seems far from being a temporary phenomenon. Attention has steadily increased since the mid-1970s, across the political spectrum and partly independently from the emergence of extreme right-wing parties (Alonso and Fonseca, 2012; Mudde, 2013; Dancygier and Margalit, 2018). This study aims at understanding the largely neglected effect of immigration on political behavior in urban contexts. Specifically, I aim at understanding if immigration influences the political demand and supply of anti-immigration policy positions in cities: (i) does immigration cause larger anti-immigrant vote? (ii) Does immigration cause a larger supply of anti-immigrant candidates? Most studies investigate the effect of immigration on voting behavior using aggregate municipality data and tend to find a negative correlation between municipality size and anti-immigrant sentiment (e.g. Dustmann et al. 2016). However, two main identification problems persist. First, the location of migrants is endogenous to other characteristics, that per se trigger patterns of political behavior. Second, the lack of fine-grained data does not allow to distinguish aggregate from dis-aggregate effects (Enos, 2016), inducing ecological inference. Both problems are exacerbated when studying cities. I exploit a natural experiment across French municipalities, consisting of a legal population-based discontinuity in the provision of social housing, and study the 2012 French legislative elections. Through a regression discontinuity approach with mediation, I show that municipalities that increased social housing between 2000 and 2012 also experienced an increase in the immigrant population, inducing different political behavior. Mediation analysis allows disentangling the direct effect of social housing from the indirect one that goes through migration. The policy has a number of important features for my research design. First, interested municipalities are located in large urban areas, with no geographic discontinuity from the main city (and are often qualified as the suburbs of large cities). Second, social housing is proportionally more used by immigrant households, who tend to have higher geographical mobility and accede to house ownership later in life. Third, social housing is not exclusively targeted to the poorest part of the population but is designed for extremely poor to middle-income households. The empirical strategy is composed of three steps (combining the methodologies by Dippel et al. 2018 and Calonico et al. 2017): (i) showing the effect of social housing on immigration, (ii) showing the direct effect of social housing on political behavior, (iii) showing the indirect effect of social housing on political behavior, through immigration. The third step is the one that allows establishing a causal effect of immigration on political behavior, where I exploit the exogenous variation in immigration induced by the policy. Preliminary findings suggest that immigration induces anti-immigration political behavior in cities. The effect exists for both political demand and supply. However, the result for political supply is more clearcut: when immigration increases, the supply of anti-immigrant candidates responds positively. Voting behavior seems to follow.


Name: chrysoula gitsoulis
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: cgitsoulis@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: university of maryland, university college
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  The anti-democratic nature of EU fiscal policy
Abstract:
In this paper, I argue that there are important flaws in the design of the EU monetary system, in particular with respect to trade relations. The euro was created to make trade across the EU more competitive -- to facilitate the flow of labor and goods across borders to where they are needed, thereby enabling the whole union to work more efficiently. Free trade is, of course, a great thing, so long as all trade partners are benefited. But the European monetary system was designed in such a way that it favors strong economies at the expense of weaker ones, thereby widening the gap between rich and poor member states, with no mechanisms in place to restore competitiveness for weaker members. I will use the case of Greece to illustrate this point. The standard narrative holds that Greece is a country of dependency and corruption; a country that is in need of market reforms and fiscal discipline that, if applied diligently, will yield economic recovery and ultimately a return of confidence in credit markets. There is much that is misleading about this statement, as I will show in the paper. Doing so will help establish the background for the important referendum that took place on July 6, 2015, which will in turn set the stage for my political (not merely economic) critique of the European monetary system, if time permits.


Name: Juan Gonzalez
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: juan.roch.gonzalez@fu-berlin.de
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Freie Universitat Berlin
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: Europe and populist parties: a comparative discourse analysis
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The study of populism and populist discourse is on the rise in political science. Commentators and political scientists tend to analyse different and sometimes antagonistic political formations under the conceptual insights provided by the study of populist phenomena. In response to this diversity, exclusionary and inclusionary subtypes of populism have become consolidated categories within the literature on populism (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, 2011; Stavrakakis, 2017). However, there are still pending questions in regards to the concrete articulation of populist discourse in its exclusionary and inclusionary variant, and especially about the ways whereby populist discourse is related to other discourses and sub-discourses. In this vein, an intriguing and relevant question, and the one concerning this paper, is how different representations and practical argumentations about Europe are integrated and interrelated with populist discourses. Europe comes about in the discourses of allegedly populist actors by representing alternatively ‘a Europe of the elites’ (generally viewed as the European Union) or a ‘Europe of the people’. However, these representations are not fixed and cannot be confined to harder or softer notions of Euroscepticism (see Taggart’s (1998) and the subsequent critiques: Usherwood, 2013; Startin and Krouwel, 2013; Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, 2014; della Porta et. al., 2017). They are part, indeed, of changing, complex and multifaceted ‘interpretative repertoires’ (Keller, 2012: p. 67) that are worth to be explored. This study takes a corpus-assisted approach to discourse analysis (Baker, 2006) that is based on manifestos and party leaders’ speeches of Podemos in Spain and Alternative für Deutschland in Germany between 2013 and 2017. The analysis primarily aims at (1) exploring the main collocates, discursive prosodies (Stubbs, 2001) and forms of representation (Fairclough, 2003; Van Leeuwen, 2008) of ‘the people’ and Europe (2) and comparing the different discursive articulations (and their virtual impact on social action). These parties function as equivalents to the leftist and rightist poles of the populist spectrum but in any case exhaust the wide variety of populist parties. That said, this comparison may serve as a reference to more general accounts of EU critique and populism. The findings confirm the articulatory power of ‘the people’ in bringing about Europe. Furthermore, this study reveals distinct ways of meaning attributions and patterns of word co-selection in leftist and rightist populist variants as well as diverging representations of Europe. The paper concludes evaluating the implications of these findings to populism and Euroscepticism studies.


Name: Christopher Graham
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: christopher.graha001@umb.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts, Boston
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Capacity-Building and Emigrant Management in Sending Countries: Global Trends and Administrative Gaps
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In response to the growing centrality of migration in politics, governments have incorporated and diversified, to varying degrees, migration management strategies into domestic and foreign policy (Ionescu, 2006; Liu & van Dongen, 2016; Varadarajan, 2010). Significant resources have been mobilized to build-up the institutional capacity of countries to manage these predominantly transnational relations with migrants, either toward the outcome of reducing perceived security threats, or for national socio-economic advancement (Erlingsson, 2014; Gamlen, Cummings, Vaaler, & Rossouw, 2013). Many of the emerging migration management strategies and organizational arrangements within sending countries are products of the perceived socio-economic benefits of migration, and often do not fit neatly into immigration policy and border security categorizations. The current discourse on migration is however predominantly skewed towards immigration and border security in receiving countries. To address this monistic predisposition in the current migration management discourse, this paper focuses on the capacity-building and emigrant management strategies of sending countries to foster greater transnational interaction with their emigrants. In this study, a binary-scaled thematic analysis is used to compare thirty countries across twelve capacity-building indicators associated with emigrant management. The findings of the study indicate that capacity-building and emigrant management strategies vary across countries and regions. Emigrant strategies in those countries also tend to be managed more at national or federal levels and less from provincial or sub-national levels, which have limiting effects on transnationalism. The findings also indicate that capacity-building is heightened in Europe and Asia-Pacific compared to Africa and the Middle East and Latin America – which are currently facing serious migration-security dilemmas. Understanding the arrangement of these strategies within sending countries and globally, may provide insights for governments, scholars, and migration-security and migration-development practitioners to make better decisions about how they design and approach emigrant management in order to achieve desired outcomes.


Name: Selin Bengi Gumrukcu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bengigumrukcu@gmail.com
Professional Status:
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Populist Discourse: the Case of AKP in Turkey
Abstract:
Defined as “a thin-centered ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous camps, ‘the pure people’ and ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of general will of the people” (Mudde), populism became the keyword to explain the recent developments all over the world from Brazil to Hungary. Turkey is not an exception in this regard. While populism is not a new phenomenon in Turkish politics (Aytac and Ezgi 2018), it is obvious that it gained more ground recently, especially after the election victory of the then newly established Justice and Development Party (JDP) in 2002. The aim of this paper is to track and reveal ‘populism’ in Turkey, based on the rhetoric of Erdogan, from the very establishment of his party in 2001, on two axis: us (the people) versus them (the elite), and (imagined/claimed) internal and external enemies of the nation. By doing so, the paper will contribute to the current debate in Turkey by claiming that the party has been a populist one in Mudde’s terms; it aims to contribute to the literature on by revealing the populist rhetoric in an illiberal democracy that was once on a path to consolidate its democracy. In order to do so, the speeches of Erdogan before (during meetings in major cities, i.e. Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir) and after (what are known to be his ‘balcony’ speeches) the general elections of 2002, 2007, 2011, 2015 (both in June and November) and 2018 will be analyzed. A quick analysis reveals that Erdogan has been a populist politician from the very beginning of his political career in the JDP. Right before the 2002 elections he said: “My story is the story of this people. Either the people will win and come to power, or the pretentious and oppressive minority estranged from the reality of Anatolia ad looking over it with disdain will remain in power. The authority to decide on this belongs to people. Enough is enough, sovereignty belongs to the people!”. Even only these sentences clearly reveal his populist ideology. How then the populist discourse changed over time, especially under democratic and undemocratic settings? This is among the main questions to be answered in the paper.


Name: Esra Issever-Ekinci
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: eissever@syr.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Syracuse University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Responsiveness of Turkish Governments
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Co-author info: Berk Esen, Bilkent University, berk.esen@bilkent.edu.tr Eda Bektas, Bilken University, eda.bektas@bilkent.edu.tr
Co-presenter info: Berk Esen, Bilkent University, berk.esen@bilkent.edu.tr Eda Bektas, Bilken University, eda.bektas@bilkent.edu.tr
Paper Title:  Electoral Reform Initiations in Parliamentary Democracies
Abstract:
In democratic systems, parties are expected to respond to the policy preferences of the electorate and fulfill their electoral promises should they come to power. This principle of responsiveness lies at the root of representative democracies. This paper examines to what extent this assumption holds true and what factors affect government responsiveness. This question has been studied in consolidated democracies, yet we have a limited understanding of government responsiveness in cases with weak democratic institutions. Since the level of public accountability is low in hybrid regimes, we may expect voters to not have strong tools at their disposal to monitor and punish political parties that do not deliver on their campaign promises. To address this general question, this paper examines the responsiveness of Turkish governments between 1983 and 2015. The longitudinal analysis of the Turkish case also provides a considerable variation in potential explanatory factors such as government type and ideology, number of parties in parliament, and economic conditions. Conceptualizing government responsiveness as the fit between ruling parties’ campaign promises and government policy outcomes, the paper estimates government’s responsiveness by analyzing the congruence between elections promises and (i) executive program, (ii) acts, (iii) statutory decrees and (iv) public expenditure of 18 Turkish governments.


Name: Wisdom Iyekekpolo
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: w.iyekekpolo@auckland.ac.nz
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Auckland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Insurgency Onset in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Political Relevance Model
Abstract:
Over the past 15 years, Nigeria has experienced two insurgencies of extremely violent proportion. In the north-east zone, Boko Haram has waged a guerrilla war along primarily religious lines while in the south-south zone, the Niger Delta militants have waged a violent campaign driven by resource and class-based concerns. However, such insurgency did not erupt with the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in the south-east zone. What explains the eruption of these insurgencies in some regions and not others in Nigeria’s fourth republic? The theoretical literature on insurgency has not sufficiently accounted for the emergence of these insurgencies because of its focus on either motivation or opportunity for insurgency onset at the expense of a more holistic approach. Building on the political process approach to collective movements, this paper presents the ‘Political Relevance’ model which incorporates the roles of motivation, opportunity, and the relationship among political agents in the emergence an insurgency. I contend that these insurgencies emerged in the north-east and south-south regions after mutually beneficial relationships between local political elites and politically relevant groups turned sour. The absence of such a process in the south-east explains why a violent insurgency failed to emerge with IPOB.


Name: Amir Khaghani
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: akhag001@fiu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Florida International University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Muhammad Qudsi, mr.ghodsi@yahoo.com, (University of Tehran)
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Paper Title: Iranian development strategies after 1979 revolution: An Amartya Sen viewpoint
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Development projects have been the center of Iranian governments’ attention since the 1950s, with different degrees of accomplishment. After the revolution of 1979 such strategies were halted and Iran- Iraq war further delayed any development project. After the end of the war and sensing a demand for development in the country in 1989, up until today six development plans have been ratified by the respective governments and parliaments. Various political groups that have succeeded to control presidency have tried to mirror their social and economic ideas in these five year long projects, But their level of efficiency is still being discussed. Amartya Sen, with his idea of development as freedom, provides us with an approach to assess Iranian development plans and their material outcomes. having his method in mind, this paper, compares each cabinet’s development schemes, their goals, and their measurable outcomes and then critiques their flaws. The primary element that is factored in the process is different modes of freedom and how they are influencing each plan and then in the bigger picture of how freedom is affecting the general pattern of development in Iran.The paper uses Sen’s understanding of freedom’s importance for development in the context of post-revolutionary Iran utilizing original archives of Iranian “Organization for Development and Planning”.


Name: Mehmet Arif Kosk
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mehmet.kosk@pepi.ie.ufrj.br
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Challenging the International Order: an unusual approach between Turkey and Iran
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During the administration of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), between the years 2010 and 2018, Turkey established a somewhat unusual rapprochement with the Iranian government, building a more expressive relationship than the previous approaches. This paper proposes an analysis of the reasons of this recent process of approximation in Turkish-Iranian relation after 2010, which coincides with the Tehran Declaration. In addition, this paper will seek to understand the perception of both countries on the International System, as well as their self-perceptions evaluating them as middle powers. Given this, how can such a process of approximation be defined in respect of bilateral relations? Is it a paradigmatic change in the relations between these two States or is it actually a conjunctural approximation? The dynamics of approximation of middle powers can be considered as demonstrations that there are sensible changes in the International Order or can be read as maintenance of the status quo by the inclusion of power. In this respect, we will understand this approximation between Turkey and Iran in its context and insertion in the International System, and not in an isolated environment and immune to external forces, because the anarchy in the International System is perceived by the excess of forces in its maximum variety of vectors , and not as the absence of forces. By considering the fact that there is little publication in english in this respect, it will be utilized the literature in Turkish by making sure that everything is translated into English in the scope of the research, in order to facilitate the reading of the text.


Name: Vladimir Marquez Romero
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: vladimirmr@comunidad.unam.mx
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Changing the political board: new successful political parties
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The distrut of political parties is not a recent phenomenon in Latin America. Democratic transition was an historic moment that provoked very high expectation among the citizenship in order to improve their quality of life. Nonetheless, some Latin American democratic regimes hace faced a lot of hindrances the last two decades: economic crisis, corruption scandals and party system breakdown due to the bad performance of some goverments. In this context, this paper examines the success of new political parties in Latin America and discusses why in some countries these new parties won national elections whereas others did not.


Name: Augustine Ogbaji Ogoh
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: aogoh@fudutsinma.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: FEDERAL UNIVERSITY, DUTSINMA, KATSINA STATE, NIGERIA
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE DYNAMICS OF PERENNIAL FARMER-HERDER CONFLICTS IN PLATEAU STATE OF NORTH CENTRAL NIGERIA, 1999 – 2016
Abstract:
CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE DYNAMICS OF PERENNIAL FARMER-HERDER CONFLICTS IN PLATEAU STATE OF NORTH CENTRAL NIGERIA, 1999 – 2016By Augustine Ogbaji OGOHDepartment of Political ScienceFederal University, DutsinmaKatsina State, Nigeriaaogoh@fudutsinma.edu.ng ABSTRACT______________________________________________________________________________Climate change today represents the greatest global human development challenge and one of such challenges is the farmer-herder conflicts. Consequently, the main objective of the study is to explore the dynamics of the perennial farmer-herder conflicts in Plateau State of north central Nigeria resulting from climate change. Climate change and farmer-herder conflicts concept in this study comprise of various interrelated components that include among others month in which farming activities of the year normally starts; uncertainty in the rainfall pattern in the last 17 years; effects of uncertainty of rainfall on farming activities; level of migration of herders; month of the year that migration normally takes place for grazing of livestock; effects of desertification and causes of farmer-herder conflicts. Data for this study were obtained from 384 respondents sampled through a multi-stage sampling procedure. A structured questionnaire was used to collect data. Three (3) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and interviews were conducted to enhance the reliability of the findings. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and frequency distribution. Findings show among others a significant relationship between climate change and farmer-herder conflicts in Plateau state of north central Nigeria. From these findings, the study inferred that farmer-herder conflicts have been exacerbated by the phenomenon of climate change, whose dynamics tend to have been aggravating natural resource conflicts across the world and submitted that these conflicts situation have far reaching implications. It recommends the creation of grazing corridors and ranches rather than creating grazing reserves in order to solve the issue of herders encroachment on farmlands and vice versa.Keywords: Climate change, Conflict, Farmer, Herder, Migration______________________________________________________________________________


Name: Mike Omilusi
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: opeyemi.omilusi@eksu.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Ekiti State University, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: NIL
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Paper Title:  Electoral Integrity in Peril? Commodification of Secret Balloting and the Emerging Democratic Culture in Ekiti State, Nigeria
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Within the broader electoral democracy context, some pertinent questions demand further interrogation when it comes to political behaviour: Why do voters and vote-seeking politicians engage in economic exchange during electioneering? If holding formally participatory and contested elections is a necessary condition for sustainable democracy, can its integrity be ascertained amidst vote buying and selling by the major actors? Are existing administrative, technological and legal frameworks in Nigeria irredeemably susceptible to fraud and vote buying? What amalgam of domestic conditions and external factors are most likely to stem the vote buying phenomenon in a federating unit like Ekiti? Despite extensive literature on democratization and electoral integrity, less attention has been paid to the political economy of electoral democracy in Nigeria, particularly in the context of secret balloting and vote buying. While vote buying can increase political participation in many poverty-stricken African countries, the phenomenon can endanger government accountability and democracy, not only because it is an unlawful activity under a well-specified electoral regulation; rather, it has metamorphosed from secrecy to open market dealings. Because political power is perceived as a sure means to gaining state resources for personal enrichment, traumatised citizens anticipate election period as their era of electoral-financial boom. This study provides useful insights into how democratic systems can innovatively address such threats. Employing participant-observer and desk research methods of data gathering in relation to the last two governorship elections in Ekiti state (2014 and 2018), this study affirms that having flawed democratic processes, such as cash-for-vote during elections, may perilously entrench commodification norm in the polity. While this phenomenon may have been partly treated in literature, what Ekiti scenario presents is an interesting research study of contradistinctions of a people with long history of dignity, high political education, resilience, contentment and communal living.Key Words: Democracy, Electoral Integrity, Vote Buying, Commodification, Secret BallotingMethodology/Preliminary ResearchThe research will be based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The study will employ qualitative method of inquiry with a focus on the “electoral model” of democratization. My data will be primarily sourced from different stakeholders including voters, politicians, media correspondents, partisan academics, security agencies, civil society practitioners and election observers. Information from secondary sources will include library and archival documents, official gazettes, monographs, journals, Internet materials, government publications, newspapers, magazines and periodicals. Preliminary field work has been done in respect of this research. In a separate research with other colleagues, I participated in the party primary elections of three selected political parties in Ekiti state, gathering data from party delegates. I had already conducted interviews with some voters, security and election observers on election day.


Name: Vincent Onwughalu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: vincent.onwughalu@federalpolyoko.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Federal Polytechnic, Oko. Anambra State. Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Election observation and democratization in Nigeria: Implications for future elections
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Observation of election has gained global currency that it is regarded as an integral part of the electoral process in countries that recently embraced democracy. How election observation impact democratization and shapes future elections in Nigeria is the focus of this paper. The study was qualitative in approach. Based on critical analysis of data gathered mainly through secondary sources, it found out that election observation is done on election days only, where accredited Observers observe polling, sorting, counting of ballots, collation, announcement and declaration of results. These it further noted are done at few Polling Units which in some instances were selected or pre-arranged, especially, for Foreign Observers upon which fallouts they based their Reports. Electoral process is characterized by pre-election, election and post-election activities; therefore, the study argues election observation should be total, comprehensive and span through voters’ registration to election petitions arising from election. In conclusion, when election observation is mainstreamed into every stage of the electoral process, lessons from conducted elections could improve future elections in the country. It recommends election observation to begin with voters’ registration, each Polling Unit/Collation Centre on election days should be manned by accredited Election Observers from when materials are received, through votes recording, collation and declaration of results, etc. Keywords: Election, election observation, electoral process, democratization, polling unit


Name: Shiw Balak Prasad
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: shivbalak85@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Deptt.of Pol.Sc,B.N.Mandal University,Madhepura,Bihar (INDIA ) Pin code-852113
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Importance of local Politics in Bihar Politics in India
Abstract:
Bihar is the very politicaly concious state in India from the very begnning.People of the state depend on agriculture for their livelihood,but they play a vital role at the time of Assembly & Lok Sabha elections.Due to caste based politics,Biharis cast their votes in favour of their own caste candidates.So all the facts in this concerned will be presented that occassion


Name: Nayma Qayum
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: nayma.qayum@mville.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Manhattanville College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Making Laws Work: Women, NGOs, and village courts in rural Bangladesh
Abstract:
Can women’s development programs change how judicial institutions operate in weak institutional settings? In many societies of the global South, particularly where formal institutions are weak, the rules of the game in society are often informal and deviate from written rules. In such instances, informal norms and practices may push back against weak formal institutions; they do what formal institutions fail to do. In this paper, I explore how a women’s civil society program called Polli Shomaj (PS) seeks to hold the state and local elite accountable in local judiciary matters as they unfold in Bangladesh’s village courts. In rural Bangladesh, many local cases are tried in informal village courts as formal courts are overburdened and cases can drag out for decades. These village courts are run by the local elite, local government officials, schoolteachers, and NGO workers. Because decision-making is often informal, there is no guarantee that legal codes, particularly those protecting women, are followed. In this paper, I argue that PS groups push back against informal practices that deviate legal codes and violate human rights. I draw on over 2,600 semi-structured interviews with PS members and a control group, and use quasi experimental analysis within a mixed-methods design to illustrate that more laws are being followed in PS areas. Findings suggest that institutional practices in the global South may encompass multiple and overlapping dimensions, particularly as countries undergo regime and institutional changes.


Name: Samah Rafiq
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: samah29_isk@jnu.ac.in
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jawaharlal Nehru University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Private Actors in Mobility Management: Impact on Creation of Categories of Citizens and Non-Citizens
Abstract:
Neoliberalism has aided the rising outsourcing of migration control management to private actors. These private actors involve a range of entities like transportation companies (such as airline carriers), private security companies (that may be hired to manage detention centres for asylum seekers), employer associations (that seek to include their private interests in the state’s migration policy) and visa processing companies (that are fast becoming the first point of contact between an applicant and the state to which she is applying for a visa). Private visa processing companies, like VFS Global, WorldBridge Sevices, Computer Science Corporation, Arke BLS Center, TLScontact, Gerry’s International etc., collect and store biometric data and biographical information on a potential traveller, and thus aid the state in categorizing each of these potential travellers along a spectrum of risk. This paper analyzes these private visa processing companies, and asks the following questions: (1) Does the entry of private actors in human mobility management alter the states’ monopoly on border control decision-making, and in the process affect the process of creation of categories of citizens and non-citizens? (2) Do states resort to privatization of mobility management to circumvent their obligation within the framework of international humanitarian law by shifting responsibility to these private actors? The paper takes VFS Global as its case study and looks at its operations worldwide, along with reports on visa processing and openness published by various international organizations in its attempt to answer these two questions.


Name: Iraj Rahimpourasl
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: i.rahimpourasl@stu.yazd.ac.ir
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yazd University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Fatheme Ghayemi Beshno, Master of Science student in Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Yazd University
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Paper Title:  Iran and Georgia: common ground Concerns and Conflicts of Interest
Abstract:
The South Caucasus is a region at the nexus of various economic, political, and energy interests. It is currently witnessing some of the most complex and dangerous events in the world today, it features weak states, direct and proxy wars, and a confluence of great power interests. In approximately three decades since regaining its independence, Georgia, a small state, faced domestic and international crises which imperil Georgia’s national security and its territorial integration, hence, Georgia developed close relations with regional and trans-regional powers in order to compensate for its weakness. While considered to be a “West honey bunch” in the post-Soviet era and enjoying significant Western support, Georgia’s recent move to establish closer political and economic links with the Islamic Republic of Iran caused some bewilderment in Western states. As Georgia is perceived as a close partner of the United States in the Caucasus and the recipient of Western aids over the past years, these developments attracted the intense attention of policy makers and regional analyst alike. The study aims to examine Georgian foreign policy towards Islamic Republic of Iran and attempts to identify the common ground Concerns and Conflicts of Interests of both countries and motivations for Tbilisi to embrace Tehran. It also examines Georgia’s international position related to acute issues of regional security and the risks arising there from. And findings indicate that; Tbilisi’s economic and political dependence on the West prohibits it from crossing certain red lines in its dealings with Tehran and it is unlikely to endanger its strategic relations with the United States or its prospects of Euro-Atlantic integration for the sake of improving relations with Iran.


