Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Lindsey Cormack
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: lcormack@stevens.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Stevens Institute of Technology
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  A Theory of Lip Service over Legwork for Veterans Policies in the United States
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Veterans policy in the United States is administered in a way unlike many other group specific policies. This uniqueness means that expectations of how each of the major parties approach the veterans policy realm do not always comport with how the parties act in practice. In this chapter I present three factual components of the policy arena, the partisan and public opinion puzzles resulting from those starting points, and a theory for why the puzzle is actually quite reasonable. I start with the three starting components: the way veterans care is administered in the US, the ideological viewpoints of the Republican Party on social welfare, and the ideological viewpoints of the Democratic Party on social welfare. The contours of modern conservative ideology as manifested within the Republican party are more at odds with how veterans policies are implemented in the US than liberal, democratic ideologies. Yet the Republican party is often seen as the party for veterans and that veterans tend to self identify with the GOP. Why might that not be the case? I posit a theory of lip service over leg work. Conservative principles and the modern Republican party demands make it harder to actually legislate in a way that benefits veterans but there is no limitation on how much a Republican member of Congress can say about the importance of veterans policy.


Name: Shelby Davis
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: se9davi@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Dr. Leonard Cutler Siena Collegecutler@siena.edu
Co-presenter info: Dr. Leonard Cutler cutler@siena.eduSiena College
Paper Title: An Emergent Trump Doctrine: A Preliminary Examination 
Abstract:
This paper is intended to provide a preliminary examination of President Donald Trump and his administration’s counterterrorism policies, as well as an examination of whether or not a Trump doctrine has emerged so far. The paper focuses on counterterrorism policies regarding the Middle East, specifically Yemen, Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq, and the threats that lie within. President Trump has increased the role of the military as well as has implemented the policy of “flexible authority,” which provides the military with speedier decision-making. This allows the military to proceed with airstrikes, raids, bombing missions, arming allied forces, etc., in a more timely fashion without waiting for senior officers’ approval. This research is crucial in today’s world, as terrorism is one of the top threats endangering the United States. It is important for the United States to create and fully implement a thorough strategy regarding how to deal with these threats, and this paper looks to find whether or not such a thorough strategy exists. The paper derives its information from government documents, such as the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, politically centered news sources, such as Politico, as well as major think tanks, such as the Cato Institute. This paper is unique in that it will be updated throughout the course of President Trump’s term to follow his actions, whether or not a strategy progresses, and if any counterterrorism goals are achieved. For example, there has been considerable speculation that the President will soon take a stand against Iran concerning the previous nuclear agreement between the country and former President Barack Obama, as President Trump feels as though Iran has violated the terms and conditions of the agreement. Any changes in areas such as this regarding the regions discussed will be researched and updated in the future and added to this paper. This paper will contribute knowledge and awareness of what is to come in regards to protecting our nation from terrorist threats.


Name: Sam Edwards
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: sam.edwards.3@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Jacob Park, Ph.D., Green Mountain College, jacob.park@greenmtn.edu
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Paper Title:  Is my doll spying on me? Privacy and the Internet of Things
Abstract:
The next major expansion of the internet is in its use for the Internet of Things (IoT). IoT refers to “smart” devices that are connected to the internet. There has been an explosion in these connected devices and they are increasing at exponential rates. By 2020 experts estimate that there will be 50 billion connected devices, nearly seven for every human on Earth.1 The ability to communicate is essential for these smart devices, be them vehicles, refrigerators, or children’s toys. The convenience afforded by connected devices allows them to adapt learn from the users and their environment in order to provide customized content and responses. Despite their value, these devices also pose significant privacy and security risks. The risks are amplified through synergistic use of different sets of data. For example, location data from a mobile phone app can be combined with road data to develop a personal risk score that could determine car insurance rates. Location data in images and video can be combined with facial recognition software to identify where people go and what they do. This can all be done without the knowledge of consent of those in the images. The current legal infrastructure is ill equipped to address these serious concerns. There is only a patchwork of laws that leave most of this data unregulated. Moreover, companies are unlikely to self-regulate in this area because their interests run counter to those of the consumer. Legal reform is essential to safeguard the privacy and security of users. Presentation Purpose The purpose of this presentation is to share these findings with those in the field. I plan to use the feedback from presenting to improve my chapter before final publication as a chapter in a book on privacy. Methods The paper will examine the growth, current, and future capabilities of IoT. It will then discuss the privacy and security risks with special attention to children. The third section will examine the current patchwork of laws. The final section will offer suggestions to improve the legal protections. Data Sources This chapter will draw from industry and government sources about the current status and projected growth of IoT. For the legal section it will draw on existing laws, regulations, and cases. Existing Literature This is a rapidly evolving field as technological advancement and consumer adoption are increasing at exponential rates. There are just a handful of law reviews and a few cases currently in this field. There is need for additional research that this chapter intends to fill. Potential Contributions to the Field The goal of this chapter is be published in a book directed at policymakers, IT professionals, and privacy advocates. The contributions will include identifying privacy and security risks with connected devices and showing how the existing law does not adequately protect consumers. 1. Dale Evans, CISCO, The Internet of Things How the Next Evolution of the Internet is Changing Everything, at 3, April 2011. https://perma.cc/DUF9-A9YY


Name: Tracy Goodwin
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Tracy.Goodwin@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
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Paper Title:  Political Divide: Polarized Partisans and the Absentee Middle
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Political gridlock and partisan conflict has reached the point that hardly a September can go by without the threat of a government shutdown. Partisans have become more ideologically divided with little overlap between partisans of different stripes (Lelkes, 2016). Increasingly, partisans express more negative emotions and evaluations of the opposing party (Mason, 2016; Hetherington, Long and Rudolph, 2016). At the same time we see that political conflict is causing some partisans to hide behind the title of independents as they refuse to take public actions in support of political parties (Klar and Krupnikov, 2016). In this paper I argue that the public is reacting differentially to partisan conflict. I use an experiment to demonstrate that reactions to political conflict are conditional on partisan attachment. When exposed to political conflict, strong partisans become more affectively polarized while weak partisans withdraw from politics. These results show that partisan conflict can widen the political divide between parties by polarizing party loyalists and pushing the middle away from politics.


Name: Amy J. Higer
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: amy.higer@rutgers.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Rutgers University and Seton Hall School of Diplomacy
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  “Blue Wave Feminism: Women in Politics after the 2016 Election”
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The election of Donald Trump in November 2016 was groundbreaking in obvious ways. A 70 year-old political novice, Trump is the first U.S. president to have had no experience in either government or the military. He is also the first president to be elected after serious allegations sexual misconduct toward women. Trump’s election was also groundbreaking in some not so obvious ways. The day after his inauguration activists around the country (and the world) organized the Women’s March, the largest-ever march in Washington. The year since the march has seen a surge in formation of new advocacy and activist groups, some affiliated with the Democratic Party, some outside of it. Channeling widespread fear among women that Trump and his presidency will roll back progress on women’s rights, many of these new groups are focused, whether explicitly or implicitly, on bringing women into the political process. This paper investigates this phenomenon by exploring the interplay between the recent increase in the political participation of women and the emergence and activities of new progressive groups. Among the questions it asks are: 1. How can we best describe the universe of new progressive groups and formations in American politics since Trump’s election? 2. Of these groups, which ones are focused on women in politics? 3. What is the commitment of these organizations to helping increase the number of women who might be recruited to run for office? 4. If they are recruiting and supporting women candidates, what criteria are they using to do so? How are these groups preparing candidates and grooming new leadership for the Democratic Party? What are their priorities? 5. What’s new about they way these groups are organizing, especially with regard to their focus on expanding the role of women in politics? 6. What specifically has motivated and will continue to motivate women who are new to politics to become politically active? I rely on available surveys and media coverage of new progressive groups; analysis of documents and materials produced by them, including websites; and interviews with women active in politics for the first time during the past year, including several women who have run for public office.


Name: Taneisha Means
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: tmeans@vassar.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Vassar College
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Co-author info: Alexandra Hatch, Vassar College, ahatch@vassar.edu
Co-presenter info: Alexandra Hatch, Vassar College, ahatch@vassar.edu
Paper Title:  The Politics of Restoring Voting Rights After Incarceration in the U.S.
Abstract:
As of November 2017, approximately 6 million U.S. citizens are unable to exercise their right to vote as a result of a felony conviction. In fact, most states in the U.S. prohibit persons on parole or probation, and individuals incarcerated for a felony offense, from voting. While some states perpetually deny the voting rights of persons with felony convictions, most states have a process to restore voting rights. A number of social justice-oriented organizations and academics, including political scientists, sociologists, and legal scholars, have done research on felony disenfranchisement. The work stemming from these organizations and scholars not only discuss the topic of felony disenfranchisement, but some of the political and social ramifications of this type of challenge to voting rights. Unfortunately, most of this work does not help us understand the restoration processes that exist for formerly disenfranchised persons to have their voting rights restored, and the implications of those processes. That is the purpose of this paper. Here, we will shed light on the politics of restoring voting rights after incarceration in the U.S. We address the following questions: (How) Do some states make it easy or difficult to have voting rights restored? Are there similarities between the states that opt to use certain process(es)? Finally, how do these processes affect political participation and representation? Political scientists have long demonstrated that once registered to vote, the likelihood of turning out to vote in an election drastically increases. This project is, thus, important when considering 21st century electoral politics, and whose voices are often suppressed and silenced within our political system. Moreover, this project helps us understand the range of restoration processes, and why and how the process selected by a state can deeply influence the political participation and representation of a significant segment of our nation’s population.


Name: David Ricci
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: msricci@mscc.huji.ac.il
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Hebrew University, Jerusalem
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: An Option for Studying American Politics: A Gloss on Perestroika
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WHAT IS POLITICAL SCIENCE FOR? We are in a crisis. Recent American and European events suggest that institutions, policies, projects, practices, and voters are adrift. Therefore political scientists should think about fateful questions: for example, how societies hang together, how they fall apart, how they prosper, and how they fail. We should start by conceding professional circumstances. The APSA is a large discipline/organization, within which more than 10,000 members teach and research questions that flow from the fact that they work together and in reference to one another’s professional preferences. This entity will not radically change the standards it sets for itself, and I find much to commend in those standards. Still the fateful questions aren’t going away. Therefore I hope that some -- not all -- of us will consider the professional mission that I propose briefly in this paper and keep it in mind as a spur to investigate urgent matters which are sometimes beyond the scope of what is, more or less, “normal science” in ours as in other social science disciplines. I will discuss this mission more fully elsewhere. Here, there is space only to highlight its cardinal proposition, which is about modern and globalizing society being driven by a force that scholars have called “creative destruction.” In the division of academic labor, economists analyze and admire mainly the creative side of creative destruction, hence their devotion to facilitating economic growth in order to generate more wherewithal to distribute to more people. That is, for economists as a class of scholars, welfare is assumed to flow from increasing the output of goods and services. There is, however, no academic discipline which deals especially with the destructive side of creative destruction, that is, with outcomes which do not constitute welfare. Yet such destruction imposes great costs on individuals and society, from unstable employment to environmental deterioration, from inequality of income to national debts, from personal anxiety to wars over international trade and resources. Consequently, some political scientists should consider adopting a special mission in modern society, to check out large problems as they arise, to explain those problems via clear generalizations (theories), and to publicize what we learn so as to help citizens deal with the negative effects of creative destruction in our times. In previous eras of crisis, great political thinkers wrote about how people might confront challenging circumstances successfully. Therefore, I propose that some of us will consider doing no less today, to explain to ourselves, our students, and the public why, as creativity surges forward, its less desirable effects should be controlled or prevented on behalf of those who, separately or collectively, cannot protect themselves. Moving in this direction might be controversial. Nevertheless, it could work within existing concepts such as to “form a more perfect Union, to “establish Justice,” to “insure domestic Tranquility,” to “provide for the common defence,” to “promote the general Welfare,” and to “secure the Blessings of Liberty,” all in the name of a commendable “social contract.”


Name: Abbey Santoro
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: abbey.santoro13@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Populism and the Constitution
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The focus of my research will be on the currently popular topic of populism in American politics. During the 2016 presidential primaries, several presidential candidates were deemed populist – whether due to policy stances, popular charismatic appeal, or in rhetoric. Even after the election of Donald Trump to the presidency, the discussion of his “populism” has persisted. But if Trump’s candidacy and presidency are populist in nature, what connects him with previous examples of American populist candidates or movements? My research will begin by considering this question, compelling a look at the existing literature on past populist candidates and movements. By initially surveying literature on the nature of populism in general, it is clear that the present understanding of the Trump presidency as populist is valid. However, what is lacking is a comprehensive understanding of how Trump’s style of populism relates to previous surges of populism. This paper will focus on the similarities between the present and past populist movements. Specifically, the primary similarity that will be examined is the tendency of populist movements and candidates to incorporate constitutional questioning into their policy stances and platforms. This constitutional questioning can take the form of directly calling for the creation of an amendment to the constitution or, more indirectly, to question the interpretation of the constitution or one of its amendments. The complicated relationship between liberal democracy and populism as well as the inherent anti-elitism within populism seems to encourage constitutional questioning which is shown not only in the present day example but in past movements. Therefore, this paper will argue that constitutional questioning is an important aspect of American populist movements – both past and present – in that it expresses the popular frustration of the people with the elite.


Name: Sean Shannon
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Sean.Shannon@Oneonta.Edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  An Assessment of Justice Antonin Scalia’s Role in the Use of Legislative History in Statutory Interpretation and Judicial Decision Making
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Abstract: An Assessment of Justice Antonin Scalia’s Role in the Use of Legislative History in Statutory Interpretation and Judicial Decision Making Name: Sean Shannon, JD, PhD SUNY Oneonta Within the legal academy and judiciary, there are legal topics which float in and out of popular discourse and discussion. From time to time a particular legal topic becomes salient, either because a particular case has brought the issue to the public’s attention, changing jurisprudential standards or considerations, or because a judicial entrepreneur has seized upon the idea and has actively engaged the topic with the goal of disrupting the existing intellectual paradigm. One such perennial legal topic is the use of legislative history and other secondary sources as tools of statutory interpretation when deciding cases. Prior to his death, for almost thirty years the Supreme Court justice, Antonin Scalia, had been the most prominent opponent of the use of legislative history and secondary sources for statutory interpretation in judicial decision-making. The purpose of the paper is to analyze Justice Antonin Scalia’s efforts to minimize the use of legislative history and other secondary sources in statutory interpretation and judicial decision making and assess whether he has been successful or not. An analysis of Scalia’s existing scholarly writings on the topic, academic commentary, and a case law analysis will be utilized to evaluate his impact. The research will indicate that he had been successful in reawakening the dialogue on the topic, creating a paradigm shift in the use of legislative history in court opinions, particularly Supreme Court opinions. The contribution of the research will enhance legal and political scholars understanding of the use of legislative history and secondary sources in statutory interpretation and judicial decision making.


Name: Adam Stone
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: astone@gsu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Georgia State University, Perimeter College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: It's My Party, and I'll Cry If I Want To: Applying Social Envy Theory to Senate Confirmation Votes on U.S. Supreme Court Justices in the 21st Century 
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This paper analyzes the final U.S. Senate confirmation votes on the five U.S. Supreme Court justices that have joined the Court in the 21st century. When compared with 20th century post-Bork confirmations, these five have been much more contentious and partisan. Partisan voting has increased in these recent confirmations and the number of defections from established party position has decreased. Analyzing these five votes using OLS regression, we find that reelection concerns are increasingly important, in line with the literature on Congress pioneered by Mayhew and continued by Frances E. Lee. Adding Govtrack’s ideological and leadership scores to the regressions provides further prediction of defection and introduces a social envy explanation for votes on the nominees. Using the literature on social envy from economics (especially models by Gissy), this explanation looks at each individual senator’s relationship with their party in terms of both ideology and leadership as a way to further predict and explain confirmation votes. With Justice Anthony Kennedy’s expected retirement from the high court in the near future, this research will provide insight into the confirmation battle over his successor.


Name: Eric Svensen
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: eps007@shsu.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Sam Houston State University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The Limits of Constitutional Conservativism
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Critics of progressive politics often argue that expansive federal law, the growth of the administrative state, and judicial activism in the courts distort the principles of the founding. Efforts to recreate the American republic into a leftist utopia, they argue, have bastardized the original intention of the Constitution. Rather than living in a world where fiscal rectitude, family values, individual rights, and the market are protected, critics claim that we have veered off course where the government recklessly spends taxpayer money on programs that have little value, actively promote alternative lifestyles that attack traditional family values, continually push for legislation and initiate court proceedings to erode individual rights, and promote poor alternatives to the free market. Constitutional conservatives argue, then, for a return to founding principles. In this paper, I argue this understanding of the Constitution is a mistake. While constitutional conservatives are certainly aligned with the governing principles and philosophies of the early republic, to assume that the Constitution itself has been altered or changed is a misunderstanding of the expansive power embedded within the Constitution. If constitutional conservatives want to criticize the state of contemporary American governance they should turn their attention to the Anti-Federalists who argued against ratifying the very document constitutional conservatives revere. I will show that the modern expansion of government power is part and parcel of the Constitution and argue that if constitutional conservatives want to return American governance to some past vision then they should consider the teachings of the Anti-Federalists and their warnings regarding this Constitution. The defect of modern governance is not a character flaw of contemporary politicians, one that can be traced to the Constitution—the document constitutional conservatives want to protect.


Name: Jim Twombly
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jtwombly@elmira.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Elmira College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: AP-2 Voting Choice
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Co-author info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Co-presenter info: Chuck Lindsay & Devin Woolf
Paper Title:  From Imperial to Imperiled: The Emerging Post-Post-modern Presidency in the time of Trump.
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For close to three decades presidential scholars have contemplated a third era of the presidency – pre-modern, modern, and, more recently, post-modern. Richard Rose (1991) postulated that we had evolved into this third era where developing 24 hour news cycles, interest group strength, collapse of the post-war bipolar world, and so on had made being president more difficult. While George H.W. Bush became successful at navigating the post-cold war world in forging international alliances and Bill Clinton presided over a growing economy in the uncertain of new markets created by rapidly advancing technology, those who followed them (George W Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump) have faced even greater challenges. This paper examines the ways in which these 21st century presidents (and seekers of the presidency) have navigated the new environment. While the new technology of the 1990s posed economic challenges for Bill Clinton, those same technologies posed threats to the political environment, especially for presidents and those who sought the office. From the successful use of social media by candidates like Howard Dean in 2003 to the use of social media as a communication tool, both on the trail and in office, by Donald Trump, how have hopefuls and presidents handled the new environment? What does the emergence of these new tools and their successful or failed use mean for future presidents?


Name: Robert Whitaker
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: r.whitaker@hvcc.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Hudson Valley Community College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Defending Democracy: the Speeches of the Warren Court Justices, the Cold War, and Institutional Legitimacy
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In recent years, scholars have noted the increased frequency of U.S. Supreme Court justices speaking to audiences outside the Court. Consistent with the images of independence and objectivity considered central to the Court’s legitimacy, the justices traditionally claim their speeches are unimportant or infrequent. However, little is known about the specific content of these speeches or their consequences for the Court's institutional legitimacy. Contrary to these claims, however, an analysis of the speeches of the Warren Court (1953-1969) justices suggests speeches were a significant vehicle for defending the legitimacy of the Court in the face of "massive resistance" and attacks on judicial power. Beyond "going public" with the constitutional arguments and themes of their opinions, the justices' speeches framed desegregation and other rulings as expressions of democratic commitment to equality and individual rights and situating the Court as an institutional agent of democracy, invoking the Cold War political context as a new base of the Court's legitimacy.


Name: Chenrong Zhang
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: zhangakz@bc.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Boston College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The Impact of Democrats' Infighting on American Health Care Reform
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In March 2010, President Obama signed a landmark Act: Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which marked the U.S. Government sets out to establish a basic universal national health insurance system. Over nearly a century's the United States healthcare reform history, the Democrats have actively advocated and promoted the establishment of a universal healthcare system dominated by government. In pursuit of establishing a national healthcare system, the Democrats not only faced the Republicans' resolute resistance but also were defeated because of internal democratic disputes. Under different historical times, a large number of Democrats based on the very reasons, including ideology, constituency interests, and electoral pressure, frequently showed their opposition to the Democrat's healthcare reform bill pushed by a Democratic president. Through reviewing the healthcare reform dominated by Democratic presidents, such as Lyndon Johnson, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama, the thesis analyzes the important impact of internal democratic disputes on the U.S. healthcare reform's success and failure.