Name: Mishella Romo R
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mrr538@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University (NYU)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description: Decentralization and Reform Panel chaired by Dr. Tony Spanakos
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Paper Title: The Puzzle of Public Trust and Judicial Power in Latin American Democracies: Evidence from Brazil and Mexico
Abstract:
Since Vallinder wrote his seminal article almost twenty-five years ago on the unyielding spread of judicial review, many post-authoritarian constitutional courts, particularly in Latin America have entrenched their protagonistic role in the political arena at the national level (Taylor and Kapiszewski 2008). In stable democracies of the region, courts have asserted their ability to rule independently and autonomously from the government. And yet, since the mid-nineties (which is when most judicial power was initially promulgated) public confidence in judicial power has declined (LatinoBarometro, 1995-2018). Many might consider this as one of the conditions that may later enable a crisis of democracy particularly because public confidence is crucial for the survival of judicial independence. The literature has described it as one of the sources of de facto power or strong “diffuse” institutional “support” for constitutional courts. First discussed by Easton (1965) and later by Gibson and Caldeira (1998), public or diffuse support is what creates incentives for executives and other institutions in regimes (particularly with historical legacies of hyper-presidencialism) to engage in compliance of judicial decisions (Staton 2010). This paper will unpack the recent role of supreme courts in the two largest democracies in Latin America: Brazil and Mexico. Though both have had similar “institutional determinants” leading to judicial independence (Rios-Figueroa and Taylor 2006) and have engaged in legal reform to capacitate its judicial system more broadly, they have had a different ability to constrain the power of elected officials. In the case of Brazil, the judiciary has disrupted the legal status quo and passed on rulings directly tailored to hold its political class accountable for their entanglements with corruption. Particularly this became evident after the Obredecht scandal (one of the biggest corruption scandals) to hit Latin America was unearthed. In the case of Mexico post-Obredecht, what we have seen however a selective form of judicial activism that has only sought to hold non-party members accountable for their involvement with the corruption scandal. What accounts for his variation? These inquiries lead us to wonder, to what extent the institutional choices of political-legal actors affect the public confidence of courts and institutions more broadly.


Name: Emmanuel Shebbs
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: emmanuel.shebbs@abiastateuniversity.edu.ng
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Campus Light
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Dick Uduma, Department of Political Science, Abia State University, dick.uduma@abiastateuniversity.edu.ng
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Paper Title:  Nigeria’s Unity on the Precipice of Contemporal Complexity: Examining the Conflicting Paradigms of Continuity and Change in Nigeria’s Government and Politics
Abstract:
Most integral in the development of every state are peace and security. Leaders try to as much as possible protect the interests of the citizens in whom lie the power of collective unity, security and peace. This study is a comparative analysis of the prevailing views of the two divides – continuity and change- in the great debate of Nigeria's Unity. Proponents of change argue in favor of a reconstructed and restructured government cum state machinery. Dominant views in this line of proposition come from Nigeria's Southern hemisphere. The proponents of continuity are predominantly found in the Northern hemisphere. These argue for a stay on Nigeria's statuesque. What does the future hold for Nigeria's unity? With who’s proposition (among the opposing views) shall the country's unity be configured? Either of the two must determine the future of Nigeria. Intrastate conflicts have been experienced each, taking bearing from either of the two conflicting hypotheses. The study finds out that change is first a permanent exercise and the longevity of states is subsisted on the strategy of creative renewal of the internal machinery which the leadership occasions in order to drive development. The findings and recommendations lean towards the change paradigm on which Nigeria’s unity ought to be predicated.


Name: Anthony Spanakos
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: spanakos@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Montclair State University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Democracy or its Purported Enabling Conditions: An Investigation into the Crisis of Democracy
Abstract:
For many, the US, UK, Poland, Hungary, and Brazil, among other countries are experiencing deep and worrying crises of democracy. Seasoned democracy watchers, such as Larry Diamond, warned that as early as some 13 years ago, the current wave of democratization was being rolled back. An entire sub-literature has emerged about democratic backsliding and erosion. This literature emerges out a specific conception of democracy which includes enabling conditions for democracy within the definition of democracy itself. Comparing the mainstream definition of democracy problematizes this definition and offers insight into different ways of reading the crisis of democracy. This paper will fill out these conceptual concerns with analysis of politics in Brazil and Venezuela.


Name: Catherine Spangenberg
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: crs618@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Economic Voting in Western Europe and South Asia
Panel Description: Economic voting behavior discussed using several cases including Germany, Austria, India and Pakistan. Chair/Discussant: Tony Spanakos
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Co-presenter info: Deepika Padmanabhan dp2662@nyu.edu (New York University, Graduate Student) Shanze Fatima Rauf sfr275@nyu.edu (New York University, Graduate Student)
Paper Title:  Vulnerability of Mainstream Right-Wing Parties to Populist Opposition in Eastern Europe
Abstract:
Effectiveness of European right-wing populism is examined in this paper through explanations of populist strategies, the pervasiveness of their ideologies, and the economic and social impacts that radical right-wing populists can have on the individual and aggregate levels of an electorate. It explores how populists may encourage or persuade other parties to move along the left-right spectrum. A quantitative analysis of populist support is conducted in this study which relies on data from the European Manifesto Project. Eleven East European countries’ populist parties that won more than one or more seats in state parliament since 1990, up till 2014 are included where regressions comparing the vote share, the strength of populist ideology, preference for international cooperation, and level of democratic rights as measured at the time of each country’s election, are tested to determine whether these variables may indicate that populist support encourages rightward shifts in mainstream conservative parties. High vote share, thorough populist ideology, and availability of democracy, are expected to have a positive impact in favor of populism whereas membership in international organizations and cooperation may have a negative impact and deter populism. If this hypothesis is correct, this study may provide evidence that social preferences eclipse concerns of economic ones and that populism may have impacts beyond direct representation in correlation with their vote share. Keywords: right-wing populism, opposition, vote share, political ideology



History and Politics

Name: Kevin Bronner
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: kbronner@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy, University at ALbany
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Executive Budgeting Literature and Lessons 1899-1929
Abstract:
The paper examines the early literature associated with the public sector executive budgeting reform movement from 1899-1929. A total of 12 works are discussed in the paper. The paper develops a series of five recommendations that should be worked into the current public budgeting systems used in the public sector.


Name: Diane Cypkin
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: dcypkin@pace.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Pace University
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Paper Title:  Marching for the Jews of Europe, Washington, DC, October 6, 1943, or the Consequences of the First Jewish Public Relations Campaign in America
Abstract:
On October 6, 1943, hundreds of “black-clad” Orthodox Rabbis “chanting from the book of Psalms,” marched on the nation’s Capitol. Their mission: To present the president with a petition and to deliver a holy message and appeal. Among other things, they called for the creation of a “special intergovernmental agency to save the remnant of Israel in Europe” from Nazi murder, even as they reminded the Judeo-Christian society of its responsibility one to another as fellow human beings. This essay will argue that the march--the unique and dramatic grand finale of the first Jewish public relations campaign in America, organized by the Emergency Committee to Save the Jewish People of Europe and led by Peter Bergson, a public relations man —was ultimately instrumental in creating the “climate” that led to the president’s creation of the War Refugee Board. To understand how this happened, the historical environment, a study of the organizers of the march, their innovative media campaign, an investigation of those who participated in the march, the march, and, the consequences of the march will be closely examined.


Name: Clyde Daines
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: clyde.daines@westpoint.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: United States Military Academy
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: "Tacitus and dark times"
Abstract:
The works of Tacitus are relevant today because they deal with political and moral decline. As Tacitus shows, the degeneration of speech and deed is related to the character of a regime’s leaders, not only but especially the leaders of average intellect, familiar mediocrity, and high-styled criminality. Since leaders of this type are relatable to a certain kind of mass intellect and pettiness, the degeneration of both leaders and masses occurs in tandem. Key components of this degeneration are dissimulation, greed, and fragile narcissism. Lying becomes normal and the future is sacrificed to an anxious immediacy marked by materialism and simulated grievance. Rage and meaninglessness are figured as entitlements and both resound between the mob and demagogues. “Just as truth has been broken by many means… so has the care for posterity between both the enraged and the guilty” (Hist I.1). What can be done against this social, political, and characterological corruption, especially since the most base and corrupt rally together and pose as victims? Tacitus suggests two different things. In the first place, singular leaders with some kind of uncommon virtue and ancient (antiquo) cultivation must join with peoples at the "edges" or "borderlands" of the political association (Ann III.26; Hist I.3). Together and uncorrupted by greed and narcissism, these can create a political force able to hold the line against or at least delay further decay. Secondly, Tacitus reminds both the leaders of uncommon virtue as well as their moderate allies that the good must actively combat evil and injustice. It is not sufficient to be good and do nothing. Aloofness is both fatal and irresponsible (Ann I.13). On the other hand, it is also irresponsible to be good and obstinate or unbending. Senseless martyrdom, like aloofness, achieves nothing (Ann XIV.12; cf. IV.20). This paper considers these recommendations more fully, trying to understand them both in the context of historical and political time (i.e., regime-cycle; cf. Skowronek 1993). It also asks how these recommendations comport with other, similar histories of cataclysm (Thucydides) or lying and dark times (Arendt). How is the trivial, yet bloody mediocrity of a Tiberius contrasted against the banal evil of an Eichmann? Where in Thucydides is the leader that Tacitus identifies as embodying uncommon, holy, and ancient virtue, and likewise where are those that Tacitus finds occupying some kind of in-between, borderland space?


Name: Kleant Karreci
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: kleant1987@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: History And Archiology
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Globalization
Abstract:
GLOBALIZATION: THE GLOBALIZATION OF FOUR ANTINOMY Full Name : Kleant Karreci Occupation : Municipal Police Degree :History And Archilogy E-mail : Kleant1987@hotmail.com Tel: +355 685647755 There is a definition of globalization as the definitions do not exist anymore. "The success of the term globalization depends in large part by the fact that allows us to bring together in a single word the chaos that followed the end of bipolarity. It presents itself as a concept that makes possible a gigantic waste recycling and fragments of early modern - think colonial expansion (there is a link between the position of Arabs in France and the war in Algeria), to huge migrations that accompanied industrialization, the geopolitical consequences of the Cold War, the residues of which - including the Islamic terrorism - the industrial West has never sought to remove after 1989. The all-purpose word "globalization" allows you to remix in a new "meta-narrative" unifying, providing legitimacy to policies to reduce the rights of citizens, such as labor market flexibility in the dismantling of the post-war welfare state, presented as a new " historical necessity ". The term "globalization" is opposed in this way to the post-modern versions of the world, focusing instead on the dissolution of the great meta-narratives on which the mandatory modern order drew its legitimacy and power expansion. Like all the basic concepts of human sciences, the concept of globalization has a dimension analytical / descriptive, and a political / legislation. The "globalization" indicates, first, the coming of an era in which men are condemned to become "stewards of the Earth", to negotiate, that is, political pacts to secure an air breathing, socially sustainable mobility, compatible with a climate biological limits of human survival, flexibility, compatible with the anthropological bases of existence. Keywords: Globalization, analytical / descriptive, technological environment, collective action, public goods, capital, complexity, cost, transactional, deregulatio


Name: Dan Ziebarth
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: dziebarth@fordham.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Fordham University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  John Winthrop, Puritan Politics, and Natural Law in the Massachusetts Bay Colony
Abstract:
John Winthrop, serving as a prominent political leader of the Massachusetts Bay Colony from its founding in 1630 to his death in 1649, established a clear vision of his theory for governance. Winthrop’s Model of Christian Charity outlined, theoretically, the model for which he believed would develop the most pious and prosperous community. I will begin by presenting a background on the historical establishment of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, followed by an examination of Winthrop’s Model of Christian Charity to illuminate how his outline for governance is shaped by his thought concerning natural and positive law in relation to the political community. I will then utilize historical records concerning issues of governance in the Massachusetts Bay Colony faced by John Winthrop, political officials, church leaders, and community members. This analysis of historical events will allow for the evaluation of Winthrop’s theory of governance put into practice in the Puritan community of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, which will elucidate the significant interplay between natural and positive law, particularly concerning church-state relations, in the first two decades of Puritan settlement in Massachusetts Bay Colony.



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Madina Aublaa
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: aublaa.madina@mail.ru
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Abkhazian Institute for Research in the Humanities, Abkhazian Academy of Sciences
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Republic of Abkhazia in the context of the evolution of US foreign policy in South Caucasus
Abstract:
On the basis of the above discussed data as the example of Abkhazia shows, small states in the current century, have shown extraordinary vitality and ability to survive under extreme conditions of the international environment. The main reasons that ensure the sovereign existence of such states are not only and not so much the norms of international law as the geographical and political characteristics of them. Often, small states are geographically located in strategically important places, which makes possible their existence and inclusion in the foreign policy agenda of major powers. Thus, it means that super-powers have to reckon with smaller ones in making foreign policy decisions. The study once again underlines the dependence of the Republic of Abkhazia on the political will of super powers (namely Russia and USA), which may well negatively effect its future, as is pointed out by Nicholas Spykman. In this regard, Abkhazia needs to focus on building a more mature and possibly independent (from Russia) foreign policy course. Evaluating the policy of Trump and the American government with respect to Abkhazia, we come to the conclusion that this policy consists: in the continuity of Trump`s political predecessors` position based on the principle of non-recognition of Abkhazia’s independence, though with the remark, that under the current president it has become more aggressive; in the recognition of Abkhazia as an “occupied territory”; in decreasing Russia’s influence in the Republic; in exerting pressure on the diplomatic partners of Abkhazia, as well as in facilitating the further non-recognition of the Republic of Abkhazia by other states. However, for a number of reasons, the measures taken by the President of America, in our opinion, are unlikely to lead to the loss of the current independent status of the Republic of Abkhazia. At the same time, there remains the possibility of destabilization in the country’s security issues.


Name: Salah Benhammou
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: sben0906@Knights.UCF,edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Central Florida
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Call it An Identity Crisis-Reassessing Sectarianism and Authoritarian Cooperation in the Middle East
Abstract:
Literature on authoritarian cooperation has amassed attention in the past decade, specifically concerning the Middle East. Scholars capitalized on the Arab Uprisings to further a theoretical framework in which autocrats exported military and economic assistance to their fellow autocrats during times of conflict. The threat of democracy, scholars argue, draw autocrats to support each other, thus establishing an “authoritarian international club.” However, this theory fails to explain the various discrepancies of the Arab Spring as well as prior and subsequent conflicts in the region. Such discrepancies witness authoritarian states backing the opposition of their fellow autocrats, i.e. Saudi Arabia funding insurgents in Syria, Iran supporting protests in Hussein’s Iraq. Although policy analysts and commentators make a case for Islamic sectarianism (Sunnism and Shiism) influencing the nature of authoritarian cooperation, the literature largely ignores this perspective. This paper asks under what conditions does Islamic sectarianism affect authoritarian cooperation? I posit that when states utilize sectarian identity in the narrative-framing of their internal discourses, authoritarian cooperation becomes a contextual matter. I test my theory against four descriptive analysis case studies: two of which occur during the Arab Uprisings and two cases outside of the Uprisings, both prior and subsequent. My case studies focus on Syria’s 2011 Uprisings, Bahrain’s 2011 Uprisings, the 1991 Southern Iraq Uprisings and the 2014 Iraqi civil conflict.


Name: Kristen Blake
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kblake@molloy.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Molloy College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Iran's Foreign Policy
Abstract:
Iran’s Foreign Policy Since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran’s foreign policy has caused much concern for the West and the international community. Its foreign policy remains unpredictable and an enigma. A clue to Iran’s present behavior and perceptions concerning its foreign policy can be found in its past interaction with Great Powers in the nineteenth century. Iran, formerly known as Persia, was ruled by the weak Qajar Dynasty. The Qajars were forced into unfavorable concessions and trade agreements with Russia, Britain and France. In the late nineteenth century, Persia lost considerable territory in the north through a series of wars with Russia. In 1908, the British negotiated an oil concession to develop the Persian oil industry, which continued for several decades. Anglo-Russian exploitation of Persia continued and in 1907 the two powers negotiated a secret pact to divide it into spheres of interest. The Russian sphere of interest was in the north to protect their borders, while the British sphere of interest was in the south to protect their oil investments. These arrangements concerning Persia continued until the end of the WWI period. In 1925, Reza Khan established the Pahlavi Dynasty and took the title of shah. In 1934, he renamed Persia as Iran. Reza Shah was forced to abdicate in 1941, following the Anglo-Russian invasion of Iran from the north and the south to prevent a German takeover of the country. Reza was succeeded by his son Mohammad Reza, who would rule until 1979. The Russians took control of the northern part of Iran and the British, the southern part to protect their oil investments in Iran. The Americans also sent their forces to Iran as part of the Allied war effort. Mohammad Reza would establish close relations with the United States which would last until 1979. The United States supported Iran during its 1945-1946 crisis, which had been precipitated by the Soviets. Truman’s ultimatum to Stalin led to an eventual withdrawal of Soviet troops from northern Iran. U.S.-Iranian relations took a hit in 1953 following the overthrow of prime minister Mohammad Musaddiq by a military coup. The coup had been planned by the MI6 and the CIA to restore the Shah’s rule. Mussadiq was considered a nationalist by many Iranians and was supportive of democratic rule in Iran. The clerics have and continue to use Musaddiq’s ouster in 1953 as a backlash against the United States and Britain. The two countries are accused of imperial ambitions and interference in Iranian affairs. In this paper, I will examine the evolution of Iran’s foreign policy following the establishment of the Islamic Republic. In doing so, I will focus on the key actors involved in the making of Iran’s foreign policy, the factors that have helped shape its foreign policy, and the ramification of those policies for the international community. A comparative method of analysis has been utilized in discussing Iran’s foreign policy during the Khomeini decade, and the presidencies of Rafsanjani, Khatami and Ahmadinejad into the twenty-first century.


Name: Yaela Collins
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ymc291@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:  The Intersections of Human Rights and Security
Panel Description: The purpose of this panel is to discuss the relationships between development, human rights, and security. Perspectives from crime researchers, a human rights and country expert, development expert, and advocate will portray a well-rounded perspective on how awareness and education can help mitigate security issues that stem directly from a lack of development and human rights suppression.
Co-author info: Sabrina Diaz- NYU CGA Suman Soni- NYU CGA
Co-presenter info: Sabrina Diaz- NYU CGA sd3175@nyu.edu
Paper Title: Societal Status as a Security Vulnerability: Human Trafficking in Nepal 
Abstract:
The Nepali caste system is heavily influenced by the Hindu caste system in terms of structure and interpretation of the value of status. There are four main groups: Brahmin (priests and scholars), Kshatriya (soldiers, governors and kings), Vaishya (merchants, farmers, herders and artisans), and Sudra (laborers and service providers). Aside from these four major categories, there are 36 other castes in Nepal. Dalits are considered the “untouchables” or the lowest caste. While the Nepali civil war legally ended the stratification system in 1962, society still recognizes social classifications based on birthright, ethnicity, occupation, power and financial status. Low societal status, inherited through the informal caste system, is a crucial security vulnerability as it inhibits individual growth, contributes to structural violence through the systemic marginalization, and fosters willful blindness to the plight of vulnerable groups. Because of compounding factors, including issues related to the population hierarchy, Nepal has suffered from political violence, deep social discrimination, economic insecurity and various modes of criminal activity. Qualitative research and fieldwork conducted over the course of eight months revealed nine thematic hurdles that serve as roadblocks to the realization of full equality and mitigation of threats related to transnational crime in Nepal. Many elements contribute to individual susceptibility to human trafficking and/or participation transnational criminal activity in Nepal, but membership to a low caste was proven to exacerbate vulnerability to these threats.


Name: Wes Cooper
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: wes.cooper@ubalt.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Baltimore
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Paper Title:  The Anti-Americanism and Economic Sanctions Nexus: Understanding the Relationship between Seemingly Unrelated Variables
Abstract:
While there is much research on economic sanctions, there is no research on the relationship between anti-Americanism and economic sanctions. This study examines the relationship between anti-Americanism and economic sanctions by using quantitative analysis to explore a data set of several economic sanction cases that the US has either imposed or threatened since 1991. The study found a statistically significant relationship between the imposition of economic sanctions variable and anti-Americanism and between the threat of economic sanctions variable and anti-Americanism. This leads to the study’s conclusion that the general assumption in the anti-Americanism literature that the United States’ foreign policy causes anti-Americanism may be too simplistic of an explanation for the causation of anti-Americanism in foreign nations.


Name: Adam Csenger
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: csenger.adam@paigeobudapest.hu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: PAIGEO
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: China and Australia vying for influence in the Pacific Islands
Abstract:
The Pacific Islands (Micronesia, Melanesia and Polynesia) have been caught up in an increasing geostrategic rivalry in recent years. For most of the past 70 years, Australia has been the main partner of the Pacific island states, mainly by default. However, China’s growing presence in the region is posing a challenge to traditional Australian (as well as American) influence, resulting in a contest for leverage between China and Australia. Australia is still by far the biggest aid donor and investor in the region, but it is no longer the “partner of choice” for the Pacific Islands, due to the easy availability of Chinese aid. Australia seeks to counter China’s growing clout by increasing its financial aid and introducing new security, economic, diplomatic and people-to-people initiatives. This presentation will first look at the relations between Australia and the Pacific Islands from 1945 to the present. It will next examine the rise in Chinese aid and influence over the last several years, as well as the accusations that China’s loans, which are used to finance big infrastructure projects, saddle states with unserviceable debt. This will be followed by presenting how Australia is attempting to retain its clout by, for example, increasing its Pacific aid budget, initiating cooperation with Pacific nations on a wide range of issues, and gradually opening up its labour market to workers from the Pacific states. The presentation will then look at the difficulties Australia is facing in countering China’s activities, and conclude that if Australia successfully implements its recently unveiled plan to strengthen its relations with the Pacific Islands, it will remain the region’s most important actor.


Name: Alana de Oliveira
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: alanacamoca@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: UFRJ
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Sometimes sword, sometimes chrysanthemum: a neoclassical realist analisys of Japan's security policies from 1945 to 2015
Abstract:
The way that Japan entered the international community after its defeat in Second World War makes the country a unique model, mainly due to its military and security characteristics. After the end of the Japanese Empire, Japan has gone through many changes in the economic, political e military area because of Allied Forces Occupation (1945-1952) and its following security alliance with US. These transformations shaped its foreign policy. In this sense, this article aims to analyze the security of Japan from the end of the Second World War to 2017 by applying a neoclassical realist framework. The article traces the intricate interplay between shifts in Japan's strategic environment, domestic politics, nationalism and the security policies. The hypothesis of this article is that the resurgence of Japan's security policy in the twenty-first century is the result of an increasingly restrictive strategic environment, domestic policy transformations and the transformations of archipelago nationalism in the 1990s. The article concludes that the hawkish strategic environment, the leadership intentions and the nationalism played and continue to play a great role in shaping Japan's security policy favoring the pursuit of security "normalization" of Japan.


Name: Chris Dolan
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: dolan@lvc.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Lebanon Valley College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Devon Malloy (Lebanon Valley College): djm003@lvc.edu Mai Phan (Lebanon Valley College):mp016@lvc.edu
Co-presenter info: Devon Malloy (Lebanon Valley College): djm003@lvc.edu Mai Phan (Lebanon Valley College):mp016@lvc.edu
Paper Title: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Europe and Russian Resurgence  
Abstract:
Following the World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union entered into a bipolar Cold War international system that lacked many of the characteristics of previous systems. The emergence of bipolarity in the post-WW II international system was a significant deviation and was defined primarily through East-West tensions and the possession of nuclear weapons. The two nations stood at the head of a relatively unstable bipolar world order whose nuclear umbrella left their neighbors deeply concerned. In the wake of the collapse of the Cold War, the U.S. emerged as a the primary hegemonic power and took advantage of the so-called "unipolar moment" to assert interests in Europe. It actively supported the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union at the expense of Russia. However, Russia has returned from the low point of the 1990s to reassert its national and geopolitical interests in Europe and beyond. Following nearly 30 years of relative quite between the two nations, Russia has again begun an expansion of power and influence at the same time China is pushing back against the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific. This paper argues that U.S. foreign policy toward Europe will be shaped and determined the by the return of great power politics and multiple and competing centers of power. By consequence, with nationalism and internal conflict on the rise in the United States as demonstrated by the 2016 Presidential Election, the US appears to be turning away from its core alliance networks, namely NATO, hat once acted as a counter to Russian power. As the alliance of the European Union and the United States is being tested, Russia is expanding military power as the European Union moves away from the transatlantic alliance. With the return of Russia as a peer competitor to the United States in Europe, the consequences for U.S. foreign policy are significant as the U.S. struggles to contend now with a rising China and an emboldened Russia.


Name: Brian Ford
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bpford1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: NYC DOE / Ind. Scholar
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Paper Title: Theories of Hegemony Compared: An Attempt to Find Common Ground among the Greeks, Gramsci, Hegemonic Stability Theory and World-Systems Theory
Abstract:
This is an exploratory piece making connections between different usages of hegemony and seeking answers to the following questions: First, how is hegemony used in the literature? Second, how is Gramscian hegemony reflected in the historical development of hegemony at the transnational level? Third, noting there is no transnational state that has a monopoly of political violence/coercion, how would one characterize the networks of influence and the ensemble of institutions that perform the functions of the state at the transnational level? Fourth, what functions does the hegemon (individual state or historic bloc) perform that deems it worthy of prestige? Fifth, what are salient examples of hegemonic failures? Sixth, looking specifically at the US, what periods do we see? Seventh, has the current administration and its more recent predecessors squandered American Hegemony? In addition, I offer a tentative framework for categorizing all of this in form of a chart or 4 x 3 table. On one axis are the 3 dimensions of the state – relative power vis-a-vis other states (called 'height'), organizational capacity (called 'depth' referring to institutional density more than secret cabals) and the extent and strength of domestic support (called 'breadth'). On the axis are the 4 aspects of hegemony: the politico-military, the poltico-economic and the poltico-cultural, plus the wildcard of technology.


Name: Joseph Garske
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: jpg.today@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: The Global Conversation
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  IMPERIAL ENGLAND, IMPERIAL SCOTLAND, AND THE RISE OF IMPERIAL AMERICA: Early steps toward a global rule of law
Abstract:
The influence of the British Empire in shaping the rise of American imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century is widely known. However, that influence was more complicated on both sides of the Atlantic than is conventionally portrayed in historical accounts. First of all, those imperial events involved not only matters of long distance trade, military power, and territorial acquisition. More than that, they involved elements of religion, of philosophy, of fraternal order, of race, and especially they involved elements of law. In fact, there was a profound division within Great Britain concerning how the Empire should rule its vast and disparate assortment of colonies, dominions, and protectorate. That division centered on two very different conceptions of law and the purposes it served, two very different legal traditions, the English and the Scottish. Their divided influence had important implications for an America that looked to Great Britain as its geopolitical mentor. The division between England and Scotland not only shaped American imperial methods, but also left a permanent mark on American legal institutions--and by subsequent American influence, left an indelible mark on affairs of the world.


Name: Jose Humberto Gomes de Oliveira
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: humbertoaba@uol.com.br
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Universidade Federal do Maranhão
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Co-author info: Ana Beatriz Fonseca Tomaz anabiatomaz@yahoo.com.br, Anamaria Sousa Silva anamariaufma@gmail.com
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Paper Title: Armed Intervention With Humanitarian Purposes in Libya: an analysis of the legitimacy and effectiveness of the use of force in the name of protecting human rights
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In the polarized scenario of the Cold War, which began shortly after the end of the Second World War, UN action remained in the background, with little prominence, and its central role in the international administration began with the end of the dichotomy between American capitalism and Soviet socialism. This change, on the international scene, intensified the process of globalization and raised the need for the creation of an international system of governance, making the United Nations' performance no longer stuck due to the Manichean influence of only two great powers. In this new framework, we began to talk about internationalization of Human Rights and, later, on the responsibility of protecting them. Before this process, the notions of sovereignty, hitherto understood as absolute, were relativized, as international society entered a new phase, in which, in order to privilege diplomatic solutions of conflicts, each nation voluntarily abdicated from its decision-making power to obey the new international legal order. Aiming to be legitimate and effective, armed interventions for humanitarian purposes should focus on the protection of Human Rights; must be authorized by the UN Security Council and, finally, they must occur in accordance with the limits imposed by the principles of non-intervention and self-determination, both of which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, ocurring, therefore, as an exception to the rule of non-intervention and considering the use of force as a last step in the face of the failure of diplomatic attempts to resolve conflicts. However, the practice of such interventions does not always occur according to the assumptions that theory prescribes. In order to illustrate the distance between the purposes to which humanitarian interventions should be directed to and their practical effects, this paper analyses the legitimacy of the UN to intervene and the effectiveness of NATO actions in the armed intervention that occured in Libya in 2011, authorized by UNSC Resolution 1973. This research addresses general questions about humanitarian interventions, analyzing the emergence, consecration and subsequent relativization of the principles of non-intervention and self-determination in face of the internationalization of human rights, as well as discussing the assumptions that should guide the employment exceptional strength. The specific case of Libya is discussed, so to describe its context before, during and after the civil war of 2011, and also analyzing the relationship of Lybia with Western countries, in order to identify the shadowy interests that motivated the intervention, based on the analysis of Resolution 1973 and Resolution 2009. Although formally (but not materially) legitimate, the humanitarian intervention in Libya was not effective for the protection of Human Rights, showing itself to be contrary to the principle of non-intervention, mispresenting of the Resolution 1973 and incapable of containing the national crisis in Lybia, aggravating it instead.


Name: Magdalena Kania
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: magdalena.kania@uj.edu.pl
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jagiellonian University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The European Commission and the EU Sub-state Governments: Partners in Development Assistance?
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The concept of decentralized cooperation in development assistance has been introduced on the EU agenda in 1998. Despite being an elusive concept, decentralized cooperation refers to the recognition of non-state, private and local actors as full-fledged stakeholders in development assistance. Over the last two decades, the EU declaratively supported the growing engagement of regional, local authorities and non-state actors in development assistance, aiming at embracing the former in the framework of multi-level governance. However, declarations are a far cry from reality. Between 2010-2011, sub-state governments participated in a structured dialogue with the representatives of the EU institutions in order to address the particular challenges they face as rising donors. The final document released in May 2011 made several recommendations for the EU of how to improve the current situation. Regarding the 7-year period, after dialogue conclusion, the question raises of what has happened since then and how the process of creating an enabling environment has been conducted. The paramount concept here is the approach of multi-level governance. Due to the fact, that the European Commission remains an essential institution in the process of decision-making at the EU level, as well as, it is responsible for the EU policies, the article explores the activity of the Commission in the context of decentralized cooperation in development. First, the aim is to analyze the trends in the activity of the EC in terms of (1) strategic recognition of sub-state governments as rising global donors; (2) financial support; (3) political support; (4) strategic partnership (documents, discourse analysis). Then, the article explores to what extent the activities are effective and compatible with recommendations of 2011 (interviews). Data has been gathered from the in-depth interviews conducted between February and August 2018 with the representatives of the EU institutions, representatives of the networks of associations grouping local/regional governments, and representatives of regional governments. It has been completed by the qualitative content analysis of documents provided at the EU level, as well as at the regional level.


Name: Jemma Kim
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: jmkim@meiji.ac.jp
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Meiji University
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Paper Title: Japan and Asia-Pacific: The Political Economy of Trans-Pacific Parnership
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This article looks at new policy shifts in Japan with regard to the TPP. Japan has shifted away from WTO-based multilateralism towards a bilateralism focused on free trade agreements (FTAs). Notwithstanding this, more recent Japanese FTA policies can be described in terms of a new trend away from bilateral agreements towards a “regional multilateralism.” While in government, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) announced its intention to join the TPP, shifting its focus away from conventional bilateral agreements. This has been continued by the current administration under Abe, which has formally entered into TPP negotiations. Japanese trade policy thus appears to have developed a double-layered structure, moving from bilateral FTAs towards multiparty FTAs. Why has this occurred? Will the growing number of FTAs, and now the TPP, turn out to be a stepping stone or stumbling block towards regional economic integration? What are the implications of Japanese participation in the TPP for regional governance in East Asia? While existing studies have treated FTAs as the policy norms and basic premise of Japanese trade policy, this paper offers an alternative explanation of Japan’s TPP policymaking process, mainly focusing on the institutional problem such as the lack of communication channel between governments and interest groups.


Name: Minjung Kim
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: coolmj76@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Georgetown University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Will Revisionist States Give Up Their Bomb? A Quantitative Analysis of the Revisionist Experience and Nuclear Proliferation Decision
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1) This research examines the correlation between revisionist behavior and nuclear proliferation decision of states. It tests offensive objective of nuclear development, which the author calls “revisionist motivation.” This research topic, somewhat provocative, stems from the author’s previous experience in media and in NGO which allowed her to interact with many North Korean defectors, including high ranking officers in the North. This research differs from the dominant viewpoint that the ultimate goal of nuclear weapons program is for state survival. It challenges this prevailing view in proliferation studies. Based on the Power Transition Theory, this research particularly tries to investigate the correlation between revisionist behavior and the various stages of nuclear proliferation decisions–the exploration, pursuit, and acquisition of nuclear weapon; and additionally, nuclear reversal. Three hypotheses were developed. (H1) Revisionist states are more likely to explore the nuclear program, (H2) Revisionist states are more likely to pursue the nuclear program, (H3) Revisionist states are more likely to reverse their nuclear program after pursuing or acquiring the weapon, compared to non-revisionist (or less revisionist) states. Using various quantitative methods, this research quantifies two important concepts: one is revisionist behavior, and the other is nuclear reversal. While the multinomial logit model was found to be useful and p-values are all very low for the revisionist variable, sometimes even lower than the case of survival analysis, the main data structure has longitudinal dimension, and considering the structure of the data, survival analysis is more applicable in this research. Thus this research selected both exponential and Weibull/ Cox survival analysis.


Name: Peter Klemensits
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: peter.klemensits@paigeobudapest.hu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: PAIGEO
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The “independent” foreign policy of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and the changing dynamics of the United States–Philippines special relationship
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During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump’s assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. This presentation will start with a summary of the Philippines’ position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. It will then review the main components of Duterte’s “independent” foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines’ foreign relations. The analysis will then discuss in detail the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama’s presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical changes the alliance has had to face. The continuing cooperation under a refocused agenda and the current bilateral engagements from 2017 onwards will also be highlighted. While it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the “independent foreign policy” initiated by the Philippine government will be, this paper will argue that the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.


Name: Ningxin Li
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: 3012680268@qq.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Nova Southeastern University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Water Injustice and Poverty Relief in the Middle East
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 Water injustice and inequitable allocation of water have severely impacted the overall economy and caused a large amount of poverty in the Middle East, which led to unfair treatment between Jewish people and Palestinians. For example, the lack of access to clean water and poverty have caused high rates of disease and death among Jewish and Palestinian populations who were living in the West Bank. Moreover, people, especially children, have died from diseases associated with inadequate water supply and sanitation. Conditions related to poor environmental health have become a public health threat. In the presentation, the author will analyze American’ role in the Middle Eastern policy, and the potential challenges for improving the water distribution policy, as well as finding the opportunities for Arabs and Israelis to enhance their quality of lives by international cooperation. The goal of this case study is to analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict over territory and resources and their relationship with the U.S. The author will discuss the plans of Jewish people and explain the reasons why Israel and America have tried to cooperate and to maximize their national interests. Moreover, the author will analyze the Social Identity Theory, and Realistic Group Conflict Theory to explain inter-group conflicts and the competition over limited resources. Additionally, the author applied the Theory of Cultural Hegemony to investigate why nations pursue cultural hegemony. Furthermore, the author will present how did environmental injustice has an impact on poverty and poverty-related diseases, which led to the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians in the Middle East.


Name: Jesse Liss
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: jliss@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  China’s Investment Treaties with Latin America and Implications for South-South Cooperation: Evidence from Firm-Level Data
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Policymakers and analysts frame China’s growing investment in Latin America and the Caribbean as new forms of South-South cooperation. This study situates China’s investment agreements with Latin America in the context of South-South cooperation and measures their relative effects on China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region. Based on China’s unique institutional characteristics, I use firm-level data and separate regression models for public and private firms to measure the effect of China’s investment treaties on China’s OFDI to Latin America. I find that China’s investment treaties with Latin America do not promote China’s OFDI to the region. I conclude that for China-Latin America investment treaties to become instruments of South-South cooperation they must include commitments to bilateral and regional investment institutions.


Name: Theodor Neethling
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: neethlingtg@ufs.ac.za
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: University of the Free State, South Africa
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  China’s first overseas military base in Djibouti: Assessing the objectives, motivations, wider networks and future prospects
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China and Djibouti have had diplomatic relations since 1979, but China has only deepened its footprint in the small African country in recent times. In recent years Beijing has firmly established its presence in Djibouti through multiple multi-billion infrastructure projects of which a military support base has been the most notable project. As far as the base is concerned, a 36-hectare military facility has been developed to host several thousand Chinese troops and provide facilities for ships, helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft. Until recently, these type of developments on the African continent have not attracted much international attention, but China’s slow and patient approach has increasingly been noticed and raising questions among scholars and other analysts. Moreover, the case of Djibouti is of particular importance because Djibouti can be regarded as a microcosm of China’s engagement with and endeavors on the African continent. It reflects all of the benefits, drawbacks and controversies relating to Beijing’s political, economic and military footprint in Africa. Against this backdrop, this article touches on the features of the Chinese military base in Djibouti, the drivers underlying China’s deeper levels of strategic engagement with Djibouti in particular, and the African continent in general, and possible future developments or trajectories. The article specifically intends to explore China’s strategic objectives and motivations in Djibouti. The article also reflects on whether the base in Djibouti is intended to serve as a further step in Beijing’s global expansion; a step that will lead to the building of more overseas military bases and thus be instrumental in the extension of China’s global sphere of influence. The article finally touches on current theorizing and scholarly reflections in International Relations (IR) on how to understand China’s growing engagement with the African continent, especially in view of criticism that academic and political debates surrounding Sino-African relations appear to be obsessed by the question of whether or not China’s growing role on the continent is another manifestation of the ‘China threat’, and that China is axiomatically seen as a threat to the West’s privileged position in Africa. The findings of this study suggest that although China has never established a base beyond its ‘near beyond’, the Djibouti project, however modest, tends to fuel perceptions globally that China is widening its international military footprint. The findings of the study further suggest that Beijing’s move to establish a permanent naval presence in Djibouti is strongly driven by geo-economic and geo-strategic motivations. China’s actions in Djibouti fit squarely into the wider context of Beijing’s post-Cold War economic interests and military activities in the sense that the naval base will be mainly aimed at serving business purposes, but also boost the Chinese navy in projecting power and serving other military interests.


Name: Abidemi Ologunde
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: aoologunde@mail.usf.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of South Florida
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Alternatives to War: Arguments against Cyber Warfare
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Cyber warfare is best described as an extension of the logic expressed in combined arms battle, not as an independent or alternative form of conflict. It will most often occur as an adjunct to conventional warfare or as a stop-gap and largely symbolic effort to express dissatisfaction with a foreign opponent. Cyber threat is now more directed at the sophisticated technologies of the West. When large states depend on complex cyber systems to support military and economic activities, it creates new vulnerabilities that can be exploited by experienced non-state actors. It is however premature to assume there is an impending cyber Pearl Harbor, given that the possibility of an internet-propelled conflict escalating into a full-scale war is minimal. Cyber war predictors usually promote the misconception that opportunity precedes outcome, instead of assessing the motives of those able to act and then considering whether something that could happen is at all likely. In other words, actors capable of wreaking significant cyber havoc fail to do so because they do not discern any meaningful benefit from initiating such acts. Cyber pessimism rests heavily on capabilities (means), with little thought to consequences (ends).


Name: Alexandra Orlova
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: aorlova@ryerson.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Ryerson University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  “Foreign Agents,” Sovereignty and Political Pluralism: How Russian Foreign Agents Law is Shaping Civil Society
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During the 1990s many Russian NGOs were successful in securing foreign funding and participating in transnational advocacy networks. However, as of early 2000s, the Russian authorities expressed concern over foreign and especially American-funded NGOs and their work and attempted to regain control over their activities, presenting them as national security threats. The 2012 Russian “foreign agents” law (claimed to be modeled on the US Foreign Agents Registration Act) and a 2018 pending case filed by Russian NGOs in front of the European Court of Human Rights challenging the provisions of the law, are reflective of contemporary Russian political rhetoric that views Western (and particularly US) governments and their agents, including NGOs, as attempting to undermine Russia’s ruling regime and posing a threat to national security. However, using the mechanism of legal challenges to challenge the provisions of the Russian “foreign agents” law either in domestic or in international realms, while making arguments of all sides transparent, also de-politicizes the issues by forcing all parties into the framework of legal arguments. This de-politicization reflects the decline of political pluralism in Russia. What is needed in order revitalize Russia’s civil society and transform its political governance, is a thorough rethinking of the notion of national security that includes NGOs participating in transnational advocacy networks as partners in providing it.


Name: Michał Rekowski
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: michal.rekowski@student.uj.edu.pl
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Emerging security challenges and the evolution of the notion of the European Strategic Autonomy
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The rise of new superpowers, declining global leadership of the United States, the increasingly hybrid character of threats and the accelerating technological revolution present new challenges to the concept of the European Strategic Autonomy (EAS). This paper aims to re-conceptualize the notion of EAS with emphasize on the role of space politics and cyberspace as emerging strategic domains that are becoming critical in the superpowers’ race for technological and strategic supremacy. It will look at major advancements in EU’s defence, space and cyber policies after 2013 and compare them with the evolution of the concept of EAS in recent years to address the question whether European understanding of EAS can efficiently integrate the broad spectrum of critical emerging domains. To this end, it will be based on qualitative content analysis supplemented by quantitative methods, of key strategic documents produced by EU's institutions and agencies dealing with programming of EU's policies. The notion of European Strategic Autonomy has been present within the Common Defence and Security Policy since it's foundation during the Saint-Malo summit in 1998. In the years 1999-2003 it was understood as primarily operational capabilities and this understanding has been implemented both in the Berlin Plus framework, as well as, the European Headline Goal. However, since the foundation of the European Defence Agency (EDA) in 2004, the notion of European Strategic Autonomy has been supplemented with new dimension - industrial autonomy. This trend was only magnified with the unprecedented actions that have been undertaken by the EU institutions since late 2013 - primarily by the European Commission, European Council and the EDA. Since December 2013 Council Conclusions, the concept of the development of the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) has become increasingly linked with the efforts towards European Strategic Autonomy, as exemplified in the European Defence Action Plan (2016), European Defence Fund (2017) and the Permanent Structured Cooperation (2017). This paper will answer the question whether these developments still lack clear understanding of strategic opportunities emerging from technologies related to space and cyberspace.


Name: Nurul Sakib
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: nsak2803@uni.sydney.edu.au
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The University of Sydney
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Mohammad Sajedur Rahman
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Paper Title:  Re-thinking Bangladesh’s Foreign Policy on the Rohingya Issue: Dilemma of National Security and Human Rights
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Forced migration is liable for rampant human rights violation around the world and has become a significant security concern for many countries over the last few years. Since the 90s, Bangladesh is facing an influx of Rohingya refugees from neighbour Myanmar, and it creates a serious threat from the perspective of both traditional and human security. Mass atrocities committed by Myanmar security forces Commencing from March 2017 that is described by the United Nations (UN) as ‘Textbook example of ethnic cleansing’ created a new exodus of Rohingyas to Bangladesh. Following the policy of accommodating refugees of 90s, the Government of Bangladesh (GoB) has made substantial efforts with an immediate response to facilitate all these people. However, experience suggests that Rohingya refugees have created several social and economic problems both at the local and national levels for the nation. The huge forced refugees already created pressure on the limited resources of the locality. A lot of the refuges allegedly engaged in petty crimes and there is a risk of spreading militant Islam by misusing the grievances of the refuges. Thus, Bangladesh is facing the dilemma of the dual need for human security and national security, both of which have taken on a new dimension after the recent crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. This paper seeks to investigate and examine the nature of the dilemma faced by Bangladesh over the Rohingya refugee issue. Through a case study based on interviews with Rohingya refugees and different stakeholders in Bangladesh, this paper presents both the human rights and national security concerns of the Rohingya refugee issue. At the same time, it argues that Bangladesh must re-think its policy stand and should emphasize solving the problem internationally by creating pressure at that level. The study’s findings suggest that although the provision of temporary shelter based on the need for human security may enhance Bangladesh’s image in the international arena, it could create a long-standing problem if the government continues the rehabilitation program in the same way that was done in the 1990s.


Name: Bugra Sari
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bugrasari1988@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Turkish National Police Academy
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: It is not only Relational but also Structural: Revisiting the Resolution of the 1998 October Crisis through Elements of Structural Power
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The 1998 October Crisis between Turkey and Syria has long been studied from various aspects. However, these studies are limited to a relational understanding which depicts the 1998 October Crisis as a (relational) power relationship in which Turkey got Syria to cease its support for the PKK that Syria would not do otherwise. Pointing that Turkey and Syria engaged in strategic cost-benefit analysis prior to their actions in the course of the Crisis, the relational understanding is based on “logic of consequences”. In this narrative, the 1998 October Crisis emerged as Turkey military threatened Syria since the benefits of cutting Syrian support to the PKK was higher than the costs of a possible military confrontation under the scope and domain of the power relationship occurred in the Crisis. In similar, fashion, the crisis was resolved as Syria accepted Turkey’s demands since the costs associated with insisting on using the PKK card against Turkey’s military threat were more than its benefits. This conclusion from relational point of view is plausible, yet it is at the same time not complete to understand all aspects of the resolution of the Crisis since it ignores the structural determinants such as actors’ self-understandings and subjective interests together with their differential social relational capacities that are shaped by their structural positions. While not rejecting the relational explanation to the resolution of the Crisis, this study attempts to complement them with a structural approach, drawing on the structural power conceptualization from post-positivist tradition. Hence, this study seeks to reveal the effects of structural power in the 1998 October Crisis through questioning how Syria’s structurally shaped subjective interests in the post-Cold War international structure and the norms concerning the international terrorism disempowered it to resist Turkey’s demands.


Name: Eric Scarffe
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: escarffe@bu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Boston University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Moving Toward A Dignity-Based Account of International Law
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Since the end of World War II, the concept of ‘dignity’ has become a dominant theme in ethics and human rights, as well as countless other areas of study related to public policy, medicine, and law. However, despite the numerous appeals that are made to ‘dignity,’ there has been alarmingly little attention devoted to understanding this topic. A consequence of leaving ‘dignity’ unexamined has been a (sometimes) confused application of the term, which has invited intense criticism of its use more broadly in moral and legal discourse. In this paper, I briefly rehearse the general approach found in many consent-based theories of international law, and explain why these theories have trouble accounting for some of the features found in the practice of international law (such as jus cogens norms and human rights). Then, I examine some of the most prominent criticisms of ‘dignity’ on offer in the literature, and articulate a dilemma my account must avoid. Finally, I propose an alternative for identifying violations of ‘dignity’ for the purposes of international law. That is, violations of ‘dignity’ occur when there exists an agent (a), who provides or withholds their consent (c), and whether the act in question is considered permissible or impermissible by wide reflective equilibrium. Violations of ‘dignity,’ in short, are identified by the analysis of the relationship that holds between a, c, and r. The upshot of this understanding of ‘dignity’ are twofold. First, it avoids the criticisms commonly attributed to appeals to dignity. On my analysis ‘dignity’ is not reducible to the analysis of some other concept (such as ‘autonomy’), but rather identifies the relevant relationship that holds between an analysis of several constituent concepts. Second, I argue this conceptual framework can provide us with a foundation for a dignity-based account of international law that has superior explanatory power than traditional consent-based theories. My dignity-based account not only better explains commonly acknowledged features of international law (such as jus cogens norms and human rights), but also offers an explanation for why the consent of nation states occupies a particular important role in international law making.


Name: Kyu Chul Shin
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kyshin@mix.wvu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: West Virginia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Trump's Foreign Policy Worldview: Consistency AND Crisis?
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Donald J. Trump has publicly expressed his foreign policy views since the 1980s. As foreign policy is an important part of the office of the presidency, it is worth asking if his views were part of a longer trend or something he made up around the time he chose to run. Would a long term investigation indicate that Trump had a solidified framework or a hodgepodge of views that change over time? Might there be a link between a willingness to espouse anti-internationalist views and times of national and international crisis? A brief look at Trump’s interviews through the 1980s, 90s, and 2000s indicates that his basic framework established in the 1980s remain intact for the entirety of the time period but have shifted occasionally afterward possibly due to large political or economic shocks such as 9/11.