Comparative Politics

Name: Mughees Ahmed
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: drmughees@gcuf.edu.pk
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Government College University, Faisalabad, Pakistan
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Paper Title:  Sit-In Politics In New Democracies. An Analytical Study With Reference To Pakistan
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The study of Sit-In Politics in New Democracies is very important to understand the political system of any country and its process of democratization. Sit- in politics is a form of protest or direct action in which demands are presented forcefully to accept and they refuse to leave the place until their demands are not accepted by government. Violent activities in sit-in politics can destroy the system and sometimes strengthen the political system. People blocked the roads and streets until their demands are not considered or agreed by the competent authority. The participants protest government to ask for something forcefully. Basically, it is a form of civil disobedience. These protests are arranged by pressure groups, political or religious leadership to articulate their demands. Sit-in politics is an activity of interest articulation process in which people or groups express their views and demands to government. An Analytical Study with Reference to Pakistan will focus on 'DHARNA' (Sit-in) politics and its political and social impacts on political culture of Pakistan. This study will be completed under the Behavioural Approach as a main research methodology which will be helpful to understand the behaviour of the political leadership and its manifestos to gain political power and authority. This research will base on interviews with politician, voters and other stakeholders. there is not a lot of existing material in this regard but this research will be very useful for future research scholars of political science.


Name: Olawale Akinrinde
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: olawale.akinrinde@uniosun.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Osun State University, Osogbo, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Impact of Third Sector on the Anticorruption Fight in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects
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Poverty, bad leadership, violence and insecurity among others have been identified as threats to the continued corporate existence of the Nigerian state but none is as devastating as the corruption epidemic. It is a social and anti-societal vice that manifests across all levels and in all sectors; albeit, the first and second sectors which constitute the people and the government respectively. In a bid to nip this menace in its bud, the Nigerian government being the second sector, has instituted various anticorruption strategies, actions, rhetoric and policies all wrapped in the anticorruption crusade. These with many other giant efforts like the creation of anticorruption commission (The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and The Independent Corrupt Practices Commission) as well as the legal prosecution of high and low profile corruption cases have yielded little or no appreciable results. Findings have further shown that while the government being the second sector has not really lived up to expectation in this fight, the activities of the third sector like the NURTW have further limited the success chance of the collective efforts of all the sectors in the fight against corruption. Without exonerating both the first and second sectors (the people and the government) in the culpability of the failure of the anticorruption fight given its continued rise, the third sector has, through their corrupt activities and failed responsibilities, contributed more to the failure of the anticorruption fight. It is in the light of this challenge and problematic that this article aims to assess the degree of impacts the third sector with the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) as a civil society and as a case study, has had on Nigeria’s anticorruption fight. While relying primarily the qualitative methodology, the role of the third sector especially the NURTW in the anticorruption fight in Nigeria shall be evaluated and investigated with a view to unravelling its problems and prospects. This article however concludes that a change of attitude, approach and action in the third sector is more than necessary at this juncture if the anticorruption fight is to yield any meaningful result in Nigeria. Keywords: Anticorruption Fight, the Third Sector, NURTW, Challenges and Prospects, Nigeria.


Name: James Ankers
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: james.ankers@mail.utoronto.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Toronto
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Same Names, Different "Games": American and Canadian Living Wage Movements in Comparative Perspective
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Living wage movements have emerged as one of the most vibrant forces resisting neoliberal trends in the last quarter century. Coupling moderate public policy demands with an intersectional social justice framework that has variously included faith communities, labour groups, students, career politicians, and more, the vibrancy of the movement suggests a new way of “doing” social movements and policy advocacy in this century. Of course, the vibrancy and nascency of the movement, paired with its decentralized nature, means that each local movement is unique. However, this variation is not random. Movements are informed by institutions, extant policies, available actors, and political culture. New research has noted that Canadian living wage movements have taken on distinct characteristics in transmission across the border: they are more smaller, less ambitious, and more uniformly comprised of third sector activists and experts (see: Albo, 2007; Evans, 2017; Evans, 2016; McBride & Muirhead, 2016). In this paper, I employ a comparative methodology to explore these differences systematically, applying various public policy theories to elucidate the causal factors that have caused Canadian movements to differ from their American forebears despite a common movement heritage. The paper relies on the relatively new but rapidly growing body of American research to define common characteristics and goals of the living wage movement as a whole (see esp.: Luce, 2004; 2005; 2009; Sonn & Luce, 2008; Ciscel, 2000; Martin, 2001). I then employ content analysis and process tracing methods to categorize and define commonalities among the largely unexplored Canadian movements, using public documentation, communications, and submissions from active living wage coalitions. I then take these Canadian commonalities and compare them against the American control group, using promising theories from the field of public policy such as the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), Power Resource Theory, and corporatist accounts of policy formulation. I expect to find that “institutions matter”: differing available access points to governments and distributions of municipal power are expected to be the principal causal factors. In particular, the institutionalization of community advocacy by faith, student, racialized, and other groups in America, a history largely absent in Canada, will be the principal reason for differentiation of movements between countries Such comparative work has yet to be done in a systematic and rigorous manner. The conclusions reached in this essay will inform comparative assumptions about differences in American/Canadian social movements, advocacy coalitions, civil society, and municipal politics in the new millennium. Further, they will permit predictions about both countries’ respective living wage movements as they further disperse and contend with unfamiliar local institutions and policy environments. As income inequality rises and the shift to a low wage, service sector economy continues, such movements will only take on more significance with time.


Name: John Bukenya
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: John_Bukenya@student.uml.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts Lowell
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Cecilia Idika Kalu PhD Global Studies Teaching Assistant University of Massachusetts Lowell
Co-presenter info: Cecilia Idika Kalu PhD Global Studies Teaching Assistant University of Massachusetts Lowell
Paper Title:  EFFECTIVENESS OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AND GENDER EQUALITY AS TOOLS OF POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT IN AFRICA.
Abstract:
Many African governments have adopted policies recommended by international organizations like investment in IT and gender equality with the idea that apart from their social, economic and financial benefits, they will empower people to pressure governments for positive change. The 2015 UN Development Report, for example, shows that, “if internet access in developing countries were the same as in developed countries, an estimated $2.2 trillion in GDP could be generated, with more than 140 million new jobs, 44 million in Africa and 65 million in India. Long-term productivity in developing countries could be boosted by up to 25 percent, (UN Development Report, 2015). However, despite statistical evidence that there are have been great strides in implementing these two policies, a considerable number of people in Africa are still living under poor conditions. Countries like Rwanda and Burundi, for example, with strong global rankings in political empowerment of women are way behind in development indices. We theorize that the “entitlement attitude towards power” found in many African governments diminishes adherence to public pressure and creates an imbalance in the power dynamics between the people and the government. By “entitlement attitude” we mean the absence of obligation among leaders to serve the interests of the public. This absence of obligation is due to heavy reliance on the military or reliance on external funding other than local revenue which makes public pressure less effective. The objective of this paper is to show the prominence of good governance not only as a prerequisite for implementing public policies, but also for benefiting from successful policies.


Name: Marco Castillo
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: MCastillo@citytech.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: NYC College of Technology - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Sumak Kawsay and Neoliberalism
Abstract:
In this paper, I utilize the Ecuadorean indigenous concept of sumak kawsay and its centrality to the most recent Ecuadorean constitution established in 2008 to aid in the understanding of neoliberalism's difficulties in facilitating and fostering human happiness and self-actualization, concepts that were once central objectives of Western governments but that have since been obfuscated by a neoliberal paradigm primarily concerned with facilitating the human pursuit of wealth and reconfiguring technical aspects of economic policy. I argue that the Ecuadorian concept of sumak kawsay is powerful as it challenges governments to reprioritize notions of human happiness and self-actualization, foundational principles that have been recently overlooked in the Western world as indicated by troubling markers of social decay such as crime, poverty, and drug addiction.


Name: Macy (Meseret) Demissie
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mdemissi@uottawa.ca
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Ottawa
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Managing Change in World Politics: Modeling & Implementing Global Security Strategies
Abstract:
This paper critically analyses the management of Change in World Politics since 1990. Through the theory of ‘change’ and taking the example of the United Nations’ and NATO’s security policy and activities, it surveys what and how did great powers do to manage change since the end of the Cold War. The Comparison between the actions made by great powers to manage changes that outgrowth from the end of three majors wars - the end of the Cold War (1990), WWI (1914-1939) and WWII (1945-1952) - will be studied to better grasp the new world order/disorder since 1990. Periodization will be crucial to understanding the success or failure of international system to deal with change. I use three levels of analysis to examine the actions and reaction of great powers since 1990. How and what did Great Power do to manage change since the end of the Cold War? I argue that great powers did below their capabilities to manage change since the end of the Cold War due to the following seven factors: 1.) Ideological: most great powers were trapped in “realism” which impaired their vision and actions that could be seen as idealistic; 2- ) Risk Aversion; managing change means taking responsibility to effectively lead and remodel the new world order; there was not willing great power to propose and assume this responsibility; 3- ) Resistance to change: maintaining the old system/NATO was seen the cheapest way to manage change rather than shaping an innovative and adapted system; 4-) Uncertainty; 5-) Leadership vacuum: among the winners of the Cold War there was no statesmen that took initiative to exert its leadership to propose new strategies and pave the way for the new world order ; and 6 -) Lack of enemy; 7.) Self-interest over global security interest: the period 1990-2017 witnessed a reversion in world politics; narrowly defined national security and national interest led to unilateralism; thus unilateralism prevailed over multilateralism, and the decline of international law gave way to invasion, sweeping violation of human rights including tortures. Each of these factors will be analysed to examine which factor was the most influential and which was not the most significant among all. Keywords: Change, Global Politics, Management, Security, NATO, Great Powers Politics, War


Name: Sabrina Diaz
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sd3175@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Religion, Land, and Social Movements: The emergence of Mara Salvatrucha and the Chinese Triads
Abstract:
The Chinese Triads and Mara Salvatrucha, also known as MS-13 are two of the most dangerous gangs or organized crime families in the world. The histories of both organizations are deeply rooted from a religious peasant experience, which focuses on their identity. Identity to labor and religion was all most peasants had, and once their identity was threatened, retaliation was needed. The social movements of the Christian Federation of Salvadoran Peasants and the White Lotus Society, just to mention the main ones, emerged in El Salvador and Traditional China. The two were the backbone to help MS-13 and the Triads to emerge nationwide, and worldwide. Religion is a huge social construct used in history and today. MS-13 and the Triads rooted from a heavily religious background which paved their way to power today in the criminal arena, but not following their religious pasts as they have before. They have followed the definition of a religion, which is generally; a specific fundamental set of beliefs and practices usually with a following. These two groups have learned to become a religion of their own, rather than following a traditional religion as they once did. The formation of their own beliefs gave these groups the leverage to not only add common thoughts and ideas, but to also add laws and rules to gang life and criminal activity. They are both considered to be extremely violent, members of transnational crime and both have central concerns within the United States. Ironic, because the United States helped to facilitate both criminal organizations in their own countries. The purpose of this presentation is to show the histories of two historic criminal organizations and their contribution, not only to global crime, but into the global market. Their existence has brought a concern to human and national security. Especially since both groups have been silent, but deadly in recent times. There has been much literature on the histories of both groups, as well as recent information on their whereabouts and current positions in the globalized world. Data visuals will be used to easily show the groups growth from over the years, what areas they are concentrated in the most, and their following or members. This submission would contribute to the world of criminal organizations in foreign and domestic affairs. More people need to be aware and know the importance of these groups, and to implement further policies to reduce their positions in the world.


Name: Bailey Gerrits
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: Bailey.Gerrits@queensu.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Queen's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The news arm of the law?
Abstract:
Local news coverage of crime often relies heavily on police information and this source-media relationship influences the discursive construction of crime, including gender-based crimes such as domestic violence. Previous research suggests that police-media relations often asymmetrically favour the police, while retaining a degree of healthy tension. The local media are still able to act as police watchdogs, while both police and journalists work cooperatively to fulfill their unique organizational needs. The relationship, and potentially the news coverage of domestic violence, may be shifting as local newspapers are shrinking in many Canadian markets while police external communications are professionalizing, growing, and increasing their capacity to produce their own content. The change may be even starker in small to medium cities as it is here where change seems rapid in both spheres. A pressing question for these media markets arises: has that healthy tension faded away in the shifting relative power of newspapers and police communicators? What are the specific implications of this shifting police-media relationship for news attention to domestic violence? Comparing two medium-sized city media landscapes, this paper explores the how police political communication try to influence the local newspaper and public broadcaster reporting on domestic violence, shifting police-media relations, and its influence on local journalism crime reporting practices. This paper interweaves content and discourse analysis of news reports in the local daily newspaper from 2014 to 2016 with semi-structured interviews with police communications officials, local news reporters and editors in two medium-sized city media landscapes. Bringing together perspectives about news content, journalism practice, and police communications, this paper explores how shifting police-media relations influence the coverage of domestic violence in medium-sized cities, its implications for the future of local anti-violence efforts, and the need to illuminate police communication as political communication.


Name: Lydia Heye
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: heye19@up.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Portland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu Jeffrey Meiser, University of Portland, meiser@up.edu
Co-presenter info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu
Paper Title:  From Anarchy to Civil War: The Escalation of Violence in Iraq, 2003-2006
Abstract:
The purpose of this essay is to develop a better understanding of the causes of the Iraqi civil war between 2003 and 2006—a period of time that saw the level of violence in Iraq transition from small scale violence to an intense sectarian civil war and full blown insurgency. The human and strategic costs of this escalation in violence were immense, but have not been fully explained. Most analysis has focused on the bombing al-Askariyya Mosque in 2006 as the cause of civil war without explaining the high level of violence throughout 2003-2006. Since civil wars are often the product of low-level political violence that escalates, rather than emerging ex nihilo from a peaceful society, it is important to focus on what caused the initial pattern of violence and why it escalated. This essay develops an analytical framework of violence escalation to identifies critical junctures where intervention may halt escalation. The framework is applied to the Iraq civil war with the goal of understanding what went wrong and why. More broadly this essay contributes to our knowledge about the causes of civil wars and what can be done to prevent their outbreak. Strategically important countries around the world are experiencing low-level violence that has the potential for escalatory internal violence. Therefore, it is vital to gain a clear understanding of what causes low-level violence to intensify to the level of civil war or mass killing.


Name: cecilia idika-kalu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: cecilia_idikakalu@student.uml.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts, Lowell
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: JOHN BUKENYA UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS, LOWELL john_bukenya@student.uml.edu
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Paper Title:  WIELDING WOMEN AS TROPHIES OF WAR IN RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS
Abstract:
This study analyses the relationship between sexual violence against women, conceptualized as rape and slavery, and armed conflict driven by religious as well as ethnic reasons. The gender and sex world view prevalent in Africa drives this abuse of women in war time. Gayle Rubin calls, the sex/gender system, that seems to favour men revolves around a hierarchy that advantages men over women, giving them higher status, wider opportunities. It also comprises a system of domination that entitles men to regulate women’s lives, in both large scale structures such as the economy and small scale ones such as the family. (Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin. 2010). This is given expression by fighters in war time, especially in crimes against women. The rape therefore effectively served as a punishment, and a threat to adversaries to leave the area (Barkindo et al 2013: 23). We theorize that religious beliefs drive sexual violence against women during conflicts. Boko Haram in Nigeria is a case study here, because of their notoriety as a globally renowned terrorist group and their reputation for the kidnap and rape of women in numbers and over long periods of time. A common pattern in many conflicts globally is sexual violence against women, but why and how this is deployed as a strategy in religious conflict is the question. The variation in frequency between these attacks in religious conflict and ethnic conflicts is also studied in different countries. By understanding the ideology that informs strategy like militarized rape perpetrated by these groups, International intervention can be guided for prevention. It can hopefully be useful for policy framing, design and implementation in managing this human security issue globally. .


Name: Sayaf Iqbal
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sni223@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Decentralization and Political Reform 
Panel Description: The panel includes papers on federalism, decentralization, governance and accountability. The chair/discussant will be Prof. Anthony Spanakos.
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Paper Title:  Decentralization and Federalism in Pakistan: A Rational choice perspective
Abstract:
Sayaf Iqbal Panel: Decentralization and Political Reform Decentralization and Federalism in Pakistan: A Rational choice perspective In political economy and public choice literature, Federalism and Decentralization have long been argued as an effective means to induce representative and accountable governance, improve public service delivery, and reduce corruption. In the past decade, Pakistan has undergone significant changes in terms of decentralization and federalism. This paper analyzes three major steps in this regard: 1) Fiscal decentralization through the National Finance Commission awards 2) Policy decentralization through the Local Governments Act 3) Increased federalism through the 18th constitutional amendment. The paper then tests the effects of these steps on a number of indicators for public service delivery, representativeness, and corruption in Pakistan. It concludes by discussing the research challenges in the study of decentralization through a public choice framework, and provides recommendations as to how these problems can be overcome to provide better insight into the issue.


Name: Canberk Koçak
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: canberk.kocak@ics.ulisboa.pt
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Lisbon
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Ezgi Cengiz, University of Massachusetts Amherst, eaksar@umass.edu
Co-presenter info: Ezgi Cengiz, University of Massachusetts Amherst, eaksar@umass.edu
Paper Title:  The Working Class in the “New Turkey”: An Exploration
Abstract:
Turkey woke up on the morning of September 12, 1980 to a military coup and Turkish Armed Forces ruled the country until 1983. The hope was to clear the institutional setting for neoliberalism. Following the extensive implementations of the neoliberal order adopted by its predecessors AKP government received a country in 2002 whose working class is largely deprived from its pre-1980 achievements. Our goal herein is to document the condition of the working class in Turkey in the years of AKP governments, those of who furthered the laissez-faire policies prescribed by the so-called Washington Consensus of the 1980s. Using TURKSTAT and OECD data we explore several striking empirical regularities in the macroeconomic indicators of Turkey over time and compare the results to those of in the neighbor OECD countries. We find that the public consumption is managed in such a way that would widen the gap between the poor and the rich. While subcontracting and outsourcing become prevalent, AKP governments provide various incentives to confederations that are willing to form alliances with employer organizations. Increases in the unemployment rate, lower job security standards, repressions on unions, the pension reform, long working hours, depressed wages, and high within inequality levels suggest that the burden placed on the shoulders of the working class of Turkey is getting heavier under the economic and social policies implemented by the AKP administrations.


Name: Pierre Losson
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: plosson@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY - The Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Recovering Machu Picchu and Tenochtitlan: Mexico and Peru's claims for the return of cultural heritage
Abstract:
My research explores the reasons why Latin American states claim the return of cultural heritage from holding institutions in the Western World, such as museums and universities. Political scientists have largely ignored this topic, which is the object of a vast literature that spans disciplines such as history, law, and anthropology. I use an instrumentalist approach to nationalism to argue that, by presenting these claims, central states seek to strengthen their position as the legitimate producers of national identity towards their domestic audience. Focusing on Mexico and Peru, I content that return claims promote the unifying vision of the nation promoted by the criollo state in Latin America since Independence, at a time when this vision is being challenged. Hence, return claims reveal the contemporary tensions about the definition of the nation in Latin America. On the one hand, return claims continue the indigenista cultural heritage policies developed since the early twentieth-century to promote an official vision of the nation with both Spanish and Indigenous roots. On the other hand, this unifying understanding of the nation has been challenged in recent decades by major socio-economic changes such as internal mass migrations to the cities, the insertion of these countries in the globalized economy, and the resurgence of ethnic identity claims at the local level.