Name: Srinivasan Sitaraman
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ssitaraman@clarku.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Clark University, Worcester, MA 01601
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Explaining the Emergence and Consequences of Transnational Alliance of Ethno-Nationalist Anti-Globalist Political Parties and its Implication for Majority & Minority Rights
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Undoubtedly frictions between minority and majority rights are driving the political processes and policy across the world. Changing patterns of global migration caused by conflict, natural disasters, and unequal development are impacting Europe and North America in multiple sectors. This has produced a sharp increase in anti-migration/immigration politics and it has generated greater majoritarian assertions in the public space. The rise of majoritarianism is driven by the belief that previous governments have engaged in minority appeasement and the majority is but reclaiming their identity and natural place in the societal order. Widespread adverse response in the United States against minority rights is in many ways a latent response to the election of Barack Obama in 2008. White identity, xenophobia, racism, fake news, conspiracy theories, anti-science views, virulent nationalism, and go-it-alone policies that were circulating at the periphery has found its place at the center of American politics as evidenced by the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Vociferous assertions of majoritarian identity fundamentally question the place of minorities in the United States, their historical claim to residency, and their access to jobs and public resources. Rightfully, the backlash against multiculturalism and the emergence of majority nationalism raise new concerns over the tyranny of the majority, value of democratic pluralism, and authoritarianism. Trump and the Republican Party have emerged as unrepentant champions of majoritarian rights in a highly polarized society. They have sought to establish a transnational alliance based on racial identity, populism, and anti-globalism with leaders such as Vladimir Putin in Russia, Marine Le Pen in France, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, and Nigel Farage in the UK among others. This paper examines this transnational phenomenon that is based on the fears of erosion of majoritarian identity and the challenges it poses to democracy and the post-World War II international order.


Name: Eun Ji (Sally) Son
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: eunji.son@columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  China-North Korea relations under President Xi Jinping
Abstract:
This paper aims to analyze China’s policy toward North Korea under President Xi Jinping. In 2018, North Korea may have received more media coverage than it ever did in the past. Kim Jung Un, the leader of North Korea had a summit with President Trump in Singapore, and it was the first time for a North Korea leader to meet with the incumbent U.S. present. Inter-Korean relations also seemed to have thawed this year with three summits between Kim Jung Un and South Korea’s President Moon. It was only last year that President Trump and Kim Jung Un exchanged harsh comments on each other. Amidst all these summits and meetings with North Korea, how has China’s policy changed under President Xi Jinping? China has been North Korea’s largest trade partner and is possibly the only ally of North Korea. With North Korea holding conversations the United States and South Korea, there have been some concerns of whether China was losing its leverage over North Korea. In addition, President Trump’s pressure on China to tighten its sanctions against North Korea puts China-North Korea trade at risk, which has played a big role in keeping the two countries close as well as preventing the destabilization of the North Korean regime. This paper will look at China’s policy under President Xi Jinping from three angles— economic policy, diplomacy, and immigration policy (repatriation of North Koreans). For research methods, government briefings and press release from China, South Korea, the United States, and North Korea to analyze President Xi Jinping and Kim Jung Un’s policies. While the paper will be descriptive for the most part, data on China-North Korea trade statistics and the frequency of high-level visits between China and North Korea will be used to run a few quantitative analyses to identify shifts in the policies between China and North Korea. One of the preliminary findings is that under President Xi Jinping, China has shown its intention to cooperate with the United States to pressure North Korea. However, further analysis of the data showed that the show of intent is more of a message to the international society, and in the meantime, China may have been sending a different message to North Korea. Another finding is that despite the fact that the repatriation of North Koreans does not get much attention as a policy, putting the immigration policy and economic policy together in an analysis paints the larger aim of China’s policy toward North Korea and its strategy in dealing with the North Korean issue. By tying in the theories of realism and cosmopolitan moralist to contemporary politics, this paper suggests that international relations theories and international affairs policies should be interacting with one another. China is not only located adjacent to North Korea but also is the largest developing economy. Hence, understanding China’s policy toward North Korea will enhance the understanding of how China should be engaged in solving the North Korean issue.


Name: Julia Sweet
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: ys356@scarletmail.rutgers.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Fake media outlets: a dangerous modern phenomenon?
Abstract:
Many radical groups, especially those claiming to be pro-Al-Qaeda, have been able to establish and maintain a persistent online presence. While the world community has focused on the fight against the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda affiliated groups keep enforcing their cyber niche. The majority of social media platforms have failed to prevent their reappearance despite tough censorship regulations. Their online segment has not only evolved into an open sub-culture with distinctive symbolic elements, but the radical groups have imitated the visual appearance and functioning mode of regular well-known media sources (BBC, FOX news, CNN, etc.). This imitation strategy helps to maintain resilience against account deletion suspension, receive public recognition, and as a result, gain legitimacy. The study analyzes this survival approach based on a list of accounts maintained by Al-Qaeda supporters on Telegram, Twitter, and Facebook. The daily monitoring of radical activities on these outlets was conducted between January 1st, 2017 to September 1st, 2018 in the Russian cyberspace. The first part of the research describes the establishment and enlargement of radical networks. The second part scrutinizes visual strategies of resilience: outlets’ designs, symbolic photo and video culture, and the appearance of radical anchors. The third part provides recommendations for the improvement of online censorship.


Name: Essien Ukpe
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: essienukpe@aksu.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Akwa Ibom State University, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria.
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Panel Description: Paper not a panel
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Paper Title:  The European Union and the Future of the United States as a Major Super Power in Global Politics
Abstract:
THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE FUTURE OF THE UNITED STATES AS A MAJOR SUPER POWER IN GLOBAL POLITICS By: Essien Ukpe Ukoyo Ukpe Political Science Department Akwa Ibom State University P.M.B. 1167, Uyo Uyo, Akwa Ibom State Nigeria E-Mail: essienukpe@yahoo.com Phone: +234-802-504-0266 ABSTRACT This paper explored the post Cold War cooperation between the United States and the European Union with an effort to discover the implication of such cooperation for the status of the US as a major superpower in present day international politics. A subtle competition from the EU end of the relationship is discernible. Using a qualitative approach, the paper examined trade data released by the United States Census Bureau and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis and also data provided by Eurostat and discovered that US imports exceeds its exports while the EU exports exceeds its imports. This accounts for the higher share of world trade by the EU vis-à-vis the US. Therefore, contrary to the realist prediction of the decline and final demise of Europe's global influence, the EU's global influence is actually on the rise. It is the conclusion of the study that if this trend continues, the EU will eventually surpass the US in strength and thereby put the EU at preponderance above the US in the future. It is recommended that the US should address the imbalance if it would maintain its preeminent position in global politics in the future.


Name: Mustafa Volkan
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: tekinavaner@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Constabulary Coast Guard Academy Institute of Security Sciences the Lecturer Depertmant of Public Administration
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Tekin Avaner
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Paper Title: Wisdom (Hikmet-i) of Government and the New Reform: The effect of USA on Turkish Type Presidential Government Practices
Abstract:
Turkish History till the beginning of the twentieth century has ruled the state bottom up and top down in the long term as the concept of sultan which is expressed in the form of law, army, finance and public, mentioned through a cycle of justice. After the establishment of the Republic with the abolition of the Sultanate, it has experienced a struggle for democracy of its own and transformed its political regime into a two-headed executive order consisting of both the president and prime minister; a form known as the parliamentary system. Two headed specificity of the parliamentary system, especially when the president and the prime minister, came from different political traditions or in the governments formed as a result of military coups is subject to tensions. Over ninety years period the multiplicity of the cases proved that administrative crises are also equally severe and violent. What has to be done regarding this unsustainable situation has begun to be expressed loudly especially by the rulers of the state? After nearly forty years, the Turkish Nation decided a transition to the presidential government system with a constitutional referendum held on 16 April 2017, formally abandoned the parliamentary government system on June 24, 2018. What will change in Turkey's administrative future with the new government system? The presidential government system or in other words, the Turkish-type presidential system claims to be different from the the Westminster presidential and semi-presidential systems, the existing political and administrative systems of the world. Despite its search for originality it is seen that in public opinion it is compared with the USA type presidential system. Turkey's new government system for sure has some similarities with the USA’s, but also has different aspects. Certainly, the two systems have similar and different characteristics not only for the executive power and organ but also for the legislative and judgement powers and institutions. The position and relationship of these powers against each other is vital in terms of the system's survival. The historic and unique position of the USA example, known as the brake and balance mechanism, has also made it the most imitated. It is known that the presidential system applied in the USA in a continuous and exemplary manner. Conscious and cultured citizens regarding political choices, non polarized voters and political parties, non leader centric political parties are some specifications for the success of the USA government system. Thus, although sometimes various problems appeared, some of them could be overcomed. While the Turkish state administration is restructured, the presidential government system emerged as a new stage. Regarding the new or changing features at this stage, it is observed that the minimum age of the deputies to be elected has decreased from 25 to 18 years. Also, from now on deputies started offering laws, not the government. Presidential elections and the general election of the parliament will both held together in every 5 years. If the president or parliament decides to renew the election, the two elections will take place simultaneously and the president will not be dismissed from his party that such changes are new for Turkey. On the other hand, if we consider of the functioning of the presidential system in the Federal Government, we will see a strong legislative, governmental and judgementary organs. Even though the president is equipped with strong powers, the draft bills should pass through both the senate and the representatives' assembly. This allows only a few hundred to be approved through thousands ofbills submitted every year. The reduction of the number of ministries from 26 to 16 in the Turkish Type Presidential System shows that the Federal Government is taken as a model. As a result of the observations and researches we have made, we will see that judgement is everything in the USA. Trust and respect for the law is one of the major factors that enables Federal Government so powerful. Federal judges come to office for a lifetime of service and have the power to cancel the laws if the congress's laws violate the constitution. There are nine prosecutors in the Supreme Court at the moment, while the budget of the body was determined by the congress, the number of judges was determined by the legislation. In conclusion, the main purpose of this study is to analyze the similarities and differences between the two countries' government systems by taking the internal dynamics and external factors into consideration and to present a vision within the framework of all these analyzes.



Political Theory

Name: Fatima Abubakar
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: abtima85@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: Federal University Lokoja
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: OKOH, Bartholomew, University of Abuja , barthy01@yahoo.co.uk
Co-presenter info: OKOH, Bartholomew, University of Abuja , barthy01@yahoo.co.uk
Paper Title:  Tackling Poverty In Africa through Good Governance: Nigeria in Perspectives.
Abstract:
The objective of this study is to examine how poverty in Africa can be tackled through good governance. Governance is conceptualized as the system of values, policies and institutions by which a society organize collective decision-making and action related to political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental affairs through the interaction of the state , civil society and the private sector. Nigeria being the most populous Black Country with tremendous natural and human resources yet suffers chronic poverty presents an important case scenario in poverty discourse in Africa. Findings revealed that social injustice, inequality, poor policy implementation, weak institutions and corruption are the root causes of poverty in Nigeria. This ugly state of affair has produced many indices of poverty such as low per capita income, low life expectancy, high infant mortality, dilapidated infrastructures etc. The past government efforts at tackling poverty has largely failed due to absence of transparency and accountability in public offices. The paper strongly recommends the need for institutional framework that will respond to the needs and aspirations of the people, coupled with massive investment in physical and social infrastructures across the states in Nigeria. Keywords: Poverty, Governance, Good Governance, Institution, Nigeria.


Name: Ugur Altundal
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ualtunda@syr.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Syracuse University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Immigration and  Open Borders
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Paper Title:  Open Borders, Sovereignty, and Travelers
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The philosophical debate on open borders focuses exclusively on migration. The normative justifications defending border controls assume that the movement of people across political borders, independent of its purpose and the length of stay, refers to migration. “Movement internationally,” “global mobility,” and “migration” are often used interchangeably. However, global mobility also refers to movements of people across international borders for short length of time: traveling. Sojourn, religious pilgrimage, medical tourism -including abortion travel-, education, international political advocacy, family visits -including weddings and funerals-, civil marriage and divorce, and many other significant interests motivate and force people to travel across political borders. In this paper, I defend the right to travel both as an intrinsic and instrumental right, and open borders for travelers as an essential value of liberal democracies and a component of global equality of opportunity. The existing literature on open borders offers moral arguments for or against migration. However, the moral case for the right to international travel has mostly been neglected. The arguments opposing migration -which concern about brain drain, welfare state, duty to compatriots, political membership, freedom of disassociation, and so forth- do not apply to travel; hence, they do not provide any justification against open borders in the context of travel. Rather than a right to migrate, this paper questions whether the right to travel can be overridden by similar arguments. I have two distinct arguments for the right to travel: (1) Movements that impose negative duties on liberal democratic states should be allowed as long as there is no other justification overriding it and (2) Territorial rights of states are limited, and do not justify exclusion of travelers. I examine the right to self-determination, right to freedom of (dis)association, and sovereignty as counter arguments. I also discuss justifiable restrictions of travel under certain circumstances such as global equality, infrastructure feasibility, security, overstay, and environmental and animal welfare concerns. I demonstrate, however, that those border restrictions for travelers should be based on principled reasons and should not discriminate on gender, race, disability, religion, economic status, and nationality.


Name: Maxwell Burkey
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: MBurkey@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Civic Religion and Social Movements in American Politics
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This paper looks at how radical movements in American politics have confronted and challenged the norms of civic religion that inform American patriotism. It argues that, although America does have a coherent civic religion that imposes certain restraints on resistance, movements have sought to subvert the religious underpinnings of American democracy. In the process, resistance movement participants have been branded apostates, defectors from the core of American nationhood. Therefore, these movements present a fruitful avenue for thinking about citizenship and activism in ways that scrutinize and call into question the democratic value of American patriotism, which has traditionally been inextricably intertwined with the core features of American civic religion: for example, the notion, stemming from the Puritans, that America has a unique and providential mission among the nations of the earth, as well as the more secularized versions of that trope which make up the claims of contemporary American exceptionalism. The movements considered in this paper all had to come up against the historically prevailing version of that perennial claim of American exceptionalism, and, in so doing, they offer apostasy—or unbelief—as a democratic ethic in the place of patriotism. Thus, the paper qualifies the work of notable scholars on American civic religion, especially Sacvan Bercovitch and Robert Bellah who, in different ways, do much to document the existence of a specifically American religious disposition in civic life, but who tended to claim that civic religion is all-encompassing—so pervasive that even resistance movements adopt and perpetuate its key assumptions and rhetorical terms. By contrast, this paper attempts to carve out and suggest the existence of an alternative tradition of resistance, one that is compelled by the very nature of their radical political projects to dissent from the core of civic religion. These “apostates” form a key part of a broader tradition of protest politics that has cast patriotism in a critical light throughout American history. The paper concerns itself primarily with key 19th and early 20th century movements: the abolitionist movement, the Women’s Rights movement, the Freethought movement, and the Wobbly and socialist movements, as well as key figures such as William Lloyd Garrison, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Emma Goldman, and Eugene Debs. However, methodologically speaking, the paper is not primarily concerned with the strategy or tactics of the movements discussed, as is much of the political science and sociological literature on protest movements, but rather with the kind of counter-patriotic politics that movements express and the political thought that emanates from resistance. In this sense, the paper treats the movements from a humanist lens, as texts themselves, rich with political meaning, deserving the same interpretive care that other kinds texts receive in the fields of political theory and American political thought. Therefore, the paper most aligns with American political thought, but could be included with political theory or American political development.


Name: Marco Castillo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: MCastillo@citytech.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: New York City College of Technology - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: A Technological Curiosity or a Reflection of Dissent? The Implications of the Rise of Bitcoin for Governments and Governance
Abstract:
In 2009, a digital medium of economic exchange known as "Bitcoin" arose, introducing Americans, and indeed people across the globe, to the formerly fringe and obscure topic of cryptocurrencies. Since this time period, bitcoin, cryptocurrencies, and the underlying blockchain technology has entered the mainstream of American and global financial discussion, now being seen as a legitimate part of the global financial landscape. While the brunt of public discourse regarding cryptocurrencies have occurred within financial circles, I argue that the emergence of this technology has important implications for the realm of public affairs, reflecting changing beliefs regarding the stability of governments, the changing global order, and a growing concern about the coercive power of government in our lives.


Name: Reham ElMorally
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: r.elmorally@pgr.reading.ac.uk
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Reading
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Gendering the Arab Spring: A Comparative Analysis of Institutions in Egypt and Tunisia
Abstract:
“A wise woman wishes to be no one’s enemy, a wise woman refuses to be anyone’s victim” ~ Maya Angelou The Arab Spring (2011) was characterized by uprisings in various Arab countries that attempted to oust their respective regimes. The revolutions diffused from the movement in Tunisia to the rest of the Arab countries. The Arab Spring was followed by what is now commonly known as the Arab Winter, i.e. the resurgence of the authoritarian and oppressive regimes and array of radicalization. This research attempts to compare and contrast the uprisings in Egypt, which is considered a failed story, and Tunisia, which is considered a success story. The underlying question is: what are the institutional and social structures that exist in the respective countries that have amounted to their success/failure? The hypothesis is that Tunisia’s social and institutional configurations are more gender conscious than Egypt’s, leading to a stronger and more resilient superstructure that encapsulated the aggregate of the population instead of lobbying for the interests of the social hegemonic blocs. In other words, Tunisia’s society might be more aware of the bargaining power the historically marginalized women have in ousting the regime, as opposed to the Egyptian population. This awareness is reflected in the structure of political institutions, the power dynamics within those institutions, and affect the selection and orientation of decision-makers. This research is divided into three major parts. The first part will review existing literature regarding the benefits and possible drawbacks of gender-conscious institutions and the extent to which they reflect socio-political realities. The second part will investigate the three branches of government (judiciary, legislative, and executive) and reflexively analyze the effect of descriptive and substantive representation within them influenced the aftermath of the uprisings. The third and last part of this research will investigate the Human Development Report (2018), specifically the statistical data on gender, education, and socio-economic sustainability, as the variables believed to most influence institutional formations. This research hopes to shed light on why the Arab Spring may have succeeded in some nations and failed in others. The objective is to illuminate and inform of the significance of a gender equality and equity for social and political sustainability, change, and efficacy. The importance of feminist movements is still underrated in political struggles as they are believed to be different. I intend to emphasize that the feminist struggle is inseparable from the revolutionary ambitions, as half of the population cannot affect change, but maybe if all members of a society solidify their objectives a true revolution will take place.


Name: Onursal Erol
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: onursal@uchicago.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The University of Chicago
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Transitionality versus Transformation: Gezi as a Continuous Space of Publicity
Abstract:
This paper problematizes the narrative of episodic urban transformation in Istanbul, common among its various ideological representations in the context of the ongoing Gezi debate in Turkey. Five years after Istanbul's mass Gezi Park Protests, the park continues to be the landscape of contention that features the most ostensibly clashing political stakes in the country. The ideological narratives that inhabit the contemporary Gezi debate, antagonistic as they may be, are based on shared assumptions of transformation of urban space, understanding it as a succession between discrete episodes that are laid out clearly: Gezi Park was built in place of an Ottoman Artillery Barracks, which was built in place of an Armenian cemetery. The actors who situate the spatio-political authenticity of this patch of urban space in these episodes protect a certain kind of political memory, thereby providing convenient options for political membership in Turkey today: Gezi is secular and modern, or neo-conservative and pious, or democratic and repentant, but not all or none of those things at the same time. Relying on the cumulative conversation by prominent theorists of space - predominantly, in my thinking, Foucault, Lefebvre, and Soja - I ask "How could such dramatic transformations in a continuously lived and traumatized urban space like Istanbul exist in such a tidy linearity as claimed by the distinct political narratives that inhabit it?" I marshal archival findings that include long 19th century maps, travelogues, memoirs, private/professional photography albums, and Ottoman journals that refute all of the aforementioned episodic readings of Gezi. In their place, I establish a novel historic narrative, one that discovers Gezi as a space of appearance in the Arendtian sense in its continuous publicity.


Name: Hisseine Faradj
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: hisseine.faradj@bcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Bronx Community College City University of New Yorn
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Sayyid Qutb and the Schmittian Political
Abstract:
The political theory of Sayyid Qutb hinges on two binary concepts. The first is hakimiyyah (Allah’s rule) and the second is jahiliyyah (The condition of any place or society where Allah is not held to be the sovereign being or His law is the sole authority in human life and society). He emphasizes the enmity between hakimiyyah and jahiliyyah as two irreconcilable modes of governance differentiating the abode of Islam from abode of unbelievers. Similar to Carl Schmitt's political, the enmity between hakimiyyah and jahiliyyah demarcates the friend/enemy distinction and the target of jihad. Yet, Carl Schmitt’s political is premised on skeptic standpoint as a result of nominal sovereign God (later secularized) that denies foundational truth claims, while Qutb’s project is premised on Sharia as the “divine truth.” To the contrary, this paper argues that Qutb’s project is premised on a nominal sovereign God that unveils his skeptic standpoint rendering the distinction between hakimiyyah/jahiliyyah a tool to manage human enmity rather than a utopic project that realizes God’s rule on earth.


Name: Michael Gamkrelidze
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: gam1938@gmail.com
Professional Status:
Institution: Independent researcher
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Paper Title: Democracy as State of Social Boundaries: An Attempt of the Systemic Approach  
Abstract:
In social sciences democracy is usually considered as political method founded on universal adult suffrage with confidential voting and majority’s right to elect government. In this essay, in contrast, democracy is regarded and analyzed as a certain state of the human society – an open steady state system of the “third order”. Since the various states of society are not limited in number, an attempt has been made to distinguish among them a few basic categories – capitalism, socialism and democracy, to find their intrinsic features and express them in terms of highest abstraction, thus making them comparable and quantifiable, what in perspective сould make possible to handle social sciences as rigorously, as natural sciences. The core notion of this approach, based on Schopenhauer’s philosophy and L. Bertalanffy’s systems theory, is that of social boundary. Social change is considered as changes of the state of social boundaries and so are analyzed the historical facts and events.Key words are: discrete and continuous states of social system, social boundary.


Name: John McDonald
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: jtmcdonald@uh.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Houston
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Rebirth of the "Theologico-Political Problem" in the Thought of Isaiah Berlin and Alasdair MacIntyre 
Abstract:
This paper examines the perspectives on relativism taken by Alasdair MacIntyre and Isaiah Berlin. With scholars across an array of disciplines addressing relativism in some form or fashion, why should we look at MacIntyre and Berlin specifically? Not only do their ethical theories confront relativism directly, but because each belong to rival philosophical traditions- Liberal and Communitarian- their views on relativism can be taken to be indicative of this membership more broadly. After introducing their ethical theories, it is found that both MacIntyre and Berlin fail to adequately distance themselves from relativism. First, MacIntyre’s core assumption that moral virtues always belong to a particular Weltanschauung leaves it ambiguous as to whether virtues can ever have objective validity, or whether they derive their meaning solely from the culture in which they are practiced. Secondly, MacIntyre’s concept of a “third language” that can solve the “problematics” of rival moral cultures is flawed because the new language itself may fall victim to its own problematic, or it may be opposed by a new rival moral scheme, necessitating yet another moral language to solve the dispute. While the pluralism advocated for by Isaiah Berlin does better than MacIntyre’s tradition-centric theory, it is also prone to charges of relativism. Pluralism holds that moral values exist objectively and that the justification for this claim is that human beings can imagine and understand the moral values of another culture, even if they disagree with how that culture rank-orders its values. However, if the mere fact that the values of another culture can be understood places them into the category of “legitimate” moral values, it is fair to ask if pluralism is too inclusive, to the extent where every human value, no matter how deplorable, is considered genuine and is not able to be ranked against other values. Moreover, pluralism is unclear as to how individuals are to decide between competing moral values without taking a “decisionist” approach that is radically subjective, and hence, relative. After the discussion concerning MacIntyre and Berlin, this paper concludes that their ethical theories are actually representative of an earlier conflict articulated by the scholar Leo Strauss. The conflict between reason and revelation, what Strauss referred to as “The Theologico-Political Problem”, plays out again in the thought of MacIntyre and Berlin, with the former justifying conceptions of the good through conventional belief, and the latter justifying conceptions of the good through rational thought.


Name: Jeff Miller
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: millerj@newpaltz.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: SUNY New Paltz
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Democratic Theory in Ancient Greece
Abstract:
Slightly more than fifty years ago, A. H. M. Jones noted the absence of philosophical support for the democracy at Athens. Major intellectual voices of the fifth and fourth centuries were uniformly (if to different degrees) critical of democracy. The past half-century, however, has seen a remarkable effort to reconstruct the voices of democratic partisans. Driven partly by pathbreaking work on Athenian oratory by ancient historians like Josiah Ober, ancient political theorists have focused their attention on the crucial role of speech in Athenian democracy. Some - like Sara Monoson and Arlene Saxonhouse - bring traditional philosophical figures into conversation with the democracy and reveal philosophy’s indebtedness to and entanglement in it. Still others - like John Zumbrunnen and Peter Nichols - have turned to theater and other sources of popular culture to fill out the intellectual portrait of Athenian democracy. The work of the past few decades makes possible a new and more robust picture of Athenian democratic thinking. This paper will trace some of these changes and argue that the emergent conception of Athenian democracy shows a consistent and coherent underlying conception of democratic theory, which was also aware of its limits and responsive to its critics.


Name: Shafakat Mirza
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: shafakathassan@yahoo.co.in
Professional Status:
Institution: Kashmir University
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Paper Title: Power-Knowledge-Morality triangle.
Abstract:
'Power is to politics what money is to economics' is a valid statement. When we are discussing politics we are basically talking about the relations of power. If we broaden politics to include all the things that Aristotle included in his definition or we narrow it to the colloquial use of the term, in both the cases politics is the process of deciphering power. In this paper, I wish to do the same but in a theoretical sense. What my paper and theory proposes is a way of looking at systems and relations of power from a prism which I term as Power – Knowledge – Morality Triangle, which basically demonstrates how the institutions of power from family right up to the superpowers use the systems of knowledge to create the sense of right and wrong, which we term as morality. This morality then works like a feedback mechanism strengthening the power structure, henceforth creating a vicious circle. In the process what is developed inside the triangle is what I call as the gravitational pull of the power system which makes it very difficult for people and societies to escape. The methodology that I have used is an extensive reading of literature from various fields of knowledge. I have substantiated my theory (besides other evidence) from the study of Anarchism and Feminism. I have analyzed the family structure as well as the schooling system. This will give the readers a deep insight into the theory. The conclusions that I draw are pretty evident from the theory itself – how structures of power use systems of knowledge to construct morality in order to strengthen the existing power structures. Besides, as a solution which comes out of this and not only gives us a comprehensive moral theory but also political solutions to innumerable issues is how we can change the prism by shifting the triangle as Knowledge-Morality-Power triangle which implies that instead of allowing the structures of power to use knowledge as a tool in shaping morality for their ends we start with rational knowledge itself as the guiding principle to shape morality which at times can justify a power structure to enforce it. Hence morality will not be constructed by power structures rather morality inspired by knowledge will give birth to the structures of power.


Name: Krishnan Raman
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ramank0@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: None
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The Role of Beliefs, Values, Attitudes and Events in Political Decision Formation
Abstract:
Political Decision Formation is governed by many factors, endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones, which are at both the individual and social level, include many Psychological and Sociological factors. The exogenous ones are controlled by events, often beyond the control of the people affected. The psycho-sociological entities of interest include Beliefs, Attitudes, Values / Norms, and processes such as Motivation, Communication and Persuasion. This paper will summarize an analytical framework for representing and modeling such entities and processes in political decision formation. We shall outline and discuss this for selected examples, as time permits. There is a large number of entities that influence political decisions at different levels. We examine the interconnections between a selected number of such entities, and the feedback effects among them; these interconnections and feedbacks can be the deciding factors We first represent in schematic diagrams the factors affecting the formation of beliefs and changes in beliefs. We next discuss Attitudes, which play a central role in sociopolitical processes. A key question is the mechanisms for Attitude Change, and the contributing factors The main example we discuss will be Election Decision making by Voters. The paper will outline a model for the formation and evolution of political attitudes relevant to this process . An Attitude will be conceptualized as a multidimensional entity, and an example of constructing it will be outlined.. The relevant variables governing the process of political attitude change will be pointed out and discussed. The possible effects of events, both local and international, on attitudes and outcomes, will be discussed. We examine the effects of factors such as group affiliation, persuasion mechanisms such as campaign advertising, and public opinion. The effects of Technology, especially Mass media and the Internet, will be discussed, We point out the importance of parameters such as message timing, message credibility, and the possible effects of polarization and alienation. The framework we discuss enables us to conduct experiments in which we can vary parameters, and obtain at least qualitative estimates of their effects. New variables and factors can be added and their effects evaluated. Of special interest is the ability in a model to identify control points or influence points for a political process. In summary, this framework enables one to represent and model psycho-socio-political systems, and formulate questions, and design experiments in which we can conveniently examine the dependence on various relevant parameters. And incorporate new factors as they come up, and examine their effects.


Name: Adam Renner
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: arenner2@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Binghamton
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Democratic Pluralism and When to be Intolerant of Harm
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Liberal democratic societies committed to moral pluralism support both the intrinsic value of toleration and its instrumental effects, despite the issue with delineating boundaries for what harms and which comprehensive doctrines (CDs) are tolerated in the society. While a liberal democratic society tolerates a wide range of CDs outside of use for the political process, some of these views should nevertheless be rejected completely. This paper seeks to address the boundary issues in the scope of toleration and investigate what recourse both citizens and states have to address intolerant positions within their particular social structure. I argue that liberalism is an inherently perfectionist account of political organization, whether it wants to be or not is beside the question. The espousal of toleration and liberal pluralism is a value-laden concept that shapes the structures of those in society. I argue that within a liberal democratic society, Mill's Harm Principle should be adapted in a wide version and not a narrow version; the wide version of the Harm Principle that can include rhetoric in discerning what an act of harm in a society is. The liberal project, if it wishes to embrace a tolerant society, requires a more robust version of the Harm Principle as a foundation to deal with CDs that are intolerant and intolerable. Some structural harms are caused by prevailing communally held CDs, including issues of some religious communities, sexism, and racism. Here I defend the conclusion that, based on an expansion of Mill’s Harm Principle, the state and its citizens have legitimate authority within the tolerant society to actively reject CDs and coerce those that hold them. A weak and strong version of this thesis will be defended based on the work of Mill, Rawls, Raz, and others. Mill’s colloquial use of “harm” leaves much room for interpretation and application of the principle. By expanding on his version to include rhetoric into the harm category, and by considering the reduction of autonomous choices one can experience as harm, I arrive at the conclusion that the tolerant society does not have to tolerate everything. Rawls notes that it is not possible for all conceptions of the good to exist in a society: inevitably, some people and their underlying CDs will be coerced. Tolerant liberal democracies do not have a compelling answer towards addressing the intolerant CDs someone holds, as all are theoretically supposed to be allowed in the “value-neutral” and “pluralist” society. The expansion of the principle in this work shows that there is a possible answer for the tolerant liberals to reject other views that constitute harms towards others, and gives the grounds of legitimation for the state and citizens to do so. A nod towards possible policy considerations and a brief consideration of arguments against the Harm Principle as a means of coercion are also discussed.


Name: Veena Soni
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: veenasony8@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: JAI NARAYAN VYAS UNIVERSITY JODHPUR (RAJ)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Political Economy of Capitalism
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Capitalism is often defined as an economic system where private actors are allowed to own and control the use of property in accord with their own interests, and where the invisible hand of the pricing mechanism coordinates supply and demand in markets in a way that is automatically in the best interests of society. Government, in this perspective, is often described as responsible for peace, justice, and tolerable taxes. This paper defines capitalism as a system of indirect governance for economic relationships, where all markets exist within institutional frameworks that are provided by political authorities, i.e. governments. In this second perspective capitalism is a three level system much like any organized sports. Markets occupy the first level, where the competition takes place; the institutional foundations that underpin those markets are the second; and the political authority that administers the system is the third. While markets do indeed coordinate supply and demand with the help of the invisible hand in a short term, quasi-static perspective, government coordinates the modernization of market frameworks in accord with changing circumstances, including changing perceptions of societal costs and benefits. In this broader perspective government has two distinct roles, one to administer the existing institutional frameworks, including the provision of infrastructure and the administration of laws and regulations, and the second to mobilize political power to bring about modernization of those frameworks as circumstances and/or societal priorities change. Thus, for a capitalist system to evolve in an effective developmental sense through time, it must have two hands and not one: an invisible hand that is implicit in the pricing mechanism and a visible hand that is explicitly managed by government through a legislature and a bureaucracy. Inevitably the visible hand has a strategy, no matter how implicit, short sighted or incoherent that strategy may be.


Name: Catherine Spangenberg
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: crs618@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Economic Voting in Western Europe and South Asia
Panel Description: Economic voting behavior discussed using several cases including Germany, Austria, India and Pakistan. Chair/Discussant: Tony Spanakos
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Co-presenter info: Deepika Padmanabhan dp2662@nyu.edu (New York University, Graduate Student) Shanze Fatima Rauf sfr275@nyu.edu (New York University, Graduate Student)
Paper Title:  Vulnerability of Mainstream Right-Wing Parties to Populist Opposition in Eastern Europe
Abstract:
Effectiveness of European right-wing populism is examined in this paper through explanations of populist strategies, the pervasiveness of their ideologies, and the economic and social impacts that radical right-wing populists can have on the individual and aggregate levels of an electorate. It explores how populists may encourage or persuade other parties to move along the left-right spectrum. A quantitative analysis of populist support is conducted in this study which relies on data from the European Manifesto Project. Eleven East European countries’ populist parties that won more than one or more seats in state parliament since 1990, up till 2014 are included where regressions comparing the vote share, the strength of populist ideology, preference for international cooperation, and level of democratic rights as measured at the time of each country’s election, are tested to determine whether these variables may indicate that populist support encourages rightward shifts in mainstream conservative parties. High vote share, thorough populist ideology, and availability of democracy, are expected to have a positive impact in favor of populism whereas membership in international organizations and cooperation may have a negative impact and deter populism. If this hypothesis is correct, this study may provide evidence that social preferences eclipse concerns of economic ones and that populism may have impacts beyond direct representation in correlation with their vote share. Keywords: right-wing populism, opposition, vote share, political ideology


Name: Marie Staniforth
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: mpaxton4@jccc.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Johnson County Community College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Exploring Deliberative Institutions Through an Agonistic Lens 
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Situated within political theory, and more specifically democratic theory, this paper explores practical innovations in the field of deliberative democracy through the lens of agonistic democracy. In so doing, it demonstrates how contemporary agonistic democrats (William Connolly, James Tully, Chantal Mouffe and David Owen) draw influence from thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Friedrich Nietzsche, Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt to promote political contestation; necessary interdependency; and contingency in democratic politics. Contextualised by recent events such as the pipe bombings and the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, the paper argues that these three goods of agonistic democracy offer us a more productive way to engage with conflicting others. Rather than aiming to confine conflict to the private sphere (as Rawls’ overlapping consensus would have us do) or limit political discussion to the rational and reasonable (as deliberative democrats like Dryzek and Fishkin would have us do), agonistic democrats aim to mediate conflict and use it to render politics more inclusive; more engaging; and more virtuous. In a context of declining civility; widespread disaffection towards ‘establishment’ politics; and charges of ‘fake news,’ the paper argues that agonistic goods are needed now more than ever. The paper discusses the lack of institutions within the agonistic field and looks to the sister field of deliberative democracy for inspiration. The paper then analyses these innovations through an agonistic lens, proposing various ways to ‘agonise’ extant innovations in the field of deliberative democracy, such as participatory budgeting and citizens’ assemblies. Finally, the paper supplements such proposals with suggestions for both new agonistic institutions and more traditional institutions, which could complement and supplement these designs. In so doing, the paper seeks to bridge the gap between theory and practice in order to reconsider how our institutions can transform conflict from a destructive and divisive force into a productive and cohesive one.


Name: Addye Susnick
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: addye.susnick@werepair.org
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Chicago
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description: (I am not applying with a panel, but would be happy to be a part of one.)
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Paper Title: Livestock, People, and the Planet: Responsibility for Structural Environmental Injustice
Abstract:
The increasingly dire effects of climate change have brought greater scholarly and public attention to environmental concerns in recent decades. A common call to action among these movements is the reminder that we all share one planet and will all face the consequences of climate change. This is true, but environmental problems are neither new nor experienced equally. Pollution and climatic effects associated with the livestock industry exemplify this reality; for over a century, vulnerable populations have disproportionately faced the negative environmental and resulting public health impacts of meat and dairy production. Yet, these same populations are also involved in the perpetuation of the livestock industry. This raises important questions for environmental political theorists. First, how should environmental injustices related to the livestock industry be conceptualized? Second, who is responsible for these environmental injustices and in what sense? This paper begins to answers these questions by applying Iris Marion Young’s ideas of structural injustice and political responsibility to livestock-related environmental injustices. Particular case studies are considered, including the ongoing environmental racism linked to Chicago’s Union Stock Yards meatpacking district—on which Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle is based—and a Somali refugee working in the livestock industry in Kansas. These cases are viewed alongside general trends to explore the historical and ongoing structural processes perpetuating environmental injustice. With these processes in mind, the paper turns to consider who is responsible for these injustices and in what sense. It argues that all those involved in the processes perpetuating livestock-related environmental injustice bear a political responsibility to do what they can to reform those processes, with political responsibility here being defined largely based on Young’s framework (i.e. non-isolating, confronting the status-quo, non-blameworthy, primarily forward-looking, and shared). A moral responsibility can compound this political responsibility not to perpetuate harm and injustice knowingly and willingly. The normative and, to a lesser extent, practical advantages of models of structural injustice and political responsibility are considered. These include avoiding unfairly blaming those whose causal involvement in the livestock industry is constrained by factors beyond their control, unmasking naturalized ideas that perpetuate the livestock industry and related injustices, exposing the long-standing connection between environmental injustice and other injustices, and revealing barriers to change and potential entry-points for action. The final section briefly turns to what carrying out political responsibility for environmental injustice entails. It argues that this responsibility should focus on enabling the inclusion of those most impacted by livestock-related environmental problems in decision-making processes related to the industry, as well as on challenging norms surrounding meat and dairy consumption, improving access to healthy, affordable, and culturally appropriate non-meat alternatives, and creating opportunities for employment outside of the livestock industry.


Name: Kumar Thangavelsamy
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: tkumar@xsrm.edu.in
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Xavier University, Bhubaneswar, India
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Capital Vs. Digital Labour in the Information Age - A Marxist Analysis
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In the third millennium AD, humanity has reached the phase of the Post-Industrial Information age. This age is characterized by the ubiquitous usage of ICTs (Information and Communication Technologies) in all aspects of social reality. ICTs are not just a tool for automation of social production but are qualitatively different from other preceding technologies. It can be understood that ICTs are situated at the cutting edge of current global Capitalism. There is a danger that ICTs are enhancing capitalist consumerism by converting the 'Complete human being' into the 'Complete consumer'. In this information age, a paradoxical social reality characterized by Geography without distance, History without time, Value without weight and Transactions without cash seems to be unfolding. The current “Post-Fordist” mode of production is qualitatively different from the earlier Fordist mode of production. In this historical context it becomes imperative to understand the dialectical relation between capital and labour. Rather than the “factory” being the locus of struggle between capital and labour, since service sector and white-collar work have become important, the locus of struggle between capital and labour has in some sense shifted to the “office”. ICT based workers can currently be considered as a “Class-in-itself”, rather than a “Class-for-itself”. A large proportion of the global workforce are increasingly working for the same transnational corporations. So, it is possible to some extent to unify the global proletariat under the soul stirring Marxist slogan “Workers of the world unite”. ICT enabled ‘Telework’ changes the ‘Political economy of the home’, so that more surplus value can be extracted. ICTs have influenced the contestation of time between capital and labour that has been happening all through the history of capitalism. ‘Telework’ and flexible production have influenced workers powers of collective bargaining. There are new challenges in organizing workers in the gig economy. When the ontological roots of ICTs are situated within the neo-Marxist Habermasian framework of critical theory, its potential for human emancipation is understood. But on the contrary, there is also a danger that ICTs may end up as a tool to consolidate and strengthen the existing powers of the bourgeoisie. The Gramscian notion of hegemony and Althusser’s concept of ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) may be getting reinforced by ICTs for social reproduction of the capitalist relations of production. After engaging with such issues, this paper surmises that the nature of the relation between capital and labour in the post-industrial information age is qualitatively different from the earlier industrial age. But nevertheless, it concludes that the possibilities of labour getting into a more just relation with capital and in the process bring about a more equitable global social order still exists.


Name: Timothy Waligore
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: twaligore@pace.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Pace University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Structural Injustice and Backward-Looking Historical Responsibilities
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While prospective distributive justice approaches like Ronald Dworkin’s are forward-looking, and historical entitlement approaches like Robert Nozick’s are backward-looking, Iris Marion Young seems to steer a third path, looking at structural disadvantage that persists over time. I critically examine the work of Young, and those inspired by her work, such as Catherine Lu and Lea Ypi, asking what are the implications for her approach for redressing past injustice, specifically claims by indigenous peoples. For Young, what is ultimately important is forward-looking responsibility for political reform of unjust structures. Young accords responsibility to participants in unjust structures without particular reference to the parties who caused or who have benefited from the historical injustice per se. History matters in the sense that structural processes are historical, but the thrust of the approach seems largely to say that once structural disadvantage is ended, the claim that special remedies based on historical injustice are owed will also end. Given this seemingly forward-looking approach, are land claims or other claims for dispossessed indigenous peoples valid; and if so, might they be valid only in order to alleviate structural injustice? I first review three important approaches to historical injustice: forward looking approaches based on distributive justice; backward looking approaches based on historical entitlements and unjust interaction; and approaches based on structural injustice that has endured through time up to the present (and are likely to persist if nothing is done). I argue that, in the wake of past injustice, the first approach can justify what looks like a turn to the second approach. Can it also be said that similarly, the third approach can, in the wake of past injustice, justify what looks like a turn to the second approach? Can the structural injustice approach justify historical entitlement claims or other claims based on a backward looking perspective? I will ultimately argue that yes, a history of structural injustice can justify more and/or different backward looking duties than would otherwise occur absent past unjust history. To get a grasp on Young’s theory, I then explain in more detail Young’s idea of structure and structural disadvantage and her idea of responsibility. I then discuss Ronald Dworkin’s idea of “expensive tastes” and how this will shape the debate on land claims. Claims to large amounts of land based on particular ways of life and attachment to those lands cannot be justified under Dworkin’s theory of equality of resources; claims for the return of land then seem to be a problem for some theories in the first approach. I also examine corresponding ideas that provide limitations to claims based on attachment and ways of life in the second and third approach. I then go into detail regarding Lea Ypi’s argument that claims to particular things or particular ways of life is best based not on the fact of particular attachment itself, but on structural disadvantage. She argues that structural disadvantage may lead to remedial duties, which might take the form of recognizing claims that involve particular attachments to land. Other remedial duties might involve claims to self-government. I will examine and take issue with parts of Ypi’s arguments. I will suggest that we have duties beyond simply remedial duties to alleviate structural disadvantage. Alternatively, how we measure and conceive of structural disadvantage amounts to, and how we ought to remedy it, is affected by historical injustice.


Name: Coleen Watson
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cwatson4@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Binghamton University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Normative Grounds of State Sovereignty and Epistemic Authority
Abstract:
Philosophical and legal principles of sovereignty are largely grounded by normative claims to nonintervention, self-determination, and legitimacy of governance. While many thinkers take a strong stand on upholding rights to state sovereignty, exceptions are often made when a government shows imminent danger of massacring or enslaving its own citizens. This paper will explore how research in mass atrocity prevention, and social epistemology ought to influence principles of state sovereignty in order to account for the dangers epistemic authorities can pose to local populations, and officially recognized states. Many populations are often very vulnerable to being manipulated into engaging in, or being the victims of, mass atrocity events, not simply because a leader whips up their emotions but because they rely on a relationship of epistemic dependence with local authorities. In focusing so heavily on nonintervention, much theorizing on principles of sovereignty have failed to account for the tight sway epistemic authorities can have in manipulating citizens and potential victims of tragedy. At least one case where this approach may apply, are where weak states have created regional instability leading to territorial take over by, often violent, non-state actors that ignore official state governance, and gain legitimizing support from local populations. These groups frequently claim that it is their sovereignty, rather than the failed governance of the official state that should count. Especially when such groups are more effective at allocating resources to locals and creating needed infrastructure than recognized governments are. In these cases, the leaders of these groups pose particular dangers in that they gain trust of locals by controlling and allocating needed resources, while also intensely disseminating dangerous ideologies and narratives, thus placing them in a position of epistemic authority. These concerns are posed by both dictatorial leadership of recognized governments, and by non-state actor groups. Conventional rights based principles of sovereignty need not be completely thrown out in favor of more utilitarian interventionist principles, rather, by accounting for the dramatic influence epistemic authorities can have over those people caught in their sphere, these principles may gain nuance in understanding why rights to non-interference are so delicate for the international community to uphold. Some of the empirical and philosophical work drawn from will be from Jonathan Leader Maynard, Michael Walzer, and Larry May.


Name: Robert Whelan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: rwhelan1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Binghamton
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Costs and Benefits of Prosecution: An Attempt to Justify the Costs of Amnesty to Human Security
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Typically, given considerations of state security, a ‘principle of limited prosecutorial selection’ is adopted after large-scale conflicts have occurred. According to this principle prosecutions for violations of International Criminal Law should be limited to those in command positions while lower-level perpetrators are typically granted amnesty and incorporated into Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration practices. Though a legal measure, amnesties are granted to secure the political end of security by incentivising beneficiaries to cease hostilities. Justifying the forgoing of prosecutions to secure such political ends typically relies on an appeal to aggregation; overall the expected benefit of social stability to be achieved through the disarmament of perpetrators is understood to outweigh the expected costs. Beginning from the assumption that there are strong moral reasons to adopt a ‘human security’ focus in the design of post-conflict peacebuilding strategies, I will argue that the moral justification for adopting a ‘principle of limited selection’ fails when it relies upon an appeal to aggregation. Part of the concern is that the costs associated with the adoption of such principles will be unevenly distributed. Such costs range from the threats to individual security entailed by the risks of recidivism to the normative costs incurred when the state fails to uphold its obligations to address instances of injustice against its citizens. As these costs will be unequally shared, certain citizens can expect to individually bear costs that are greater than the gains any other citizen can individually expect to receive. Those who expect to be placed at a net-disadvantage can object that adopting a principle of limited prosecutorial selection morally wrongs them as it imposes unreasonable burdens on them in order to secure aggregate benefits. However, the attempt to increase prosecutions would generate excessive material and strategic costs, such as motivating belligerents to return to hostilities, that a fragile state will be ill-equipped to manage. From the state’s perspective such a strategy would only destabilize the society, forgoing the political benefits to be gained from reduced prosecutions. Therefore, there are clear tensions between the state’s interest in maintaining security and the normative and legal arguments of international actors, who claim that state sovereignty is predicated on the responsibility to protect individual citizens. As increased prosecutions are not viable it is necessary to provide a justification for why the principle of limited selection does not morally wrong those affected. To advance this argument I will draw on Thomas Scanlon’s contractualist moral theory, developed in What We Owe to Each Other (1998). On Scanlon’s account justifying a principle requires the associated costs to be justified to each individual that is expected to bear them and not simply to the aggregate of citizens. A principle can be considered justified when each person affected has no reasonable objection strong enough to favour an alternative principle. By adopting the contractualist account it is possible to ensure that peacebuilding strategies can be used to achieve political goals in a way that is consistent with the normative constraints entailed by a ‘human security’ focus.



Identity Politics

Name: Remi Alapo
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: oalapo@bmcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Borough of Manhattan Community College (BMCC- CUNY)
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
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Paper Title:  National Culture and Influences On Leadership Practices: Power Distance Index (PDI)
Abstract:
Hofstede (1980, 1991, 1994, and 2001) developed a cultural dimension model based on a research conducted in 67 countries. In the study, he discussed the influence of culture on an individual. Culture shapes the human behavior that is different from one society to another. The attitudes, behaviors, and values take on added meaning with respect to time, language, and cultural context. Culture is a condition, and a boundary to previous leadership theories and practices. All these contribute to the impact of migration of persons to destinations in which new organizational practices are learned because of the need to adjust to a new national culture. Some factors that have contributed to the need for organizational leaders to adapt, and adjust to national cultures are globalization of the workforce, the expansion of international companies, and exposure of many national organizations to increased business competition, and possibly power relation dependency or distance based on a person's culture. Hofstede (1980, 1991, 1994, and 2001) developed a cultural dimension model based on a research conducted in 67 countries. In the study, he discussed the influence of culture on an individual. Culture shapes the human behavior that is different from one society to another. The attitudes, behaviors, and values take on added meaning with respect to time, language, and cultural context. Culture is a condition, and a boundary to previous leadership theories and practices. All these contribute to the impact of migration of persons to destinations in which new organizational practices are learned because of the need to adjust to a new national culture. Some factors that have contributed to the need for organizational leaders to adapt, and adjust to national cultures are globalization of the workforce, the expansion of international companies, and exposure of many national organizations to increased business competition, and possibly power relation dependency or distance based on a person's culture. Power Distance Index (PDI) scores informs us about the dependence in relationship in a country. In small power Distance countries, there is a limited dependence of subordinates on bosses, and a preference for consultation, that is the interdependence between subordinates and bosses. The emotional distance between them is relatively small: subordinates will quite readily approach and contradict their bosses. In large power distance countries, there is a considerable dependence of subordinates on bosses. Subordinates respond by either preferring such dependence or rejecting it entirely. Large power distance countries thus show a pattern of polarization between dependence and counter dependence. In these instances, the emotional distance between subordinate and their bosses is large. Subordinates are unlikely to approach and contradict their bosses directly. Power distance according to Hofstede (1997: 27 - 28) can therefore be defined as the "extent to which the less powerful members of an institution and organization within a country expect and accept that power is distributed unequally." This qualitative research explored power relations, culture, and human behavior in organizational settings. Are they universal or are migrants forced to learn new ways of adaptation in host countries? If so, how do these factors affect their organizational leadership practices in new environments? The presenter will present results from a recent study on Power Distance Index and the extent to which a person’s national culture influences (or not) leadership practices in a migrant’s new environment.