Name: Itay Chay Machtei Samov
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: machtei@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Decentralization and Political Reform
Panel Description: The panel will explore cases of decentralization and political reform from different countries. Chair: Dr. Tony Spanakos.
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Paper Title: Shifting Institutional Structure and Decline of the Social-Democratic Left
Abstract:
The recent upsurge of populism in many developed economies marks yet another stage in the rapidly changing party systems in the age of advanced neoliberalism. It was preceded by two closely related social phenomena, the rise of inequality and the electoral or ideological demise of the traditional political left. Without a strong political proponent for social-democratic policies favoring redistribution, the global liberalization process has transformed the social landscape in many countries. Inspiring a far less egalitarian distribution of resources than that which existed prior to the 1980s. An important element capable of mitigating this effect is the institutional structure of the economy. The Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature demonstrates that two archetypical models of institutional structure have had a different effect on the rise of economic inequality. Whereas in liberal market economies (LME), which feature market oriented coordinations, decentralized wage negotiations, and lower levels of redistribution, inequality had risen significantly; in coordinated market economies (CME), which coordinate through institutional arrangements, feature centralized wage negotiations and higher levels redistribution, inequality has risen more moderately. Yet how these different institutional structures influence the main ideological proponents of redistribution; social-democratic parties, remains unclear. The purpose of this study is to understand how different institutional arrangements influence the social-democratic left. Using a longitudinal historical analysis, it will explore how the transformation of Israel’s highly corporatist (or CME) economic structure into a liberal market economy, has influenced its formerly dominant labor party. The almost simultaneous demise of the country’s political left, rapid market liberalization and rise in economic inequality, pose an excellent opportunity to learn more about how different institutional structures influence the decline of the traditional social-democratic left.


Name: Javiera Martinez
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: jpm692@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: How does democratic consolidation and satisfaction affect the electoral participation of Latin American countries?
Abstract:
Since the last democratization wage, Latin America has consolidated democratic regime in most of its countries. In contrast to regime change theory, which has its building-blocks relatively assembled, democratic consolidation remains full of open questions. Although scholars have associated this phenomenon with several variables as economic growth, international order, among others, one important feature in this discussion is about the political engagement behind democratic consolidation. Specifically, a closer look on Latin American countries (LAC hereafter) shows us wide variance in their voter turnout. This variation exists not only “across years”, but also is observed across countries and within countries. Then, taking in consideration other factors which have been used to explain LAC turnout, this proposal relates the voter’s turnout with the age of democracy, seeking to understand under specific conditions the age of democracy matters. The first democratic elections are described by scholars as a moment of increased political party dynamism and an increased enthusiasm in the organized civil society. But, according O'Donnell and Schmitter, the enthusiasm does not last: “voter participation should be expected to decline in subsequent elections as the excitement of the transition wears off and voters learn that elections are not a panacea”. If the statement is true, why do people stop voting? Does the disaffection come from the lack of interest, from the political system disappointment or are citizens so comfortable that they don’t have incentives to vote? Kostadinova (2007) finds evidence to support the argument that electoral participation declines after the instauration of democracy. Although she does not state a causal mechanism, she explains the variation because of the dictatorship origin, nature, length, and mode of transition. In addition, low partisan mobilization could be explained in terms of electoral volatility and both are highly associated with weak party systems, where political parties arise and fall quickly. Political parties are crucial integrating diverse social forces within democratic institutions, regulating sociopolitical conflict and defining public policy alternatives. Then if political parties get weaker, democracy turns more vulnerable (Roberts & Wibbels, 1999). Therefore, the question is relevant because if democratic consolidation can lead to people’s political disaffection, it is worth to understand under which specific conditions this could happen. Then, governments, political parties and policy makers can narrow better policy proposals of institutional changes or incentives to avoid those consequences. An OLS analysis will be held to analyze the effect of the age of democracy and citizens’ democracy perception on electoral participation. All models will be controlled by institutions, contextual and socioeconomic factors. In addition, an alternative model involving country fixed effects also will be tested. The dependent variable will be the ratio between voters and register persons or the ratio between voters and the number of individuals eligible to vote in each election. Electoral data can be found in IDEA website, citizens’ perception on Latinobarometro survey and the rest of controls in World Bank Data and other related websites. Kostadinova, T. and Power, T.J. (2007) “Does Democratization Depress Participation? Voter Turnout in the Latin American and Eastern European Transitional Democracies,” Political Research Quarterly, 60(3) Roberts, K and Wibbels, E. "Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Latin America: A Test of Economic, Institutional,and Structural Explanations" The American Political Science Review 93 (3) O’Donnell, G.,& Schmitter, P C. (1986). Transitions from authoritarian rule: Tentative conclusions about uncertain democracies. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.


Name: Matus Melus
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: matus.melus@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: doc. PhDr. Peter Horváth, PhD. Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, SlovakiaE-mail: phorvathtt@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  Comparison of the referendum institute in terms of selected European countries
Abstract:
In the vast majority of countries, modern political systems are based on representative democracy in which citizens delegate power to their elected representatives. Undoubtedly, the elements of direct democracy are its essential and necessary addition. Perhaps the most used and best known is the use of the referendum institute. In the past, the ideas of direct democracy have been interpreted as a tool to protect citizens from state interference. This interpretation was the result of the liberal ideas formation. Direct democracy is in pure form perceived as a state organization in which no elected representative bodies exist and the people themselves decide on all serious public affairs. In these circumstances, the citizen came into a specific position. He was invited to participate in the immediate decision-making process and he was also the subject to these decisions. However, this kind of direct democracy is quite impossible for complex state entities now. With the current number of citizens, their direct decision-making on every social issue is practically excluded. In our contribution we are dealing with comparison of referendum models in Slovakia and in other selected European countries - Denmark, Estonia, Ireland or France. Generally, we can say that the decision-making of citizens in the referendum has its meaning, but on the other hand, this meaning is also often missing. From a practical point of view, it depends on setting the conditions for its successful and unsuccessful result in a particular system. The pros and cons influencing this form of voting are consequently developed. Among the fundamental advantages we can include the control of citizens over their matters, the creation of political and civic society, the plurality of opinions, and so on. On the contrary, the negative issues are for example manipulation of the crowd, problematic level of responsibility of accepted decisions, the unclear measure of the lower limit of the necessary participation of voters etc. It is probable that the ideal model of a referendum democracy does not exist on this day. The best example for this establishment is Switzerland. Citizens decide on the important social and political issues quite often. There is even no exception for voting more times within one year or combining different issues into one vote. On the other hand, Slovakia declares similar principles as Switzerland. However, the reality is diametrically different – in our system was valid only one referendum. There are more reasons for this situation and we will also gradually address them in article. Generally, questionable themes occur across all European countries. We can mention the misuse of referendums for political purposes where the interests of political parties are more important than the interests of the state as a whole. In Slovakia, there is a major drawback in reducing the importance of local and regional referendums which is also reflected in participation of citizens in national voting. Questions may also raise the degree of commitment of results for legislative bodies or governments.


Name: Dalibor Mikus
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: dalibor.mikus@ucm.sk
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Faculty of Social Sciences
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Ján Machyniak, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Faculty of Social Sciences, jan.machyniak@ucm.sk
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Paper Title: A Comparative Analysis of the Impeachment Process in European Countries
Abstract:
The second half of the eighties represents a significant milestone in development of the European area. The disintegration of the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union started a process of democratisation in the whole geopolitical area. Depending on this fact, in the political science literature, we can find a wide range of publications addressing a process of transition, transformation or forming of a political and party system of individual countries. In our paper we are dealing with a specific issue of “impeachment” of a president, an issue not being given sufficient attention in professional circles. To a certain extent, it is caused by the fact that this act of constitutional charges comes from Anglo-American constitutional law. The actual impeachment has a long history in this area, as it was first used in the 14th century in England as a means of the parliament to state a motion of no confidence against officers of royal household. Subsequently, it has become an important element of constitutional system of the United States of America where the legislature has a power to bring charges against all civil officers. Impeachment of the president is an integral part of constitutional arrangement in the USA which is proved by the fact that historically, the Congress has commenced this process in 17 cases. However, in this context, we define a basic research question - in what way the element of impeachment of a president is defined in constitutional arrangements of former eastern bloc countries. Democratic system has started to be built only at the turn of the eighties and nineties, when western democratic systems have become a model for a new legal framework creation. The position of a president is different in each system resulting in specific legislation of impeachment process. Therefore, in our paper we are comparing individual systems showing specific signs. While in the Czech Republic and Slovakia the process of indictment of a president, precisely constitutionally defined, is tied to legislative and judiciary power, in Poland, process is not specifically constitutionally defined and is bound to a decision of the State Tribunal. An important question in the whole process is also a matter of completion of the process depending on necessity of referendum. We can find such process requirement e.g. in Romania. In the framework of democratic development of this country, the process of indictment of the president has already been initiated twice, in 2007 and 2012. Throughout the countries of this area, Lithuania is the first state having removed the president Rolandas Paksas by impeachment. In our article, we will thoroughly analyse this case, focusing not only on the process factor of the case but also on political aspects leading to implementation of this step. Therefore, the output of our article will be an analysis and comparison of impeachment in conditions of legal systems of former eastern bloc countries. We find approaches and solutions of this issue on a theoretical and practical level a significant contribution towards studying political systems and comparative politics.


Name: Binneh Minteh
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bminteh@scarletmail.rutgers.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Comparative Politics
Panel Description:
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Paper Title:   A Comparative Analysis of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Interventions in Mali, Guinea Bissau and The Gambia (2012-2017): Implications on Democracy and Governance
Abstract:
In the past decade, military establishments in West Africa have destabilized the state and undermined the peace and security of citizens in many respects. Legitimate governments were ousted from power and election results were overturned by defeated incumbent autocratic leaders. ECOWAS was forced to intervene militarily to restore constitutionality in Mali and Guinea Bissau in 2012, and The Gambia in 2017. This paper distinctively compares ECOWAS mandates authorizing interventions in Mali, Guinea Bissau and The Gambia to understand the evolution of regional peace keeping and enforcement initiatives. The findings suggest that ECOWAS intervention in Mali, Guinea Bissau and The Gambia is a new model of coercion in regional peace enforcement.