Name: Mohammed Bello Babanumma
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: muhammedbello2244@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Nasarawa state university keffi
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Name: Michael Boston
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: mboston@brockport.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: The College at Brockport
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Paper
Panel Description: I would like to present a paper on African Americans and Native Americans and the U. S. Constitution. I will go back to the formation of the U. S. Constitution to close to the present and analyze who it has been applied toward African Americans and Native Americans.
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Paper Title:  African Americans and Native Americans and the U. S. Constitution
Abstract:
I would like to present a paper on the U. S. Constitution and African Americans and Native Americans. I want to analyze how the U. S. Constitution has applied to these to groups of color from 1787 to close to the present. Both groups were initially excluded from the benefits of the American Constitution. I would like to examine some of these histories along with the struggles to include African Americans and Native Americans into obtaining the benefits of the U. . Constitution.


Name: Md Mostafa Faisal
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: parvezbogra2011@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Gazi University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Political Islam out-term in Turkey: a mix Method Analysis
Abstract:
As a Muslim majority country that is also a secular democratic state, powerful member of NATO, a candidate for the European Union and regional power of a critical and unstable zone in the Middle East, The Balkans, and the Caucasus. Turkey’s importance not only for its geopolitical position, but also for the role of political Islam and its influence on external policy with secular democracy, globalization, and modernity. Justice and Development Party (AKP) they have a strong Islamic roots within a framework of strict secularism. AKP does not define them self as an Islamic party, and its electoral success does not translate into popular support for an Islamist agenda. Although the AKP won an overwhelming victory in last fifteen years and still exist in power. AKP sustain their power with secured socio-economic development and flourish of political Islam as their legacy and dream of ottoman period. After the failed coup attempts on 15th July 2016 in Turkey, Erdogan proved himself more popular and charismatic leader, even now he is trying to change presidential system from parliamentary system. This paper shows how AKP and Erdogan represent and develop political Islam within the framework of strict secularism. It is a secondary research. Books, journals, magazines, conference papers, news and feature articles from contemporary newspapers as the sources of secondary data. Key words: AKP, political Islam, Secularism, Erdogan, Turkey


Name: Muhmmed Sihabudheen Kolakkattil
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: msk2247@columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jawaharlal Nehru University, (Visiting Scholar-Columbia University, New York)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Legitimation of Power in Indian Muslim Politics: A Study of Indian Union Muslim League
Abstract:
The study traces the process of legitimation of Indian Muslim politics and its mechanism of the narrative building in the post-colonial secular nation-state. It is done by tracing the political discourses of Indian Union Muslim League and its discursive articulations. Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) was formed after the India-Pakistan partition, as an Indian version of All India Muslim League (AIML), a political party that is very instrumental in the modern history of South Asia. Being a party openly based on a religion in a secular state where the left and the liberal political discourses delegitimize such a party, especially in the context of the alleged role of its parental party; AIML in the partition, It provokes a researcher to engage with it. Presently IUML is a Powerful stakeholder in the politics of Kerala; a South Indian state and it wins its pockets regularly irrespective of the coalition of the parties it includes wins or fails. It has a considerable hold in Tamil Nadu and nominal presence in North India. The objective of the study is to trace the process of legitimation and the discursive articulation of IUML while engaging with contesting discourses that produce its illegitimacy in different periods. The party was accused of anti-nationalism and communalism. The label of Pakistani was instantly invoked against the Muslim League in the post-colonial India, especially during the Hyderabad action of 1948, India-Pakistan War of 1965 and 1971, and the formation of Malappuram District in 1969. The public consciousness against the political consolidation based on the religion derived from the experience or the memory of partition and the dominance of secular principles continuously countered its existence. The paper traces how the party negotiated with these discourses to be a successful Muslim democratic experiment in India. The study is framed in the methodological and theoretical perspectives of Post Structuralist discourse analysis. Keywords: Muslim League, Legitimation, Muslim Politics, Secularism, and India.


Name: Nsemba Edward Lenshie
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: edward.lenshie@tsuniversity.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Taraba State University, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Land Tenure, Territoriality and Social Security: Interrogating Farmers-Herders Conflicts on Nigeria’s Mambilla Plateau
Abstract:
This study examines the interface of land tenure, territoriality and social security, with specific consideration of the farmers and herders conflicts on Nigeria’s Mambilla Plateau. The Mambilla Plateau is ethnically multicultural with the various ethnic groups claiming territoriality and land use for social security. Ethnic groups on the Mambilla Plateau include the Mambilla, Kaka, Panso, Kambu and Fulani, who are into farming of crops and grazing of cattle. Using qualitative and descriptive methods based on phenomenology and interpretivism, it reveals the complex dynamics of ethnic group relations, particularly between the Mambilla farming and Fulani pastoral groups. It also explains how changing land tenure system, territoriality and the demand for social security have shaped and reshapes ethnic group relations among other factors such as demand of land for farming due to population increase and land grab that accounted for the destruction of lives and properties and population displacement.


Name: Rayani Santos
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: rayani@berkeley.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Brasilia e UC Berkeley
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Conservatism in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies: a male and religious offensive in "defense of the family"
Abstract:
Brazil is going through a troubled political moment that includes serious economic difficulties and high political polarization. In November 2018, the country elected as president Jair Bolsonaro, who was a federal deputy between 1991 and 2018, but never held any office in Executive, becoming famous in the last decade mainly for its sexism, racist and homophobic positions. Bolsonaro is part of a group of conservative parliamentarians who have been active in the Chamber of Deputies in a very organized way at least since 2008 on issues such as abortion, homosexual marriage and educational programs aimed at combating homophobia, and in recent years have been gaining more and more strength. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the speeches of these deputies seeking to contextualize this conservative offensive in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, from the mid-2000s until the present period, discussing the main facts, the most important actors of this offensive, the reasons that led them to be successful, the influence of religions, and the possible consequences of this conservative offensive on Brazilian politics. Were sought speeches on three themes that mobilized the conservatives in the Chamber of Deputies and also had repercussion outside of it in recent years in Brazil: the Family Statute (a bill aimed at restricting the family to heterosexual couples), the "gender ideology" (represented by an attempt to prohibit the discussion of gender in schools and artistic or intellectual manifestations related to gender), and the School without Party (project that aims to censor teachers and establishes the authority of the family to the detriment of the school). In total, were read and filed 204 discourses in the statistical software Sphinx Lexica and they were spoken between 2007 and 2018. The analysis of the discourses on these themes brings some conclusions about the discourses and practices of conservative deputies in Brazil. One of the questions is that they argue that they intend to "defend the family" against the undue intrusion of the state and against teachers who want to "indoctrinate" students. The family advocated by these parliamentarians is the heterosexual family, monogamous and with traditional gender roles. In addition, the data indicate that 98% of these conservative speeches were made by male deputies; in 33.8% they used religious arguments to defend their positions; and 38.7% of the pronouncements were made by parliamentarians of only two parties, the PSC and PRB, both linked to evangelical churches. A preliminary analysis indicates that this conservative offensive in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies has as its main characteristics the predominance of male parliamentarians linked to religions who use the defense of the family as an argument for the withdrawal of the rights of women, homosexuals and students.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Marco Castillo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: MCastillo@citytech.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: New York City College of Technology - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: A Technological Curiosity or a Reflection of Dissent? The Implications of the Rise of Bitcoin for Governments and Governance
Abstract:
In 2009, a digital medium of economic exchange known as "Bitcoin" arose, introducing Americans, and indeed people across the globe, to the formerly fringe and obscure topic of cryptocurrencies. Since this time period, bitcoin, cryptocurrencies, and the underlying blockchain technology has entered the mainstream of American and global financial discussion, now being seen as a legitimate part of the global financial landscape. While the brunt of public discourse regarding cryptocurrencies have occurred within financial circles, I argue that the emergence of this technology has important implications for the realm of public affairs, reflecting changing beliefs regarding the stability of governments, the changing global order, and a growing concern about the coercive power of government in our lives.


Name: Pedro Michel Da Silva Serejo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: humbertoaba@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: FACULDADE SANTA TEREZINHA CEST
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: GABRIEL CARVALHO SILVEIRA OLIVEIRA - UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO MARANHÃO
Co-presenter info: GABRIEL CARVALHO SILVEIRA OLIVEIRA - UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO MARANHÃO
Paper Title:  PRIVACY IN THE DIGITAL AGE: the need for a fundamental right to the protection of personal data on the Internet and a brief analysis of the Brazilian perspectives for the establishment of a normative framework
Abstract:
The progress of humanity is marked by the constant advance towards the development of new technologies, reflecting, consequently, the capacity and the ease of transmission of information. The right to information has expanded mainly by the popularization of these technologies, leading the present society to insert itself totally in the virtual space, which characterizes as an open network, allowing its users to navigate and establish relationships with others. However, this context of technological evolution lacks legal and normative analysis, since it is common for all major social changes to have positive consequences, but also certain problems. The general right of the personality protected by the Federal Constitution thus gains importance in view of modern development and the new threats to the human personality associated with such development. The jurisprudential and legislative achievements do not yet limit the content of privacy, nor do they limit the power of the individual, in face of his self-determination, to decide for himself, when and under what circumstances personal facts will be revealed. The main purpose of this paper is to discuss the theme of privacy in the digital age, especially about the existence of a fundamental right to the protection of personal data on the Internet, due to the introduction of new information technologies capable of invading the privacy of people in this virtual space. The understanding of the right to privacy started from a negative approach of a right to be alone, and incorporated a positive outlook, establishing the demand for concrete actions for its effectiveness. Furthermore, given the architecture of the Internet, the ease of access to information and the speed which data is created and shared with, the way in which various rights are protected and understood has changed, making violation of privacy especially common. Because of this impact, the dual aspect of privacy is related to, on one hand, the protection of data and, on the other hand, to the right to access, rectify and delete information. From this context, the need for protection of personal data is established in order to affirm the free development of the personality. The paper seeks to demonstrate the urgent need to ensure the right to privacy, through a specific regulation of the processing of personal data collected on the Internet. Thus, through a bibliographical and documentary research, the paper first addresses the current profile of privacy and the development of the protection of personal data as a fundamental right. In a second moment, it tries to demonstrate some characteristics of the Internet, presenting it as a means of disseminating personal data and of necessary regulation. Finally, the third topic addresses the Brazilian perspective for data protection through the Law 13.709/2018, as well as aspects of the Regulation (EU) 2016/679, a standard that influences the Brazilian law.


Name: Maria João Guia
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: mariaguia@ces.uc.pt; maria.joao.guia@ij.uc.pt
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Coimbra
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: João Pedroso - jpedroso@fe.uc.pt Patrícia Branco - patriciab@ces.uc.pt Paula Casaleiro - pcasaleiro@ces.uc.pt
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Paper Title:  Young offenders’ behaviours versus Portuguese criminal law judicial response
Abstract:
This communication aims to present you the project in research at the centre for Social Studies, Coimbra (Portugal) entitled “YOUTHRESPONSE - Young adult offenders: criminal law and judicial response”, a 3 years project. We will present you the results of the research after one-year activities. We will firstly present you the framework of the international literature review on the topic, focusing on the Portuguese case, inserted in the Iberian Peninsula, within the European Union context and comparing with other cases such as the American case and the Cape Verdean reality. This last focus is especially interesting since studies and statistics in Portugal point out to a number of young offenders originary from Cape Verde, in result of a migratory channels established since the Portuguese colonies. We will then present you some quantitative and qualitative data, collected during the first year of the project, mainly from police, justice and prison system. We aim to discuss the Portuguese responses defined by criminal law and justice in its relations with European legislation and criminal policy recommendations. We also want to understand if there is or not and articulation of this special regime with the Portuguese Juvenile Law (12/15 years) and the general Criminal Law. Then we will debate how and why this special regime is applied (or not), characterizing the selected young adults in socio-demographic terms, individual paths and patterns of criminal behavior and sanctions and measures applied (prison, in community and educational). Lastly, we hope the debate will enrich the direction of our research and that we can promote knowledge transfer between researchers and judicial/non-judicial professionals and policy-makers, those who might be present at the presentation, contributing to a more inclusive criminal policy and justice, which respond to the special needs of these young adults.


Name: Mirza Sadaqat Huda
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: mirzahuda@ntu.edu.sg
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: Nanyang Technological University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Prof. Saleem Ali, University of Delaware
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Paper Title: Energy diplomacy in South Asia: Beyond the security paradigm in accessing the TAPI pipeline project
Abstract:
On the 13th of December 2015, the leaders of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India officially inaugurated the TAPI pipeline, which is set to be the largest cross-country energy infrastructure project undertaken in South Asia with an expected completion date of 2019. The limited literature on TAPI has almost exclusively focused on security impediments to the pipeline from the perspective of the member countries of the project. This paper argues that the solution to these impediments is greatly constrained by a reductionist rather than a multistakeholder approach. Using a broader understanding of the concept of energy diplomacy, this paper argues that energy infrastructure such as the TAPI can be used to encourage interdependency by expanding thenumber of stakeholders beyond the member countries of the project. While including the interests of external countries and institutions may build consensus on political issues, identifying ways by which the interests of communities can be addressed may reduce the explicit emphasis on the physical security of the pipeline by including human security concerns within the project’s blueprint. The cumulative impact of such an approach may create a shift in the perception of energy projects from the purview of security, to one of inclusive cooperation.


Name: Tyresa Jackson
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: tyresa.jackson@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Is Integration the Answer to Education Inequity?
Abstract:
Introduction It has been fifty years since the Fair Housing Act of 1968 went into effect, yet New York City remains sharply segregated in areas of housing and education (Walker, 2018). A report conducted by City Council member—Brad Lander, in partnership with Policy and Budget Director Annie Levers and several other City council members found New York’s public transportation and infrastructure, paired with housing discrimination and other key issues have stagnated the City’s integration. This memorandum will analyze the following question: Will an integration policy be an effective tool to address educational inequities within the middle school admissions process in New York City? Assessment of the Problem The New York City public school system is among the nation’s most segregated education system. The topic of school integration was reignited when parents at P.S. 133 suggested adopting a gambit from privately run charter schools, and under a 2010 state law each charter had to reflect demographics of its districts, including low-income students, English-language learners, and students with disabilities (Demause, 2016). To meet income guidelines, charters began to give priority to students eligible for free or reduced lunch and last Fall the Department of Education (DOE) announced seven schools would set aside 25% of their seats to students within those categories. Literature Review School segregation exists throughout urban communities the United States. One of the root causes associated with school segregation is race and economic status (Vivian, 2016). A longitudinal study found having a strong elementary school experience can have a very positive affect on a student’s learning and life trajectory, including reduced teenage pregnancy, higher levels of college attendance, and higher job earnings (Kuesera & Orfield , 2014). On balance, the location of a school affects the amount of funding granted for technology and teachers’ salaries. Reardon (2015) also noted that neighborhood conditions appear to affect children’s cognitive development and long-term educational outcomes. Stakeholder Analysis This section will conduct a stakeholder analysis to understand who has influence in the decision-making process based on their knowledge and expertise of education policy. Mayor William de Blasio President of the District Three Community Education Council Kimberly Watkins Chester E. Finn School District 3 Superintendent Ilene Altschul Options Specification • Option A will implement a district-wide integration plan for District 3 that will set aside 25% of their seats for middle-school students performing at or below grade-level. • Option B is a blind ranking system and an implementation plan, focusing on academic performance instead of attendance. • Option C will allow parents who register their children to middle-schools to indicate whether they are eligible for free or reduced-price school lunches. Options Assessment The following criteria will be used to categorize each policy option, using a Likert Scale 1-5 (5-Very High Feasibility, 4-High Feasibility, 3-Moderate feasibility, 2-Somewhat Low Feasibility, 1-Low Feasibility). Recommendation Based on the research conducted during this policy analysis, the best policy option to implement is a district-wide middle school integration plan. The goal of this plan is to remove barriers to access.


Name: merve kayaduvar
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: merve.kayaduvar@deu.edu.tr
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: DOKUZ EYLUL UNIVERSITY, IZMIR TURKEY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: comparative politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: none
Co-presenter info: none
Paper Title: SECOND PHASE OF THE HEALTH TRANSFORMATION PROGRAMME IN TURKEY: CITY HOSPITALS AS A MODEL OF PUBLIC PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP
Abstract:
Within the context of neoliberal policies which arose in the developed capitalist countries and have become in the ascendant all over the world since the late 1970s, in order to reduce public costs drastic changes emerged in the finance, organization and provision of most of the services carried out by the public such as health and education. Parallel to these worldwide developments, in Turkey, too, structural changes have realized in the healthcare field under the name of “reform” in the context of the neoliberal policies started to implement since the early 1980s. The most comprehensive one of these reform works was put into practice in 2003 with the Health Transformation Programme (HTP). In the framework of this programme; the finance of health services were started to be provided by the General Health Insurance (GHI), purchaser- provider split was introduced in the healthcare field, public primary care health service was abolished, in this context while community health center were closing, the family medicine model started, within the scope of marketization of health services, public hospitals were transformed into enterprise. As a complement of this fundamental transformation in healthcare sector, with a legislative regulation made in 2005, as a model of public private partnership described as “Second Phase of the Health Transformation Programme”, city hospitals were put into practice. This is targeted that along with six city hospitals opened as of August 2018 and with ongoing constructions and ongoing process of construction contracts, thirty two city hospitals render services. The focus of this study is the city hospitals introduced as the second phase of the HTP. The aim of the study is discussing the fundamental changes brought about by the city hospitals into the healthcare services while revealing legal and socio-economic background of the occurrence process of these hospitals. Because of being a very new phenomenon, there are not too many studies about the city hospitals in the literature. This study aims to contribute towards filling this gap even if it were limited. In this study made by using a qualitative research design, along with the literature review, legal legislation about in general public private partnership, in specific city hospitals was examined and varied reports, budget presentations, strategic plans published by the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Development, official statements, memoranda, press releases etc. were scanned.


Name: Ryunhye Kim
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: rkim10@stuy.edu
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: Independent Scholar
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Rentier-States and the Development of a Domestic Workforce: The Case of Qatar
Abstract:
Qatar, like many other Gulf states with abundant natural resources, is a rentier state. The absence of taxation further suggests that Qatari citizens’ political loyalty can be commoditized and purchased. In examining how rentier states affect democracy and sustainable development, I clarify several rentier state features of Qatari governance, analyzing in particular how these features have influenced the development of the Qatari domestic workforce. These issues are then critically analyzed to compare observed practices in the rentier state model with results of earlier studies. This paper employs three primary categories of evidence: (1) a quantitative analysis of past welfare provided to Qatari nationals, (2) a qualitative study identifying the citizens’ reactions to such a system and (3) a longitudinal in-depth investigation on the development of Qatar’s labor force before and after the implementation of Qatar National Vision 2030, and the rise of the new regime. In analyzing the effectiveness and significance of Qatar’s new efforts to develop a domestic workforce as part of an era of increasingly international business, this study is part of a growing body of research on the reform-minded emir Hamad bin Khalifa’s initiatives designed to implement sustainable development in Qatar.


Name: Peter Mameli
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: pmameli@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Policy Process and Policy Learning: The August 1, 2018 Ebola Outbreak in Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Abstract:
In May of 2017 word began to spread across international media that an outbreak of Ebola had surfaced in the Central African country of Democratic Republic of the Congo. The news was both sobering and worrisome for a people that had weathered prior bouts with the illness. The worst transnational Ebola epidemic in history had only recently concluded approximately a year earlier in West Africa, with over 11,000 officially killed. That two year long episode primarily impacted the countries of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Less directly affected were the states of Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, as well as select Western European countries and the United States who each saw a smattering of scattered cases. It was the first time the region of West Africa had ever experienced Ebola. Among the issues that stood out in the 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic was the inability to quickly control the spread of the virus through multi-level and multi-actor management techniques. In fact, the early stages of the crisis were widely criticized for slow and ineffective response across a variety of sectors of the global political system. As a result of the West Africa epidemic the situation in Democratic Republic of the Congo becomes of greater interest than it might otherwise have been to both academics and practitioners. With a newly elected Director-General of the World Health Organization entering office, the successful or unsuccessful engagement of the Democratic Republic of the Congo outbreak offers clues as to whether or not lessons gleaned from earlier Ebola episodes have been properly absorbed and put into practice. In this paper I will explore the following questions: 1) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with others in its history? 2) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with the 2014-2016 outbreak in West Africa? 3) What are the possible reasons behind successes or failures in responding to this latest Ebola occurrence?


Name: Renias Ngara
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: rngara@gzu.ac.zw
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: University of Pretoria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-author info: Professor Meki Nzewi, University of Pretoria
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Paper Title:  Towards sustainable rural development in the Shangwe chiefdoms of Zimbabwe: A participant community-State model for harnessing the arts
Abstract:
The paper seeks to explore how the arts may be harnessed to promote sustainable rural development. Studies have shown that community people are not empowered for the betterment of their localities. UNESCO Convention of 2003, calls for the preservation of heritage and empowerment of rural communities. Zimbabwe became a member state of this organisation in 1972. Similarly, the 2013 Constitution of the Republic Zimbabwe as well as the Ministry of Rural Development, Promotion and Preservation of National Culture and Heritage of 2015 spell out that chiefs are at the helm of rural development. The findings of this ethnography indicate that: there is a practical gap that exists between the UNESCO provision and the State practice; chiefs are not empowered to deliver rural development; and indigenous arts talents are underutilised. This research suggests how talents may be harnessed for employment creation. Thus, the study proposes a practical model for the preservation and management of heritage for sustainable rural development. The UNESCO and the State may empower chiefs through collaborative participations. Keywords: arts; talents; community-based indigenous instruments manufacturing industries; community-based performance centres; community-based indigenous libraries


Name: Bonn Nwanolue
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: princenwanoluebog@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU UNIVERSITY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  DEMOCRACY AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY NIGERIA: A TRENDY DISCUSS
Abstract:
DEMOCRACY AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY NIGERIA: A TRENDY DISCUSS BY PROFESSOR BONN OBIEKWE GODWIN NWANOLUE FRHD, (Ph. D) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU UNIVERSITY ANAMBRA STATE, NIGERIA E-mail: princenwanoluebog@yahoo.com Phone number: +2348037106648 ABSTRACT Essentially, politics is a vanity outside the operational plat form of the state power. Hence, the essence of politics is to control the state power, as he who controls the state power controls the economy of the nation. In any giving development, democracy always plays a major role in extricating the hoi-polloi from the quagmire of excruciating poverty. The Nigerian democratic scenario appears to be a mere conjugation without any tangible existence, especially with respect to poverty alleviation among its citizenry. In this light, this paper examined democracy and poverty alleviation in the 21st century Nigeria. Methodologically, data were generated from secondary sources, while we adopted the Marxist development theory as our theoretical underpinning. The manipulation of democracy in Nigeria by the capitalist class has widened the gap of socio-economic and political inequality. This exacerbates poverty proclivity on the downtrodden, other than alleviating Hence, certain development-based mechanism should be employed, such as industrialization, agrolization, advancement in technology and employment of free education for all. All these are fundamentally problematic to the very tenets of democratic profundity and economic surplusage, aimed at uplifting the common man from the present dangling situation of socio-economic and Political quagmire in Nigeria. Key words: Democracy, Poverty Alleviation, Politics, Citizenry


Name: João Pereira dos Santos
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: joao.santos@novasbe.pt
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Nova School of Business and Economics
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-author info: José Tavares, Nova SBE and CEPR, jtavares@novasbe.ptPedro Vicente, Nova SBE, pedro.vicente@novasbe.tp
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Paper Title:  Can ATMs Get Out the Vote? Evidence from a Nationwide Field Experiment
Abstract:
In this paper, we report on a large-scale (randomized) field experiment we designed to assess ATMs (automatic teller machines) capacity to “get out the vote”. This is a heretofore unexploited method of voter mobilization. Our experimental design used the full universe of functioning ATMs in Portugal, which benefits from a universal and extremely sophisticated world class ATM system, benefitting from both the deepest penetration and the most solid credibility. We randomly selected a set of treatment civil parishes, where a “get out the vote” message took over the totality of ad time in ATM´s, compared with an appropriately balanced set of control civil parishes where advertisements ran as usual. Our ATM campaign was active for three days immediately before and during the 2017 local elections in Portugal. The estimates of the direct treatment effect are stable and steadily increase in statistical significance as controls are added, though the standard levels of significance are not attained. On the contrary, when we consider the intensity of treatment, for both the entire campaign period and the weekend, results show a statistically significant increase in the likelihood of voting. The three proxies for treatment intensity, the number of cards used, the number of operations or of withdrawals, all deliver significant, stable and robust positive coefficients. Placebo tests using turnout rates in previous elections do not deliver significant coefficients, strengthening our interpretation of the experimental results. We ran a post-treatment survey around ATMs located in two neighbouring civil parishes of Lisbon, one treated, the other not, one week after the local elections, and found a statistically significant difference in recall for treatment and control groups.