Name: Herish Mohammedamin
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: herish.khalil@soran.edu.iq
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Near East University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Failure of Federalism in Iraq as a Pathway to Conflict Resolution for the Kurdish People in Iraq
Abstract:
Constitutionally, Iraq is a federal state but federalism has not been fully implemented. This incomplete political engineering contributed to diverse perceptions among Arabs and Kurds inside and outside Iraq. Since 2005, Kurdistan, to resolve the disputes and the problems with Iraq, has tried various approaches including autonomy, federalism and federation. It is obvious that almost all the solution has been ineffective and sometimes waste of time for Kurds. Since none of the approaches, institutional designs, have been able to accommodate Kurdistan’s aspiration in an ethnically divided Iraq, Kurdistan might resort to secession as an ultimate goal. The political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan affect the longer-term political and constitutional development of Iraq. The future of Iraqi Kurdistan also plays a significant role in the development of peace and political stability in the Middle East at large. At a macro level, this study contributes to an understanding of the potential paths to resolving questions of federalism, federacy and secession. More specifically, it attempts to discover which path is likely to be the most beneficial and feasible in addressing the issue of conflict resolution for the people of Iraqi Kurdistan. The study will concentrate on why federalism has not been working in Iraq; and are there any factors and reasons which contributed and/or led to the failure of federalism in Iraq. Thus, it will tackle the issue of Kurdistan region and the future of the Kurds inside Iraq. Therefore, based on conflict resolution and the mechanisms and the arrangements for accommodating the ethnic diversity in Iraq, the study focuses on the issues of Federalism and the expectations about the model in Iraq. It also discusses the issue of Federacy and theory of federacy as either pathway or a tool for accommodating the ethnic disputes as well as to maintain the integrity and unity of Iraqi polity. In addition, the study will discuss and elucidate the outcomes of the failure of federalism which may lead to secession of the Kurds unilaterally. After all the explanations and the discussions on federalism, the study proposes two pathways to solve the problem. Either an integrated and united Iraq with implementing the Federacy or as divided and split Iraq by the secession of the Kurds.


Name: Jayita Mukhopadhyay
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: jayita_m@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Women's Christian College, Affiliated to University of Calcutta, India
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Interrogating Corrosion of Vital Institutions in India: Threat to Democracy
Abstract:
India has completed more than seven decades of being a democracy but a recent trend of systematically robbing its vital institutions like Parliament, Press, Universities and so on of their power, autonomy and vibrancy at the cost of promoting a hegemonic, person centric political order is to be viewed as a matter of grave concern. Institutions, which play significant roles in articulating different opinions and which ensure democratic exercise of power are increasingly undermined and are overshadowed by a majoritarian agenda of suppressing dissent and projecting the leader as a supreme being, intolerance for different cultures and mores and unabashed hero worship. This paper tries to probe the repercussions of these trends for the largest democracy of the world which carries on its shoulder, the weight of the rising expectations and urge for freedom of 125crore Indians. Attempt will be made to present some generalised reflections about the impact of decline of institutions on the health of democracy.


Name: Brenda O'Neill
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bloneill@ucalgary.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Calgary
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: David Stewart, University of Calgary (Alberta, Canada), dstewart@ucalgary.ca
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Paper Title:  Gender and Party Leader Exits
Abstract:
The number of women chosen to lead political parties at the provincial and federal level in Canada has increased in recent years. The improving trend in their selection does not, however, appear to be matched by the nature of their exits. In 2014 alone, three of five sitting premiers – Kathy Dunderdale, Alison Redford and Pauline Marois – resigned their posts after relatively brief tenures and particularly harsh treatment from their parties, the media and the general public. Using data on all party leaders selected between 1980 and 2017 at both levels of government, we examine the gendered nature of party leader exits. Are women party leaders in a more precarious position than men, and at greater risk of failure and criticism? Specifically, we seek to develop a typology of exit types that will allow for a comparative evaluation of how, when and why women and men party leaders exit their posts. Our findings suggest that the rules of the game differ for the women and men who lead political parties.


Name: Halil Ozen
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: halilege.ozen@csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: College of Staten Island, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: I. Efe Tokdemir, Ohio State University, tokdemir.1@osu.edu
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Paper Title:  Welcoming Outsiders: An Assessment of Public Attitudes Toward Refugees
Abstract:
Arab Spring came along with its negative externalities: spread of civil war into the region and more than five million people fled their home only in Syria. Majority of the research focuses on the negative effects of refugees in host countries; yet, the attitudes of the people in host countries have been overlooked so far in the literature. In this study, we aim to explore the sources of negative attitudes among natives in countries that are hosting Syrian refugees. We argue that the source of negative attitudes toward refugees, such as seeing them as a threat to the economy, security, and welfare are conditional on individuals’ social and political identity. By employing an original face-to-face survey among over 1,100 respondents in Turkey, we find that people, who identify themselves with groups who have been systematically discriminated and repressed by the state apparatuses, express significantly lower negative attitudes towards refugees, as they are more likely to develop empathy and acceptance toward outsider groups or communities. Overall, we suggest that, political and social identity of individuals hint them in developing their attitudes towards the refugees.


Name: Deepika Padmanabhan
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: dp2662@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Economic Voting in Western Europe and South Asia
Panel Description: This panels explores voting behaviour based on economic and class factors as well as identity politics in Western Europe and South Asia. Discussant: Tony Spanakos
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Co-presenter info: Catherine Semanie-Spangenberg (NYU): crs618@nyu.edu Shanze Fatima Rauf (NYU): sfr275@nyu.edu
Paper Title:  The BJP and Lower Caste Voters: Altering the Political Context of Ethnic Cleavages
Abstract:
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political party currently in power in India, has been characterized as a right-wing party with a support base of upper caste Hindus. However, evidence from the 2014 general election shows that lower caste voters have increasingly supported the BJP. Political scientists have provided diverse arguments about the salience of cleavages in a crosscutting structure, with emphasis on factors such as size of ethnic groups, institutions and the strength of ethnic ties. This paper attempts to understand the roots of the shift in lower caste voting behavior from caste based voting to Hindu en bloc voting by identifying the changes in the political context, and the factors that drove the changes. It argues that as caste-based voting is detrimental to the BJP, it has worked to increase the salience of religion and class based cleavages so as to undermine the caste cleavage, with global and national political and economic trends cementing the altered political context. In doing so, the BJP has cultivated a pan-Hindu cross-caste image and has steered the resurgence of religion and class in India’s political culture. Thus, this paper studies the significance of the political context, its influencers and its influences on voting behavior by focusing on the recent trend of lower caste support for the BJP.


Name: Jeanne Zaino, Ph.D.
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: jzaino@iona.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Iona College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Re-conceptualizing Banieen-e-Pakistan: A Case Study of the ‘Great Leader’ From the Land of the Five Rivers
Abstract:
Ask the common man or woman on the street who were the founders of the United States and more often than not they will point to George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, or perhaps James Madison and Alexander Hamilton. As historians can attest, however, the idea that the founding of the United States was the work of just these men is both ahistorical and misleading. And this tendency to narrow-cast one’s framers is not restricted to the U.S. alone; indeed it appears to be a global phenomenon. Many of the world’s nations have a short list of founders who are celebrated and others whose contributions are lost to history. One of the most intriguing examples of this phenomenon at work is visible in Pakistan where despite scholarly efforts to the contrary, the popular tendency is to attribute the nation’s founding to just one man - Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. As important as he was, however, Jinnah was not alone and his legacy should not overshadow the important contributions made by his contemporaries. This paper applies lessons from research on the United States lost founders to the case of Pakistan. We begin by reconceptualizing what it means to be a founder, why some people make the list and others do not, and then consider some of the individuals who might be included on list, but who have for a variety of reasons been neglected. The paper concludes with a mini-case study of one of the most intriguing lost founders, former Prime Minister of the Punjab, Sir Sikander Hyat-Khan, otherwise known as the "Great Leader from the land of the Five Rivers".


Name: Nayma Qayum
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: nayma.qayum@mville.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Manhattanville College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Women, NGOs, and state-society relationships in rural Bangladesh
Abstract:
This paper explores how the political dynamics of rural societies can change because of female-led development programs. Feminists have critiqued the activities of development non-governmental organizations (NGOs) for the neoliberal approach towards rural women of the global South. I argue that NGOs – when stripped of their neoliberal components – can create avenues for women to challenge, and often displace, the traditional institutions that marginalize them. The paper draws on over 700 semi-structured group interviews with women of Polli Shomaj, a rural civil society program implemented by the development organization BRAC in Bangladesh. It finds that PS groups do not prescribe to the notion of neoliberal development, and that they create new spaces of negotiations between poor rural women and the state. PS members use these new spaces to pressure elected officials into overriding traditional practices. Sometimes, traditional informal practices are replaced with formal parchment rules. Elsewhere, new informal norms are negotiated.


Name: Anand Rao
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: raoa@geneseo.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: SUNY Geneseo
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Fourteenth Amendment at 150: Birthright Citizenship in an Era of Backlash
Abstract:
The year 2018 marks the 150th anniversary of the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Ratified in 1868, three years after the end of the Civil War, the 14th Amendment was originally designed to make clear once and for all that African-Americans born on sovereign U.S. territory were full citizens. But the 14th Amendment also invited large numbers of immigrants to make the U.S. their home. This short but brilliantly worded amendment revolutionized American society and helped turn the U.S. by 1900 into far and away the world's most populous settler country. But in the 21st century, birthright citizenship has been called into question as advanced industrialized capitalist democracies in particular have struggled to balance the merits of globalization against increasingly disgruntled voters at home who are feeling insecure and inclined to blame what they view as overly tolerant migration and citizenship policies for their woes. This paper will offer a comparative analysis of 3 countries that have taken different political approaches to birthright citizenship since the 1990s when the "era of globalization" commenced. The 3 countries to be analyzed will be Germany, Ireland, and the United States.


Name: Shanze Fatima Rauf
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sfr275@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:  Economic Voting in Western Europe and South Asia
Panel Description: The panel will talk about economic voting in Western Europe and South Asia with Professor Tony Spanakos as chair.
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Paper Title:  Economic Voting in Pakistan
Abstract:
According to the economic voting theory voting behavior changes as perceptions about the economic conditions change through two main channels. Firstly, due to ‘Pocketbook voters’ who change their voting behavior according to their own economic condition and secondly, due to ‘sociotropic’ voting i.e. when economic behavior changes due to changes in the economic condition of the country. Economic voting has primarily been studied in developed countries. This paper will attempt to analyze the impact of both ‘pocketbook’ and ‘sociotropic’ voting in the context of a developing country- Pakistan- by looking at the policies pursued by incumbents in 2008 and 2012, the election results of 2012 and by analyzing how the political campaigns, which are the main source of information about political parties focus on both long-term and short-term economic outcomes. The paper will argue that immediate gains to welfare trump long-term gains, as pocketbook voting is more significant than sociotropic voting in developing countries like Pakistan.