Name: Sara Sands
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: srs2245@tc.columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Teachers College, Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Paper Title: Applying a Rational Systems Approach to the Analysis of Education Philanthropies’ Grantmaking Practices 
Abstract:
The role of private philanthropies in education policy and politics has largely been under scrutinized (Hess & Henig, 2015). At the same time, their influence on the cultivation and implementation of major policy reform efforts in individual districts and across the nation has expanded and deepened (Reckhow, 2016; Reckhow & Snyder, 2014). Perhaps the most substantial area through which foundations can influence education policy is their grantmaking. However, relatively little research has been directed at how foundations undertake this core function and even less research has attempted to leverage a theoretical framework to explain popular grantmaking practices. In this paper, I draw upon a rational systems frame to analyze the complexity of foundation grantmaking practices. The utilization of a rational systems lens draws into focus the way in which organizations align themselves to the achievement of specific goals and implement formalized structures to attain them (W. R. Scott & Davis, 2007). It suggests foundations, like many organizations oriented around top-down management approaches, believe that 1) they can increase efficiency and enhance performance through specialization and suitable division of labor, 2) the best work can be done when personal agendas and extraneous pressures are secondary to rationality, and 3) different means of coordination and control promote the integration of diverse efforts individuals and units (Bolman & Deal, 2008). To analyze grantmaking practices, I conduct a review of grant materials, including proposal guidelines and reporting documents, from four major national education funders. These include the W.K. Kellogg Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation of New York, considered to be “traditional philanthropies” based on their early 20th century, industrialist roots, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Walton Family Foundation, which are categorized as “strategic philanthropies” given their emphasis on investing in disruptive change pursued by individuals and organizations who show the highest and most promising results (Russakoff, 2016; J. Scott, 2009). I supplement my review of online grant materials with existing literature utilizing interviews with foundation program officers to provide context for patterns observed in the documents. Preliminary findings suggest that the relationship between a foundation and its grantees might be seen as resembling that between an organization and the individuals within it, with the foundation exercising control as a means of channeling and coordinating the behavior of grantees in order to achieve its goals. The evidence further suggests that similarities exist between traditional and strategic philanthropies when it comes to designing and executing grantmaking practices that push grantees towards high goal specialization and role formalization. The implications of this are manifold, as it could highly restrict what policies and solutions grantees deem as valuable to pursue based on how they relate to larger foundation goals and the formal role grantees believe they can assume in pursuit of foundation objectives.


Name: Germinal Van
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: authorgerminalgvan@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: George Washington University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Reflection On Social Welfare: The Politics, Public Policy and Problem of Big Government
Abstract:
Keynesian economics is the economic system by which government operates to advance social welfare. Social welfare, which is also known as public assistance, is a set of social programs that were created to provide assistance to individuals who are economically and socially considered disadvantaged. Before the Great Depression of 1929, the economic system of the United States was encapsulated in “rugged individualism”, which means that people were capable of taking care of themselves, and therefore each person was responsible for his success or failures. The Great Depression has significantly changed the role of government in our lives. However, the problem is that the since the promulgation of welfare, government has implemented policies that have impeded the market system and harmed the social groups that it has intended to help.



State and Local Politics

Name: Michael Armato
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: marmato@albright.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Albright College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: TEST
Panel Description: TEST
Co-author info: Daria Newfeld, Ph.D., Albright College, dnewfeld@albright.edu
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Paper Title:  Progressives in the Hudson Valley: A First Look
Abstract:
This paper will begin to highlight the impact of progressive activists on local politics and policy in the Hudson Valley of New York. In particular, it will focus on their local policy agendas. The paper will highlight the local issues that are important to progressive activists in the region and chronicle how effective they have been in advancing their local policy agendas. This paper will also account for the intricacies of New York local government structure, as it is an important part of the behaviors of these progressive activists. The data for this work comes from roughly 30 interviews conducted with progressive activists in the Hudson Valley since June 2018. This is a part of a larger project that will contribute a constitutive analysis of progressives in the Hudson Valley of New York to the literature.


Name: Wais Hassan
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: hassanaw@miamioh.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Miami University (Ohio)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Frayed Alliance: The Democratic Party and Public Sector Unions
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Abstract: Public sector unions have long acted as a bulwark for the Democratic Party, providing representatives with money and votes. Yet Democrats have not been reliable allies in recent decades. Public sector unions have pressed for progressive labor legislation since the 1960s, but have won few victories since the 1980s. I examined the National Conference of State Legislatures, legislative databases, and the NewsBank search engine to track Democratic alliances with labor during the 1990 to 2014 period. I find that Democrats only passed six public sector bargaining bills during this period, despite having partisan control of many legislatures during the 1990s and early 2000s. After a historical overview of state-level struggles for collective bargaining across all fifty states, this paper delves into comparative case studies of Colorado, Iowa and New Mexico. New Mexico passed a major public sector bargaining law in 1992. In contrast, union efforts in Colorado and Iowa failed. Past literature on public sector bargaining campaigns often points to contingent factors to explain policy outcomes, but here I offer a systematic analysis. I find that public sector bargaining legislation will be adopted only in circumstances where: (1) labor builds alliances with local governments; (2) labor secures large Democratic majorities in state governments; and (3) labor has the backing of a Democratic friendly governor. Methods: This paper is primarily based on qualitative research, conducted in three states. I used three primary methods to learn more about the circumstances of each case: a collection of newspaper/blog sources and legislative documents, campaign contribution sources and interviews of stakeholders. I drew background about each case from newspaper articles of leading state newspapers.


Name: Magdalena Kania
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: magdalena.kania@uj.edu.pl
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jagiellonian University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The European Commission and the EU Sub-state Governments: Partners in Development Assistance?
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The concept of decentralized cooperation in development assistance has been introduced on the EU agenda in 1998. Despite being an elusive concept, decentralized cooperation refers to the recognition of non-state, private and local actors as full-fledged stakeholders in development assistance. Over the last two decades, the EU declaratively supported the growing engagement of regional, local authorities and non-state actors in development assistance, aiming at embracing the former in the framework of multi-level governance. However, declarations are a far cry from reality. Between 2010-2011, sub-state governments participated in a structured dialogue with the representatives of the EU institutions in order to address the particular challenges they face as rising donors. The final document released in May 2011 made several recommendations for the EU of how to improve the current situation. Regarding the 7-year period, after dialogue conclusion, the question raises of what has happened since then and how the process of creating an enabling environment has been conducted. The paramount concept here is the approach of multi-level governance. Due to the fact, that the European Commission remains an essential institution in the process of decision-making at the EU level, as well as, it is responsible for the EU policies, the article explores the activity of the Commission in the context of decentralized cooperation in development. First, the aim is to analyze the trends in the activity of the EC in terms of (1) strategic recognition of sub-state governments as rising global donors; (2) financial support; (3) political support; (4) strategic partnership (documents, discourse analysis). Then, the article explores to what extent the activities are effective and compatible with recommendations of 2011 (interviews). Data has been gathered from the in-depth interviews conducted between February and August 2018 with the representatives of the EU institutions, representatives of the networks of associations grouping local/regional governments, and representatives of regional governments. It has been completed by the qualitative content analysis of documents provided at the EU level, as well as at the regional level.


Name: Angela Narasimhan
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: anarasimhan@keuka.edu
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Institution: Keuka College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Globalization and Conservative Politics in Upstate New York
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Much attention has been paid to rural politics in the wake of Donald Trump’s 2016 victory, particularly the mobilization of white working class voters in Appalachia and the swing states of the Midwest Rust Belt. Globalization and the perceived impact of an outsourcing economy on job loss have been central to the disconnect between these and more urban areas, and was a key focus of the Trump campaign in these areas. However, when looking at geographic pockets of conservatism in the United States, upstate New York has often been overlooked despite its historic trend of high Republican margins and an upswing in more extreme right activity in recent years. At the same time, this region has a long history of global economic integration tied to its proximity to the Northeastern trade corridor. This paper will provide a brief overview on the history and present state of conservative politics in the rural areas of the state, with a focus on Western New York and the Southern Tier. It will then turn to framing the region’s contemporary conservative politics within the context of its global economic ties. While economic adaptation and integration is seen by many to be the key to this and other rural areas’ survival, it is important to understand how resistance to globalism amongst more geographically isolated areas such as upstate New York will continue to shape politics from the local to national levels.


Name: Lisa Parshall
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: lparshal@daemen.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Daemen College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Roundtable
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Paper Title:  The Use of Narrative Policy Framing in the Village Dissolution Debate: Social Media Messaging in the Brockport and Lyons Dissolution Efforts
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Parshall (2018), explored the applicability of the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to the village dissolution debate. In that paper, I explored whether common narratives detected in the public debate over village dissolution could be understood through the lens of its narrative components (i.e., plot, characters, setting, and moral of the study), and whether a meso-level focus on village dissolution–how pro- and anti-dissolution coalitions seek to influence the outcome of a public vote on dissolution–aligns with the NFP assumptions as spelled out by Shanahan, Jones and McBeth (2017). The initial exploration of 3 cases studies drew primarily upon newspaper accounts and media coverage in identifying common policy narratives in the village dissolution debate. This paper moves a step-closer toward empirical verification by shifting focus to the webpages and Facebook accounts of the pro-dissolution and anti-dissolution coalitions in 2 cases to test theories that were developed (although not explicitly stated) in Parshall (2018).


Name: Robert Williams
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: rwilliams1@misericordia.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Misericordia University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Parties Matter, Even When They're Weak: Partisanship in the Progressive Era
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Party organizations, both internal and external to legislatures, have proven resistant to reform efforts aimed at dismantling them. This research takes advantage of the opportunity presented by Minnesota Legislature's surprise 1913 ban on parties from its chamber caucuses, election ballots, and nomination processes. I first provide historical evidence that the ban on parties surprised legislators creating the conditions necessary for a natural experiment. I collect roll call votes from the sessions immediately prior to and immediately following the session in which this removal of parties occurred. Using W-NOMINATE software, I analyze the dimensionality and the extent to which party predicts voting behavior and compare the results across the two sessions. I find that, in an already weak party system, parties became even weaker.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Diyora Abdurakhmanova
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: abdurakhmad1@montclair.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Montclair State University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Empirical Legal Research: The Role of Law School Libraries
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Throughout centuries lawyers, especially in common law countries, have been conducting mostly doctrinal/theoretical research in lawmaking and legal practice. However, what has mostly fallen out of their scope was the fact that law sometimes does not work because it contains concepts that are vague and, therefore, not efficient. If only they were subject to social science/empirical type of research, we would be able to see whether legal acts are efficient, whether they achieve the purpose they have been adopted for, and, if not, we would be able to think of the ways to amend them accordingly. However, because lawyers have serious lack of empirical research skills, the problem still remains unresolved. The reason behind the lawyers’ lack of empirical research skills is absence of social science research in their academic curriculum. Research librarians, who play a significant role of law school students’ research, not only have little to no practice in empirical research, but also have no common understanding of what Empirical Legal Research (ELR) is. At the same time, law school graduates in the United States are having more and more difficulties finding jobs (especially well-paid ones) after graduation. It is not because there is no market for them anymore, but because the set of skills, with which they graduate, is no longer enough. Therefore, in my research paper I am going to answer the question: “Can availability of Empirical Legal Research services in the US Law School libraries increase their graduate employment rates?” To answer this question, apart from examining the literature available in the area, I am going to conduct a series of surveys and interviews with law school librarians. The research design shall consist of two parts. Part one – telephone conversations with all 205 ABA accredited Law School in the US to find out which of them have ELR, with a subsequent use of ABA statistics to evaluate whether or not availability of ELR has influenced their employment rates. Part two – case studies of Harvard, Yale and Cornell Law Schools and analysis of their experience in the area.


Name: Benjamin Asante
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: wearewriting2@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: University of Education, Winneba, Ghana, West Africa
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Improving the Performance of Undergraduate students in Political Science : the role of teaching students essay writing skills
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Performance remains the ultimate assessment of a teacher's effectiveness, at least in Ghana. Many teachers assume quite regrettably that once students have adequate information on a topic, they will do well in exams. The paper challenged this assumption on the basis of the author's ten years teaching at the University of Education, Winneba, Ghana. Realizing the perennial massive deviations in every end of semester examinations, the author consciously employed three courses in political science: Assessment and Curriculum in Political Science, The Military in Ghanaian Politics and Political Economy of Ghana and taught the classes how to answer essay questions paying attention to the command or operative words like examine, discuss, assess, evaluate, compare, critique, comment and temporal adverbs like ancient, medieval, modern as well as geographical expressions like the Balkans, the West, Eastern Europe among others. The study found that making allowance for students problems in expressing themselves in English, the approach significantly minimized deviation, which has been the overall problem. It appeals to teachers to include the teaching of how to answer essay questions an integral part of their work. The skills of learning notes are not the same as understanding and answering questions.


Name: Anita Chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: university of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Academic deliberation in an international collaboration: nuances among students in the U.S. and Korea.
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With the growth of online courses, academic researchers have been evaluating the academic viability of these online offerings. Past research on a cross-country online collaboration among students from Texas, New York and California find that students discuss current and controversial issues in American politics with “academic/reflectivity” in their discussions with each other. “Academic reflectivity” was computed as a compound variable measuring deliberative, reflective posts and responses, using class or text references, posing questions that furthered academic discussions and the length of the post suggesting thorough discussions. For this presentation, one semester of data from fall 2018 will be analyzed across international boundaries that between a class in Houston, TX in the U.S. and a class offered at a university in Korea. It is anticipated that their discussions will be academically reflective, and that they will be tolerant and respectful of each other in online spaces. This study will be among the first about the significant impact of online discussions promoting and enhancing the experience of e-learners and collaborative endeavors internationally.


Name: Phyllis Conn
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: connp@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Implementing the AACU Written Communication VALUE Rubric: Applying a Multidisciplinary Rubric in a History Seminar
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Controversy has surrounded the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) multidisciplinary rubrics since their release in 2009. The VALUE rubrics (Valid Assessment of Learning in Undergraduate Education) were developed as tools to assess student work across disciplines and across institutions to determine how well students are achieving learning outcomes considered essential by faculty and employers. The rubrics have been criticized for being overly broad, not useful for communicating expectations to students, and as ineffective for assessing student coursework (Anson, Dannels, Flash & Gaffney, 2012). Instead of using the VALUE rubrics for assessing student coursework, I used the Written Communication VALUE Rubric as a method of beginning a conversation about writing with students in a history seminar. In the spring 2018 semester, I used this rubric to help students discern the commonalities and differences between writing in history and in other related disciplines. This paper will examine how students responded to this work, how their historical writing may have developed as a result, and how my own thinking evolved about teaching writing in history. For example, my conclusions include a recognition that student historical writing develops through multiple methods of discussing, performing and evaluating all types of writing, not just historical writing – students’ own writing, course readings, primary sources, other students’ writing, and readings from outside the course. Finally, this paper will connect the work I did with my students to contemporary research on teaching writing in the humanities and social sciences.


Name: Renias Ngara
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: rngara@gzu.ac.zw
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: University of Pretoria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Professor Meki Nzewi, University of Pretoria
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Paper Title:  Towards sustainable rural development in the Shangwe chiefdoms of Zimbabwe: A participant community-State model for harnessing the arts
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The paper seeks to explore how the arts may be harnessed to promote sustainable rural development. Studies have shown that community people are not empowered for the betterment of their localities. UNESCO Convention of 2003, calls for the preservation of heritage and empowerment of rural communities. Zimbabwe became a member state of this organisation in 1972. Similarly, the 2013 Constitution of the Republic Zimbabwe as well as the Ministry of Rural Development, Promotion and Preservation of National Culture and Heritage of 2015 spell out that chiefs are at the helm of rural development. The findings of this ethnography indicate that: there is a practical gap that exists between the UNESCO provision and the State practice; chiefs are not empowered to deliver rural development; and indigenous arts talents are underutilised. This research suggests how talents may be harnessed for employment creation. Thus, the study proposes a practical model for the preservation and management of heritage for sustainable rural development. The UNESCO and the State may empower chiefs through collaborative participations. Keywords: arts; talents; community-based indigenous instruments manufacturing industries; community-based performance centres; community-based indigenous libraries


Name: Matthew Stein
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: tuf96836@temple.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Temple University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Political Science, Relevance, and Classroom Opportunities
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At least as far back as the formation of the American Political Science Association (APSA), political scientists have been arguing that the field ought to be concerned with relevant topics. This train of thought can be followed from Frank Goodnow's initial presidential address to APSA in 1904 through Jennifer Hochschild's presidential address to APSA in 2016. Despite this desire for relevance, academic works of political science rarely reach the public in meaningful ways and are infrequently consulted by policymakers. However, academics in political science do have at least one area in which we can speak to an important portion of the public sphere; the classroom. Many undergraduates who study political science will themselves wind up in positions in government and politics, in nongovernmental organizations or in law. While our undergraduate majors have the potential to take the information from our classrooms into the world, many academics and academic institutions have not sufficiently prioritized classroom education. I therefore argue that if political scientists wish to remain relevant, then they ought to take their undergraduate educational responsibilities seriously.



Undergraduate Research

Name: Zayn Aga
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: zaynaga1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Syracuse university
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: President Donald Trump and The First Amendment in a digital age.
Panel Description: Make a case for the fact that, President Donald Trump by blocking people on twitter has violated the First Amendment.
Co-author info: Not Applicable
Co-presenter info: Zebediah Sulmasy, (research assistant), Green Mountain Collage, zebsulmasy@gmail.com
Paper Title:  Yes, No, Maybe So: Problems in Political Polling
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Yes, No, Maybe So: The Problems With Political Polling in America “Math and Science bring men together, politics tears them apart”. -Thomas Hobbes Politics dividing Americans is no new advancement, but the way the fourth estate deals with politics has taken on a new brutality as a twenty-first century bloodsport. Americans have been increasingly divided and media is one of the largest factors in that division. This danger emerges when media begins to evaluate the state not as a democracy or as a government but as a sport. This emerging style can be seen quite easily when taking into account partisan bias media— the Cable News Network (CNN) is a great example of this sportsmanship. Jeff Zucker, who made a name for himself creating shows like Fear Factor, The Apprentice, and Pardon the Interruption, is the current president of the network. He has said in the past “the idea that politics is [a] sport is undeniable, and we understood that and approached it that way”. His words are very reflective of reality-- much of CNN’s news programming, debates and elections are framed in the exact same context as a sporting event like a boxing match or soccer game. When watching a sport the most important thing to understand is how to determine the score. In politics, people equate polls to the score. Conflating these two is incredibly dangerous for our democracy, as the fourth estate is now dealing with an epidemic of analysts giving mediocre interpretations of bad polling data


Name: Higerta Bali
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: melibregu@hotmail.it
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: faculty of history and philology
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Roundtable
Panel Title:  UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE MIDDLE EAST XXI.
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Co-author info: Prof. Meljana Bregu, melibregu@hotmail.it
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Paper Title: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE MIDDLE EAST XXI.
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In this project we will address one of the most important but more difficult topics in the field of international relations, that of the United States leadership in the global political system in a world whose systemic system appears to be, sooner or later, will change. Nowadays, predictions about the fall of American power are widespread. The 2008 economic crisis, combined with the continued economic growth of China, India and Russia, as well as the further enlargement of the European Union, seems to be bringing about irreversible change in terms of the global economic power and the structure of the system today's international relations. The US from the isolationist and neutral politics that had characterized it since its foundation until the end of the nineteenth century in an internationalist, its international engagement and leadership in the international arena, which began in the last decade of the nineteenth century, with World War I, World War II, and then with economic aid and interference all over the world. The work for the preparation of this research paper consisted in the overlay of materials and data through numerous writings, studies, newspaper articles, reports of various international instuctions, materials obtained from the internet. Exploitation literature has been largely in Albanian and English. Much of the work has been built on the study of various books written by the most authoritative authors of the USA. The empirical analysis has been extended to the main indicators of the degree of strength of United States of America. Various variables have been attempted to maintain the same approach and comparative approach by making theoretical illustration work more credible. The analysis I made of events and real facts in the international developments of the twentieth century and in the first decade of the 21st century convinced me that the basic research hypothesis of this study receives an affirmative answer, which means that the United States is and will continue to remain for a foreseeable future, the only country that can truly assume the responsibilities and leadership to maintain peace, security and stability in the world, in the conditions of the old and new threats that threaten these the global public good. With the logic and the current and expected pace of development, there is still no serious indication that America will have serious rivals that would endanger its status as the hegemonic power of the globe and, consequently, its role of global leadership.


Name: Geoffrey Broadbent
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: broadbgp15@bonaventure.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. Bonaventure University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Great American Rip-Off? A Look at the Paradoxical Nature of US Healthcare
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A paradox exists within the United States healthcare system. We spend more than any other developed nation on health, but we have poorer health outcomes than similar nations. Oftentimes the structure of our system is deemed inefficient and incapable of providing quality care. Canada is used to justify this explanation, as their healthcare system is a single-payer system that provides quality care at a significantly lower cost. However, Germany also has multi-payer system and performs better on measures of population health. Universal access to healthcare is a glaring discrepancy between the United States healthcare system and those in place in Canada and Germany, but with the passage of the Affordable Care Act and nearly 20 million Americans gaining health insurance there has been little improvement on measurable health outcomes. Finally, while healthcare costs have continued to balloon over the past decade, spending on social welfare programs has stagnated. It is possible that poor housing, employment, and nutrition is responsible for the seemingly poor performance of the American healthcare system, leading to my preliminary hypothesis that levels of social spending explains variation in health outcomes. This research is different from previous research examining a link between health outcomes and social expenditures because it includes analysis of quality of care measures ensuring that discrepancies in health outcomes among the cases is not influenced by poor care. Initially, a qualitative analysis utilizing descriptive statistics will be performed using most similar system logic. Data from the most recent OECD and WHO reports is compiled for 2015. Health outcomes are measured through the traditional population health standards life expectancy, infant mortality, maternal mortality, and potential life years lost. Health expenditure will be represented as a percent of GDP per capita and included both public and private spending on acute and preventative care. Social expenditures is measured similarly to health expenditures as a percent of GDP per capita and including both public and private spending. Quality of care is measured by looking at available resources in terms of human capital as well as medical technology combined with measures for patient satisfaction and utilization of care. My preliminary findings show that while the United States does spend significantly more on healthcare than Canada and Germany, the same cannot be said for social expenditures. Germany far outspends, but Canada is similar to the United States. However, a look at the ratio of health to social expenditures in the United States shows a noteworthy imbalance not seen in Germany or Canada. Study of quality of care measures confirms that participants in the American healthcare system are receiving comparable levels of care to those in the Canadian and German systems suggesting that perhaps disproportionate spending on healthcare instead of social welfare programs is causing lower health outcomes for Americans. Based on the results of the qualitative analysis, the preliminary hypothesis may be adjusted and then tested using regression analysis. The same measures will be used for this analysis and will be run using data from all OECD members.


Name: Israel Chora
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Israelchora@ucsb.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of California Santa Barbara
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The Majority-Minority State: An Examination of Latinx Political Engagement
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The Latinx population is the largest ethnic group in California (Pew Research Center, 2014). This population experiences low educational attainment and earned income (Gutierrez and Zavalla, 2009). These inequalities have a negative effect on civic engagement and political efficacy (Brady, Verba Schlozman, 1995). This paper explores how material inequality, parental socialization and resources such as available time, affect Latinx youth civic engagement. To investigate this phenomenon we conducted an in-person survey targeting youth in the Santa Barbara-Isla Vista areas. Preliminary results show that material inequality and parental socialization are key to understanding low Latinx political engagement.