Name: Sofia Rivera Sojo
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: sr3275@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University (NYU)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Decentralization and Political Reform
Panel Description: Our panel will be on decentralization and political reform and will explore different country cases. Our chair/discussant would be Professor Anthony Spanakos.
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Paper Title:  Constitutional Ambiguity and the Crisis of Spain's Decentralization Model
Abstract:
Democratization scholars far and wide have praised Spain’s democratic transition for its peaceful character and its successful construction of state legitimacy and a widespread commitment to democracy. Moreover, renowned scholars like Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan attributed a great deal of this success to the 1977-1978 constitution-making process, which focused on dismantling the authoritarian institutions of the Franco regime as well as achieving broad consensus between a variety of social and political groups, including Catalan and Basque nationalists and the ex-Franquist right. However, this intense focus upon settling divisive issues like regional autonomy and decentralization in a consensual rather than majoritarian way resulted in a deeply ambiguous constitutional framework. Rather than adopting concrete guidelines for settling these thorny issues, Spain’s constitutional committee crafted a minimalist framework that ultimately deferred any concrete resolutions to the political arenas of future governments. Scholars like Hanna Lerner have praised the constitutional “incrementalist approach” followed by countries like Spain due to its capacity to overcome “conditions of deep internal disagreement” and produce a baseline level of consensus from which democratic legitimacy is derived. However, this paper will argue that although this constitution-making strategy ensured initial transitional stability, it did so at the detriment of Spain’s long-term democratic stability by forging a decentralization model that is deeply vulnerable to interpretative clashes and consequently lacks credibility. This long-term instability and its connection to a flawed decentralization edifice is captured by the Catalonia conflict and its recent escalation. Through a historical analysis of Spain’s trajectory since its democratic transition, I establish several ways in which the shortcomings of its decentralization model can be connected the ambiguity of its constitution. By examining the clash between Catalonia’s 2006 Statute of Autonomy and the 2010 ruling of Spain’s Constitutional Court, I establish how its inherent ambiguity has made the constitution profoundly open to interpretation. Consequently, two competing visions have continuously guided a single decentralization model: one rooted in the elevation of diversity and the other rooted in the preeminent principles of equality and national unity. I also analyze how certain instances of inefficiency and corruption within Spain’s decentralized framework are generated by the uncertainty produced by the constitution’s ambiguous framing. This is due to the fact that the lack of concrete guidelines has forged a decentralization model whose functioning ultimately depends on the sustained existence of trust between Spain’s subnational governments and its central government. Without such trust, which is difficult to ensure, the institutional uncertainty that characterizes the autonomy of these regions makes them very prone to engaging in strategic behavior in order to secure and elevate their position at the detriment of the overall system. By exploring these shortcomings and their relationship to Spain’s constitutional edifice, this paper brings into question the compatibility of decentralized governmental systems and constitutional ambiguity/flexibility.


Name: Mishella Romo
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: MishellaRomo@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Montclair State University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Panel Description: Decentralization and Reform Panel chaired by Dr. Tony Spanakos
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Paper Title:   Judicialization of Politics and New Constitutionalism in Latin America
Abstract:
Constituent power is starkly different from the constituted power of a state (Colon-Rios 2011). Recent decisions of constitutional courts in Venezuela and Bolivia (the constituted power) have trumped results or calls for referendums (constituent power) tailored to limit to presidential tenures in hyper-presidential systems. This paper will offer a reflection of how this new trend speaks back to the relevant debate between Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt on who the more legitimately positioned agent to act as the guardian of the constitution is. Similarly, it will expand on what this new trend of judicialization means for the New constitutionalism wave that manifested through the late 20th century in Latin America.


Name: Ezel Sahinkaya
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: es4288@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Social democracy in Turkey between despair and hope: An analysis of the Republican People's Party's perception of Syrian refugees
Abstract:
This paper aims to understand the perception and policy proposals of the Syrian refugees in Turkey by the Republican People's Party (CHP) in relation to its social democratic ideology. Despite its self-proclaimed social democratic identity and its membership of the Socialist International, the CHP proposes policies on the situation of Syrian refugees in Turkey which are almost similar to right-wing populist political parties in Europe. Broadly, criticizing the government’s policies on Syrian refugees and Turkish foreign policy, the party suggests that the government must secure the borders and must provide job opportunities to Turkish citizens rather than Syrian refugees. Furthermore, the party officials link Syrian refugees with the latest terror attacks in Turkey and identify them as a failure of the national security. In addition to these frames, the party’s understanding of secularism plays a significant role in its approach to Syrian refugees. Considering Syrian refugees who arrived in Turkey as a monolithic group with the Sunni belief constitutes the main axis of the approach by the CHP. Supplementing theoretical analysis on the political parties with deep qualitative and empirical research, this paper seeks to understand the social democratic approach of social cohesion in Turkey through a largely diversified body of resources, such as in-depth interviews party representatives and members of parliament from CHP which I conducted for my thesis fieldwork in the summer of 2017, reports released by the CHP, and a short survey of Turkish media.



History and Politics

Name: Kevin Bronner, Ph.D.
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: kbronner@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Public Service Professor, University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Lessons Learned From The Executive Budgeting Literature 1899-1929 
Abstract:
The paper outlines the literature associated with the executive budgeting movement in the United States from 1899-1929. Several pieces of literature are outlined in the paper. The paper looks into the purpose or key theme from each of the early budgeting documents and then discusses how the lessons from the 1899-1929 budgeting period can be applied to public budgeting problems being experienced today.


Name: Chris Cody
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: codyc@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: St. John’s University
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Paper Title: Fiscal Decisions & Political Consequences: Hosni Mubarak, Neoliberalism in Egypt, & The Arab Spring Revolution
Abstract:
Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt was a bastion of neoliberalism. Mubarak, a long time ally of the United States, happily accepted the economic policies embodied within the Washington Consensus. Politicians and economists in Washington D.C. cleared the way for Mubarak to receive a substantial loan from the International Monetary Fund in 1987. In return for this largesse, Mubarak adjusted Egypt’s economic policy to favor neoliberalism’s core tenants like free trade and economic deregulation. In the decades following the IMF loan to Egypt, the country has witnessed increasing social discontent and civil demonstrations. There is a correlation between these neoliberal fiscal policies and the societal dissatisfaction that culminated in the Arab Spring Revolution of January 25, 2011. Though much of that discontent was a response to political corruption and lack of civic freedom, there can be no doubt that a dearth of economic opportunity for the average Egyptian acted as primary catalyst for the revolution that led to Mubarak’s overthrow. Indeed, so much did the gap between rich and poor expand, that Mubarak amassed a personal fortune estimated by some to be around $70 billion dollars, making him one of the wealthiest people in the world. This is important because there is an ongoing debate as to what degree neoliberalism influenced civil unrest in Egypt and throughout the region of the Middle East. Moreover, the future stability of the country and the region depend greatly on the economic choices made by Egypt’s current leader, President Al Sisi.


Name: Yaela Collins
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: yaelacollins@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: The European Defense Action Plan: Is Collective Defense Worth Implementing  
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Paper Title:  Ethnic Prejudice in Dutch Counterterrorism
Abstract:
Europe’s focus on the formation of an economic union, though prosperous, has created a fragmented and arguably incompatible security framework. Reluctance to surrender political and military sovereignty has left the region largely weakened and extremely vulnerable to both homegrown and rising external threats. Resulting gaps in border regulations, defense capabilities, and intelligence-sharing are being studied and exploited by terrorists and other adversaries keen on elevating their chances of carrying out a successful attack. The EU’s “security situation” has been in deteriorating for far too long and increases in “intensity, frequency, and complexity” of conflicts and problems in Europe are working to highlight the fissures in existing policy and procedure. Further, high public threat perceptions and the continuously evolving nature of threats are accumulating to pose unprecedented risks to EU stability. In the wake of blatant inefficiencies in organization, spending, and action, the question arises; “would money allocated to individual EU member defense budgets be better spent on collective EU defense?”


Name: Mustafa Gokcek
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: gokcek@niagara.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Niagara University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:  Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Art of Media
Panel Description: From personal feelings to political thought, we use a variety of mediums to express ourselves. Different forms of art are outcomes of artists’ effort to reach out to and connect with an audience through the reflection of their own world. The media becomes critical in addressing authoritarian rulers and political cartoons are one of the most widely utilized methods in expressing political opposition in a communicable way. In the same way, journalism plays a vital role in revealing corruption and putting checks on governments. The presentations on this panel will address how different forms of media help us communicate ideas and emotions with the larger society. Whether in the form of artwork, cartoons, or journalism, the need and variety of ways to express ourselves will remain a crucial aspect of intellectual journey.
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Paper Title:  Re-imaging a Sultan – Political Cartoons of Abdulhamid II in the Young Turk Era
Abstract:
Abdulhamid II was one of the most influential and controversial sultans of the Ottoman Empire. Abdulhamid’s 33-year reign (1876-1909) was one of the empire’s longest and most influential. This very contentious sultan is usually remembered as a heavy-handed autocrat, who tolerated no opposition and spread fear through his extensive secret police network. To his critics he was the “Red Sultan.” His supporters, the romantic Ottomanists, credited him with extending the empire’s life for several decades. More recent revisionist studies also emphasize his modernizing efforts: the Istanbul-Madina Hijaz railway, founding modern universities (mostly for the military) and schools for girls as well as spreading public education. He especially liked to work with Germany, a newly rising star. Contrary to modern Islamists’ opinions, this ardent consumer of European culture enjoyed the European classics staged for him in the private opera house of his newly built Yildiz Palace, not to mention western music and literature. His passion for photography resulted in 51 albums of more than 1,850 photos taken throughout the empire -- all digitized and uploaded by the Library of Congress. In fact, he made most of the Dolmabahce Palace’s European-influenced furniture. Abdulhamid’s strong and effective intelligence network could not suppress the nationalism so aggressively stoked by Britain, France and Russia. They opened dozens of consulates that worked among the non-Muslim subjects, established hundreds of missionary schools, educated Christian Ottoman children and raised future nationalists. Imperial Europe also agitated, sponsored, educated, trained and organized Armenian, Serbian, Greek, Bulgarian and even Muslim Kurdish nationalists to dismember the empire. Even some Turks began to dream of a pan-Turkist empire. The Young Turks, composed of mostly European-influenced students and officers, organized in the Balkans and France to reestablish the constitutional regime. In 1908, the Macedonian regiments’ coup forced Abdulhamid to reinstate the constitution and allow a Parliament representing all of the empire’s nations. The following year, they forced him to abdicate in response to an anti-constitutional protest. Whereas in 1908 almost all social segments had been cheerful and hopeful of a more democratic future, by 1913 three Young Turk officers, namely, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and Talat Pasha, had formed a military dictatorship and were suppressing political opposition, rigging elections and making all decisions. This paper studies how the media depicted the authoritarianism of Abdulhamid. It presents examples of cartoons both in the European papers during Abdulhamid’s rule and in the Ottoman periodicals after Abdulhamid was deposed. The cartoon became a common way of demeaning the old sultan and characterizing his oppression through his cartoonized image. This form of anti-Abdulhamid propaganda, I argue, aimed to suppress any potential opposition to the new Young Turk regime as well as destroy any positive image of Abdulhamid among the public and conservative intellectuals. This study reveals how the media, and specifically political cartoons, were utilized to create ancien regime, marking a serious departure from Abdulhamid’s pan-Islamism towards a western secular model of governance.