Name: Jean-François Clouzet
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: jfclouzetihedn@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Geneva
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  ‘’Grand Genève : a new security complex’’.
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The aim of this paper is to study special features of the security cross-bord coopération in the case of a crossborder metropolis : Big Geneva. Based on the methodological framework of action research, and registered in the theoretical framework of the critical security studies , this paper defends the hypothesis that it is only from moment where the Metropolis is seen as a political object, that its vulnerability and its answer of security becomes one. Big Geneva Metropolis becomes, presently, a security complex (Buzan, 1998). The cross-border security allows us to have a laboratory where the governance of security and crisis reconstruct itself in a constant way. The french-genevan cross- border security space build up under a construction process in which the actors on the ground and their hierarchies play a leading role. Currently, there isn’t any political strategy fully established to build the region as the space of specific security. The french-genevan cross-border cooperation regarding security always followed singular paths as far as she remained a prisoner of the systems of sovereignty of nation- states. Nevertheless, ‘’Big Geneva’’ metropolis deals with a settled international criminality and specific issues. From this perspective, the metropolis has to value its networking to answer the specific stakes of this settled international criminality. The territory is approached under a specific angle: the metropolitan agglomeration as autonomous territory requiring one particular need of security with regard to the zone border control zone. PhD candidate and in charge of the project ‘’ organe de sécurité CEVA - LEMAN- EXPRESS’’ - a cross-border cooperation project about homeland security and civil safety of a new railway line between Geneva (Switzerland) and Annemasse (France)-, my positioning puts me in the core of a constellation of policy practitioners, police forces and leadind politicians.


Name: Brianna Durkee-Pabon
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: bredurkee@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marist College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  My Body, Their Choice: The Privilege of Bodily Autonomy in the United States
Abstract:
This research seeks to establish a link between privilege and bodily autonomy rights in the United States. The concept of bodily autonomy; my body, my choice, is seen as a human right. Yet, individual bodily decision making powers vary for some classes on a situational basis. This research explores how limitations on bodily decision making disproportionately impacts individuals across various classes in relation to privilege. When laws have more control over individuals’ bodies than individuals have themselves the equal protections given by the fourteenth amendment are jeopardized. Individuals reproductive autonomy is coming under attack by state and federal government; with two Supreme Court seats being filled by conservative judges, decisions like Roe v. Wade are at risk of being overturned and could result in more restrictive autonomy rights for various classes individuals. Understanding which individuals are protected under the current law and what protections are given under the law is the first step in addressing this fundamental problem. This paper will analyze different examples of bodily and reproductive autonomy such as; male circumcision, organ donation, piercings, eugenics, abortion and other related subtopics. To answer my research question, I plan to analyzed both federal and state policies, as well as court cases and rulings to examine the protections for different classes of individuals in relation to bodily autonomy. Data on different classes of individuals such as; gender, race, sexuality, age and social class were collected to examine the influence of privilege on bodily autonomy rights, as well as, the disproportionate variance in protections under the law. Despite fourteenth amendment protections; that are in place to ensure individuals the right to make their own bodily decisions, laboratories of democracy still allow for fragmentation in state laws and limitations to exist and prevent select groups of individuals from having full bodily decision making powers. A case study on reproductive autonomy and denial of bodily autonomy in cases pertaining to reproductive rights will further reinforce that under certain laws individuals do not have full control over their bodies. I predict that women and trans-individuals, racial minorities, minors, low income and incarcerated individuals will have the least amount of bodily decision making power under the law. Whereas, individuals who possess male, white, age or social privilege will have more bodily decision making powers under the law. Through the analysis of fragmentation and limitations placed on bodily autonomy across state lines it was concluded that not all classes have equal decision making power under the law. Additionally, individuals in states with less limitations on bodily autonomy is correlated with individuals across different classes receiving more equal bodily decision making power. With these results, we can conclude that a Federal statute allowing all individuals full bodily autonomy would eliminate fragmentation in state laws and provide equal decision making rights for individuals.


Name: Samuel Ennis
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: sennis@anselm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Saint Anselm College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Extra! Extra! Read All About It: An Analysis of the Heterogeneous Influence Newspaper Endorsements Had on Voters in the 2016 Presidential Election
Abstract:
In the 2016 Presidential Election, Hillary Clinton received 57 of the top 100 newspaper endorsements to Donald Trump's two. Garry Johnson received four. In 2012, Barack Obama received 44 to Mitt Romney's 34. Do these endorsements matter or affect voters decisions of whom to vote for? While many scholars find newspaper endorsements to matter, I find this to be an oversimplification of the role they play. Using the American National Election Study, I compare the relationship between The New York Times, USA Today, The Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post and their endorsement or lack thereof on voters choice of whom to vote for in the 2016 and 2012 Presidential Elections. I find that in some cases, newspaper endorsements do matter. What party and what newspaper greatly impact that effectiveness. I also find that despite 2016 being an unusual year for newspaper endorsements, it does not stand out compared to 2012 in terms of effectiveness. I go on to find that whether an endorsement is surprise or not does not impact the effectiveness and that traditional factors that predict who someone votes for are not stronger than newspaper endorsements. Finally, there appears to be an additive effective with newspaper endorsements. Newspaper endorsements are still relevant, but their effectiveness varies by a number of factors.


Name: Deyja Gentile
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: deyja.gentile@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  A Time for Reform: Millennial Thought on the Electoral College
Abstract:
It is the recent call to focus on the Electoral College from experts, journalists, and colleagues that led me to examine whether future generations are more likely to abolish the Electoral College. I have examined the following inquiry: How does the millennial generation’s attitude toward the Electoral College reflect a need for change in the way the United States elects its presidents? This paper will reveal how the millennial generation feels about the Electoral College and what this means for its future considering millennials are the next generation in line to take on positions of power and civic duty. To determine the thoughts and opinions of millennials, I had students at Wagner College fill out a questionnaire which had questions regarding how fair or just the Electoral College is to them, and whether the Electoral College should be abolished or not. I have found through my data collection that the majority of respondents found the Electoral College to be unfair, and most believed it should be abolished. The argument I support, based on my findings and research, is that the United States has at least one good reason to rid presidential elections of the Electoral College. The main reason being that it is becoming increasingly irrelevant and unimportant in the eyes of millennials.


Name: Ghazi Ghazi
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ghazi@Oakland.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Oakland University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  An Arendtian Interpretation of the Anfal Campaign
Abstract:
The Anfal campaign took place during the final phases of the Iran-Iraq War from 1986 to 1989 and led to the destruction of more than 100 villages and the disappearance of more than 182,000 men and women (CHAK 2007, 5). Iraqi authorities were later revealed to have been directly involved in organizing acts of genocide. This paper uses Hannah Arendt’s reflections on genocide, especially in “Eichmann in Jerusalem,” to make sense of how such acts were possible against the Kurds in Iraq. Keywords: Iraq, Kurdish, genocide, Anfal, Iran, war


Name: Katie Gowing
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: kgowing@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany (SUNY)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Remaz Omer, University at Albany (SUNY), romer@albany.edu Ofu Takor, University at Albany (SUNY), otakor@albany.edu
Co-presenter info: Remaz Omer, University at Albany (SUNY), romer@albany.edu Ofu Takor, University at Albany (SUNY), otakor@albany.edu
Paper Title:  Girls Just Want to Have Fundamental Reproductive Rights: How Liberal Women in State Legislatures Lead to Pro-Choice State Legislation
Abstract:
With headlines surging in the media, like “Biggest Story of the 2018 Midterms: Women” and “Election Results 2018: Historic Number of Women to Serve in Congress,” an important question looms: what does this mean for women’s reproductive rights? At least 118 women have been elected to voting positions following the 2018 Midterm elections that took place on November 6th, but will more women with legislative authority change women’s reproductive rights legislation? To answer this question, we examined the relationship between states’ percentages of women in their legislatures and the percent of pro-choice laws at the state level as well as the corresponding rise in the electing of liberal women and rise in pro-choice legislation proposals. We argue that it is not necessarily women in lawmaking positions who lead to pro-choice-friendly laws, but liberal women legislators more specifically.


Name: Nancy Hernandez
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: nhernandez148@toromail.csudh.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: California State University, Dominguez Hills
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Campaign Contributions and Judicial Elections: Evidence from Louisiana Supreme Court
Abstract:
Many observers have been concerned about campaign contributions and their influence in politics. This study intends to contribute to this area of research; however, the focus is on judicial behavior. Past research has indicated that money influences judges, so this research draws from past studies to observe whether campaign contributions influence the voting behavior of elected state supreme court judges. By examining cases from the Louisiana Supreme Court from 2015 to 2018, it is argued that donations from attorneys and law firms do influence a judge’s decision in a case. When attorneys who have contributed to a judge’s political campaign appear before the judge in court, those attorneys are more likely to receive the judge’s vote in favor of their client. A statistical regression is conducted with judges’ decisions as the dependent variable and the attorneys’ contributions to the judges as the key independent variable. The findings draw into question the voting behavior of Louisiana’s Supreme Court.


Name: Leith Kusmider
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Leithkusmider@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: State University of New York at New Paltz
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Studies in Environmental Scarcity and Violent Conflict 
Panel Description: This panel is constituted from papers written in the fall 2018 SUNY New Paltz, undergraduate International Relations senior seminar. Each paper explores a facet of the relationship between environmental scarcities and violent conflict. One paper focuses primarily on the debate over “securitizing” environmental scarcity, asking if this is a wise or even effective approach to managing environmental challenges. The other two papers are case studies that explore the relationship between environmental scarcity and violence, one focused on Latin America, the other on Africa.
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Paper Title:  Armed Conflict, Inequality and Environmental Scarcity in Colombia
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The emergence of guerrilla forces and paramilitary squads in Colombia has lead to violent conflict and prolonged civil war. This research aims to explore the relationship between environmental scarcity and the development of armed non-state actors in Colombia.


Name: Cameron Lapine
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: clapine@anselm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Saint Anselm College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Betting Against the House: An Empirical Analysis of the Reasons Behind the Introduction and Expansion of Commercial Casino Gambling by Ballot Initiative
Abstract:
Why do some states choose to introduce or expand commercial casino gambling by ballot initiative while other states do not? Traditional reasons behind the introduction of gambling are the religious composition of the state, the fiscal condition of the state, the existence and prevalence of Native American Gaming facilities, the partisan identification of voters in the state, and the positions of local elites on the topic but research into these causes has not been applied to commercial casino gambling. I analyzed 21 ballot initiatives on the introduction or expansion of commercial casino gambling in 11 states between 2004 and 2012 to see how these traditional reasons, as well as a metric of diffusion theory, relate to commercial casino gambling ballot initiatives. None of the traditional reasons have a statistically significant relationship towards commercial casino gambling referenda, although the unemployment rate in the state comes very close to being statistically significant, nor does diffusion theory. This indicates that commercial casino gambling does not operate within the same parameters as other ballot initiatives and requires further research to better explain voters’ behavior.


Name: Remy Linback
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: rlinback@gm.slc.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Sarah Lawrence College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Laicite as a form of French nation building
Abstract:
Laïcité, or France’s unique brand of secularism, has been the subject of much controversy as of late, and the basis of an important debate between the French right and left. On the left, many argue that laïcité has been distorted and no longer represents the same ideal that it once did. These individuals point to the discrimination against Maghrebi immigrants and Muslim French, and contrast this ill treatment with the alleged original ideals of laïcité: freedom of conscience and expression. On the other hand, many on the right argue that even laïcité’s most modern incarnation is liberal because it actually isn’t hostile to religion; rather, laws outlawing certain religious garb or symbols in public are actually protecting public peace and preventing proselytism. In my paper, I present a third perspective: I argue that laïcité’s discriminatory and assimilationist character has always been its truest form. Laïcité is often defended on the basis of its alleged neutrality in the pursuit of encouraging cooperation and harmonious coexistence among a “universal” French citizenry; the mutual adherence to this principle, and respect for republican ideals such as equality and freedom, have been advanced as key to French citizenship. Despite the supposed universality of the secular state, it has justified discriminatory policies targeting religious minorities and women since the 18th century. Rather than fostering an egalitarian and impartial public sphere, I show how laïcité has in fact been used to validate Christian norms and reinforce the politicization of religion. Although the term “laïcité” only emerged in the 20th century, it represents a long history of tension between public and private life, and a flawed form of republican universalism exacerbated by a multicultural population.


Name: Madison Mangels
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mmangels@anselm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Saint Anselm College New Hampshire Institute of Politics
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  #Echo-Chambers, @CrossCuttingConversations, and Political Affiliation: An Empirical Analysis of Political Homophily on Twitter
Abstract:
Social media has the capacity to allow people of varying political ideologies to exchange opinions on events in what are known as cross-cutting conversations. However, people do not do this. Twitter has become a place where users put themselves into echo-chambers to isolate themselves from dissimilar political beliefs. This paper seeks to determine whether conservatives or liberals are more likely to put themselves into echo-chambers on Twitter as well as why this occurs. I will also look into whether self-identifying or researcher-identified ideologues are more likely to put themselves into echo-chambers. I will also offer explanations as to why conservatives or liberals might put themselves into echo-chambers. An analysis of a random sample of political tweets was collected and the authors of the tweets were coded into a database based on ideology, identification type, tweet language, and the number of partisan accounts they followed. The results of this study determined that conservatives were more likely than liberals to put themselves into echo-chambers on Twitter. One reason conservatives are likely to put themselves into echo-chambers is due to their psychological behavior and levels of openness to information, which differs greatly from the political behavior of liberals. Political polarization on social media sites is a growing concern in a country that is becoming increasingly politically divided and has the potential to sway voters and impact users’ perceptions of the relationship between their opinions and the facts.


Name: Elizabeth Martirosian
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: elizabethmartirosian@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Will Elephant Skin become the New Ivory?
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The ivory ban under CITES has been a deliberating and great stride taken by the international community to address elephants as endangered species and to increase their protection. China, a country with one of the largest markets for ivory, passed a full ban in 2017. While the demand for ivory has decreased, Asian elephant populations continue to have a steady decline since demands shifted away from ivory towards elephant skin. Markets between China and neighboring South-Southeast Asian countries have grown to facilitate illegal wildlife trade, black markets, and the trade for elephant parts, particularly elephant skin making Asian elephants vulnerable targets. At the beginning of the 20th Century, there was an estimate of 100,000 wild Asian elephants, today the estimate is between 35,000-40,000 wild Asian elephants left. Emerging markets are increasing in Southeast Asian countries where illegal wildlife trafficking is a low political priority to address, with reported evidence of senior government officials complicit in trades. The Environmental Investigation Agency reported an alarming increase in elephant skin trading particularly targeting Asian elephant mothers and calves. Contrasting the trade of elephant skin to the trade of ivory tusks, poaching elephants for their skin is “indiscriminate.” Asian elephant males have been targeted for ivory, but the demand for elephant skin targets, poisons, and skins elephant females and calves. Fauna and Flora International of Myanmar expressed the potential of wild elephants, particularly the Asian elephant of Myanmar going extinct in the near future. Elephants are killed for their meat and skin, which local informants say are trafficked across the Myanmar and China borders, particularly Mong La. Until its 2017 ivory ban, China had the largest markets in the world for ivory, permitting the sale of five tons of ivory per year. Mong La in Myanmar is on the border with China and has become an emerging market as a “Chinese enclave in Myanmar,” tailored exclusively for the Chinese, selling ivory and elephants parts illegally traded as the demand comes from China. Dried elephant skin pieces, ivory, even molars, and bones were discovered. Elephant skin is becoming profitable, costing 12 times more in China than where it is sourced in Myanmar. While China’s ivory ban was a large step in the right direction, the unintended consequences are unfolding by shifting trade beyond ivory and towards elephant parts such as skin which has been highly neglected and under-researched by CITES. Effective law enforcement remains difficult, especially in countries where wildlife protection is not prioritized and wildlife, particularly elephants are seen as pests resulting in increased human-elephant conflicts. Asian elephants are intended to receive the highest form of protection under Appendix I of CITES, yet domestic application and implementation of the law does not ensure the full protection of Asian elephants.


Name: Shankara Narayanan
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: shankara.narayanan@uconn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  American Imperium: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power
Abstract:
America claims the mantle of the world’s first superpower, using its military, trade, and liberal-capitalist ideology to pursue its international agenda. Suffering a financial collapse, facing domestic division and inequality, and with the “War on Terror” entering its seventeenth year, pundits and leaders worldwide increasingly believe America’s global power is declining. Simultaneously, the great powers of the world are asserting themselves. China’s expansion includes strategic integration with Africa and Asia, and domination of its regional waters—challenging America’s Asian primacy. Similarly, Russia’s revanchism manifests itself in Eastern European and Middle Eastern affairs. China and Russia fill the “Eurasian Heartland” of Sir Halford Mackinder. His 1904 Heartland Thesis holds that powers occupying the “Eurasian Heartland”—stretching from Eastern Europe to the Altai Mountains—threaten global security. Heartland powers from the Mongolian Empire to the Soviet Union expanded using land-power, coming into conflict with European sea-power, and recently American sea-power. The Soviet Union was America’s Cold War Heartland rival, while China may be America’s Heartland rival of the 21st century. This paper addresses the influence of Heartland Theory on U.S. Cold War strategy, and its applicability to the post-Cold War displacement of the U.S. by Eurasian rivals. It evaluates Cold War strategy by analyzing Mackinder’s influence on George F. Kennan, Henry Kissinger, and Zbigniew Brzezinski, grounded in an examination of Mackinder’s publications. Widely recognized as architects of U.S. Cold War strategy, Kennan, Kissinger, and Brzezinski utilized Heartland Theory to further American Cold War objectives. Their articles, books, memos, and briefs demonstrate independent recognitions of Mackinder’s theories separated by decades—a geostrategic continuity in U.S. Cold War foreign policy. Additionally, the paper synthesizes works from several schools of U.S. diplomatic history, juxtaposing Heartland Theory with revisionist and triumphalist arguments to better understand the merits of characterizing U.S. foreign policy using Heartland Theory. Regardless of whether U.S. foreign policy exploited markets or constructed “liberal order”, the strategy employed drew from Mackinder’s geography. Lastly, the paper applies Mackinder’s Heartland Thesis to modern power politics, analyzing Russia and China as 21st century Heartland powers. Despite their dual occupation of the Eurasian Heartland, China appears to be the classic Heartland power based on recent scholarly publications and the strategic publications of the U.S. government. Its naval buildup, however, twists Mackinder’s theories. A Heartland power possessing maritime capabilities, he argued, proves the greatest threat to global security. Analyzing Heartland theory raises further questions. At its core, Mackinder’s thesis posits that a nation first control vital trade routes and regions plentiful in economic resources, harnessing them to develop military capabilities and consolidate territory to then become a great power. Have the economically vital regions of the world changed? Mackinder focused on the potential of railways criss-crossing the Heartland to revolutionize power politics. However, the importance of modern trade routes in the Middle East and the waters of South and East Asia—such as the Suez Canal, Strait of Hormuz, and Strait of Malacca—suggest that 21st century great power competition may revolve around new geographic points.


Name: Jordan Pagan
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Jordan.pagan@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner Colllege
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  New York City Economic Land Use & Transit: Fixing our Subway, Financing our Future
Abstract:
A paper discussing the issues plaguing the New York City Subway, the history behind the problems and a potential solution. The fix is in privatizing the Subway, similarly to how Japan has done; they now boast one of the most efficient and super modern transit systems in the world. By juxtaposing the development of New York City property and land, and the impact of having an effective transit line in those areas has, the correlation between the two is this: the better the Subway, the area around it tends to advance further socioeconomically and culturally. Thus, if we can modernize and expand our Subway, we will effectively propel our neighborhoods into an upsurge, increasing quality of life for millions of New York City residents.


Name: Courtney Rivera
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: sliszcl01@mail.buffalostate.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Buffalo State
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Discovery 
Abstract:
Research Question: My question is about Civil Procedure and the basics of law from the complaint until discovery or court. The basis for all research will surround the question are the current rules for discovery just to both parties and does one party seem to have more success? The basis of my research is researching the legal process to be better equipped for law school. H1: Current procedure for the discovery is bias to the Defendant because lack of resources (money, legal knowledge) for a defendant to properly conduct discovery. This leads to a upper hand for plaintiff lawyers. And a outcome which is indemnifying to a defendant because of over indulgence of information. Disclosure eliminates any privacy in the litigation. H2: The discovery process instated will increase the chance a defendant will settle for avoidance of costly discovery. and the chance the defendant will accept the settlement will greatly increase but the settlement is usually unfair and relatively lower when defendant is of lower income. Dependent Variables: Bias in the Discovery process, court proceedings. Intimidation to defendant’s to settle before discovery. Independent Variables: Torts, Civil procedure, civil procedure reforms.


Name: Lee Scaralia
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lscarali@fandm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Franklin & Marshall College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Making Sense of U.S. Populism
Abstract:
How do political campaigns construct, deploy, and leverage political identities through electoral cycles? This ongoing ethnographic and interview project is concerned with the way "insiders" and "outsiders" are created among those working on the Jess King for Congress 2018 campaign, including paid staff, volunteers, formal interns, and prospective voters. Under the guidance of Dr. Biko Koenig, I interned with the campaign from June 2018 through the election to gain and "insider's" perspective-- and to understand the work that this political identity performs in the context of an electoral campaign. Preliminary findings include: as a left-populist, Jess King united people as insiders on her campaign regardless of previous political party association; that there is some difference between intern and volunteer identity that is encouraged by the titles assigned by campaign staff, but is more strictly enforced by interns and volunteers themselves; that the only initiation to the campaign truly necessary for many voters is one informative phone call by another volunteer. The paper examines the construction of these identities alongside other electoral and political tactics designed to activate and excite voters within the context of Trump populism.


Name: Mahina Taglies
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: Mahina.taglies@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: What is gender:  AN EXPLORATION OF WHAT GENDER IS, THE CONTROVERSIES OF TRANSGENDER, AND A BRIEF LOOK INTO INTERNATIONAL TRANSGENDER RIGHTS
Abstract:
The topic of gender has evolved considerably in Western society from the classification of grammar in languages to the representation of “traits typically associated with one sex”. Indigenous cultures have had a different experience of gender through their concept of gender beyond the binary of male and female. Transgender individuals have been a part of non-western culture for generations, tying into social standing, culture, and state classification while the gender spectrum in the United States has been vastly expanding. In this paper, I will be conducting a comparative analysis of gender classification and rights in the United States, India, and Japan, drawing examples from the transgender in the United States, the Hijras in India, and Onnagata Kabuki performers in Japan.


Name: Carly Van Syckle
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: cvansyckle@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany SUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Lasting Effects of Institutionalized Discrimination
Abstract:
The problem of police brutality has become commonplace in countries such as the United States, South Africa, and Brazil. By examining these three countries using the most different systems design, it can be found that there are differences in the countries' locations, GDPs, and HDIs. The key independent variable that each of the three countries had in common was a history of institutionalized discrimination. In the United States, slavery led to the Jim Crow Era, which paved the way for the mass incarceration of minorities, allowing for high amounts of police brutality. Slavery in South Africa turned into the discriminatory political system known as apartheid, enabling police forces to act in violent manners. And in Brazil, the history of slavery and discrimination present in the form of laws contributed to current discrimination in the form of police brutality. If countries have a history of institutionalized discrimination, they are likely to have high police brutality present. As a result of these findings, changes should be implemented to educate law enforcement on the history of discrimination and its possible link to police brutality in order to ensure that history doesn’t repeat itself as discrimination in the form of excessive police brutality.


Name: Katherine Viscardi
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Katherine.viscardi@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
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Paper Title:  The Sustainability of Mass Tourism in Kinderdijk, Netherlands
Abstract:
In the last few decades, the small Dutch village of Kinderdijk, Netherlands – known for its windmills -- has endured a massive rise in tourism. In this paper, I analyze the effects and impact of the overtourism in this region, as well as offer a comparative analysis of the case of Kinderdijk and other destinations that have dealt with similar problems of overtourism. The paper further offers an assessment of how the existing policies and procedures implemented by the Kinderdijk Heritage Foundation (SWEK), intended to manage tourism in the village, are not sufficient to maintain the current flow of visitors. The analysis suggests that tourism is vital to the village; however, the current techniques for managing tourists are inadequate and unsustainable. I conclude the paper with two policy recommendations. The first is the implementation of a monitoring program for both the village’s infrastructure as well as the locals, and the second is the reduction in the existing tourist cap that currently allocates for 600,000 travelers to arrive every year. Keywords: sustainability, unsustainable, overtourism, Kinderdijk, UNESCO, SWEK


Name: Michael Wang
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: mwang@hamilto.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Hamilton College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Inconsistent Incognito Mode: Exploring States’ Online Privacy Law Variance in the U.S.
Abstract:
This paper categories states’ privacy law by strength and then examines what factors potentially affect the variance of state privacy law strength, such as population demographics. Academic literature has established that economic factors, special interest groups, and party lines often explain and influence legislative outcomes, such as healthcare legislation. This paper applies the same logic, but to the question of online privacy law. First, this paper defines strong versus weak privacy law and places states on a continuum 0 (weak) to 20 (strong) based on their 2018 internet privacy law. Then, a fifty-state regression analysis is conducted to understand the various independent variables at play that affect weak versus strong privacy law. The regression, which accounted for over fifty variables, identified race and election results as the two top drivers of online privacy law strength. The most influential variables are then analyzed in detail and discussed through the lens of two case studies: (to be determined). A clear understanding of the top influencers of online privacy law strength will enable policy makers to better shape privacy law, whether that be strengthening it for companies or improving user privacy protection.



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