Name: Michael Iasilli
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: iasillim@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: St. John's University/SUNY Suffolk Community College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Given Africa's consistent exploitation from the 1950s on, why wasn't there a communist revolution? There are essences of socialism, but nothing, that without question, appears "communist." This paper explores whether there is more to the story than just African apathy to the ideals of communism, or perhaps, lack of political intent on the part of Soviet leadership. This investigation will--at the very least--pose new questions and maybe uncover some phenomena that will prompt historians and social scientists to contend further.
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Paper Title: Communist Apathy
Abstract:
Seventeenth Century Anglo-America did more than just illustrate the unfolding dominance of British elites and express their economic intentions at the exploitation of land and labor. Arguably, this history constituted the key doctrinal framework that imparts to the development of economic and social liberalism of modern American capitalism. By examining a tasting of cases from the Chesapeake, the Virginia Company, and other important colonial regions, we learn how the public-private partnerships established by British colonial endeavors led to broad public confusion and deficiencies in government. This process erroneously levied negative attitudes toward the British state, as most disenchantment that sparked revolutionary tendencies among rebel colonists was generally associated with British officials, not elitist organizations that brought forth their respective frustrations. These preliminary structures are what later led to anti-British sentiment, but also strengthened the agencies of power of private actors over public organization. More expressively, this phenomenon can be seen in how neoliberalism has permeated through contemporary American policymaking. Thus, the goal of this research will be to examine trends made between English colonists and their corresponding elites in establishing ruling companies as governing structures and the implications therein. We shall determine that British privatization schemes sparked a counter-development of communalism in response to its draconian ramifications. In a longer view, I argue that Britain’s use of privatization became broadly inherited customs of what can be seen today as modern neoliberal policymaking in America.


Name: Hakan Karaaytu
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: hkaraaytu@mail.niagara.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Niagara University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Art of Media
Panel Description: From personal feelings to political thought, we use a variety of mediums to express ourselves. Different forms of art are outcomes of artists' effort to reach out to and connect with an audience through the reflection of their own world. The media becomes critical in addressing authoritarian rulers and political cartoons are one of the most widely utilized methods in expressing political opposition in a communicable way. In the same way, journalism plays a vital role in revealing corruption and putting checks on governments. The presentations on this panel will address how different forms of media help us communicate ideas and emotions with the larger society. Whether in the form of artwork, cartoons, or journalism, the need and variety of ways to express ourselves will remain a crucial aspect of intellectual journey.
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Paper Title: Journalistic Perspectives on Ideal Media and the Transformation of Media’s Role in Turkey
Abstract:
In contemporary democracies, the media ideally has a role of checks and balances against authoritarian tendencies. This study reveals the structural transformation in Turkish media since 1980. The paper first discusses the discrepancies between the ideal structure of media and the transformation in Turkish media in the following areas: ownership structure, freedom of press, censorship and self-censorship, ethical rules, and professional principles. The role of the media regarding politics in Turkey moved away from one of addressing authoritarian practices to one of hindering democratic processes. The second part of the research builds on original interviews with ten Turkish intellectuals, including journalists and academics. These experts share their professional experiences on challenges of conducting journalism and research in Turkey. The interviews substantiate the theoretical discussions in communications literature on media’s critical role in an ideal democracy.


Name: Mark Anthony Lewin
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: mark.lewin16@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. Johns University Queens
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Coming to America: Tracing Du Boisian Double Consciousness through HBCUs
Abstract:
W.E.B. Du Bois argued that African-Americans hold a Double Consciousness, in which they can identify as both African and American. By the first half of the twentieth century, Du Bois’s ideas of ‘double consciousness’ had been taught in HBCU’s (Historically Black College and University’s). HBCU’s educated both African-American and African Pan-Africanists leaders, such as Kwame Nkrumah, Nnamdi Azikiwe, and Martin Luther King Jr. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how Du Bois’s ideas of Double Consciousness had affected Martin Luther King Jr., Kwame Nkrumah, and Nnamdi Azikiwe while they attend HBCUs. This paper draws sources from, memoirs of Pan-Africanists, Academic transcripts from HBCUs, and secondary literature pertinent to the topic. Memoirs include, Nnamdi Azikiwe’s My Odyssey, and Kwame Nkrumah’s Autobiography. Furthermore, Academic transcripts of Kwame Nkrumah and Martin Luther King Jr were studied to demonstrate what classes they had taken and how Du Bois’s ideologies were taught in those classes. In addition to the classes they have taken, the professors and teachers who taught them will also be analyzed to better understand how Du Bois’s ideas influenced Kwame, King, and Nnamdi. Explaining the role which HBCUs had in developing African-American and African leaders is relatively new to both African and African-American historiography. By studying this topic one is able to better understanding of both Pan-Africanism and understanding the difference of African and African-American political identities.


Name: Anna Michalik
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: anna.michalik16@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Anna Frajlich, a poetess in exile
Abstract:
Between 1968-1971 about 20,000 Polish citizens of Jewish origin were forced to emigrate Poland for no other reason than their being Jewish. Organized by the governing Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR), the anti-Zionist campaign of 1968-1971 destroyed the remaining post-Holocaust Polish-Jewish community. Many of the émigrés, most of whom represented the well-educated part of society, were forced to – once again – build a new life. At the end of 1969, Anna Frajlich, a Polish-Jewish poetess, left Poland through Vienna to Rome, and next to New York. Emigration has been for Frajlich the vessel in which she was able to explore questions of migration, displacement, and ultimately adaptation to new cultural contexts. Drawing on oral interviews with Frajlich and her poetic oeuvre, this paper captures the ways in which Frajlich experienced her life in exile. With the world becoming more and more migratory, Frajlich’s reflections on her exilic condition, are not only topical and illuminating, but also may offer solace to all those who have experienced displacement.


Name: Mary Helen Miskuly
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: mmiskuly@niagara.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Niagara University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Art of Media
Panel Description: From personal feelings to political thought, we use a variety of mediums to express ourselves. Different forms of art are outcomes of artists’ effort to reach out to and connect with an audience through the reflection of their own world. The media becomes critical in addressing authoritarian rulers and political cartoons are one of the most widely utilized methods in expressing political opposition in a communicable way. In the same way, journalism plays a vital role in revealing corruption and putting checks on governments. The presentations on this panel will address how different forms of media help us communicate ideas and emotions with the larger society. Whether in the form of artwork, cartoons, or journalism, the need and variety of ways to express ourselves will remain a crucial aspect of intellectual journey.
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Paper Title: The Power of Place: Art Media and the Promotion of Niagara Falls
Abstract:
Museums are competing for resources, audiences, cutting edge ideas, and ever-changing technologies. Can a museum’s special collections going online be used to help market the museum in a high tourist area, namely Niagara Falls, NY? Geographically removed from the Falls by seven miles and at the heart of the Niagara University campus, the Castellani Art Museum has the unique opportunity to partner with the Niagara Falls National Heritage Area and their pilot program for Discover Niagara Shuttles, a free tourist shuttle which stops midpoint along its route at the museum. The Castellani Art museum holds one of the largest collections of Niagara Falls images in the world and celebrates the visual history and place of Niagara Falls, New York. This research studies new and exciting ways to tell the story of these rarely seen and under-utilized images of Niagara Falls, as well as celebrate a rich folk art and fine art collection online and in various forms of media. The outcome of this project will be more visibility for the Castellani Art Museum, Niagara University, and other partners working in concert as an incubator for interdisciplinary ideas as well as operating as teaching tool for the University and beyond.


Name: Oluwasolape Onafowora
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Federal University Oye -Ekiti
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Co-author info: ONAFOWORA OLUWASOLAPE 2348033655364 DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OYE-EKITI, NIGERIA P.O.BOX 1774, ADO-EKITI. NIGERIA oluwasolape.onafowora@fuoye.edu.ng solape.onafowora@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  PRESIDENTIAL DICTATORSHIP IN DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM: A CASE STUDY OF BURUNDI
Abstract:
Since the two genocides occurred in Burundi, the country has been on a cusp of another Civil war which might degenerate to another genocide is history especially with the actions by the President Nkurunziza on the resistance of the third term rules. Asides the fact that Burundi is not a military rule, it is important to note that the pattern of governance is in such direction. This paper observes the role of conflict crisis between two ethnic groups living in the same country and the state of abject poverty in the country. The role of participatory democracy is inactive and this is setting a trend for African leaders to follow; being dictators in civilian rule. This paper also observes the role of ethnicity in conflict especially in Burundi which has resulted to two of the important historical crisis in the world, after the Holocaust.


Name: Olena Prokopovych
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: oprokop5@naz.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Nazareth College of Rochester
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  A Path of Their Own: Private Institutions and American Health Care Exceptionalism
Abstract:
Open any textbook chapter on American health care politics and, chances are, you will soon read about the unsuccessful first attempt to create a public medical insurance program for manual workers during the 1910s. Typically, this episode is presented as a signal event in the persistent history of failure to achieve universal health care insurance that, to this day, distinguishes the United States from virtually all other advanced democratic nations. Political scientists, especially those working within historical institutionalist school of American political development, deserve much credit for establishing the understanding of this political episode as a linchpin of the path-dependent explanation of American health care exceptionalism. Political scientists have paid much less attention to another notable failure that occurred at about the same time: the ultimately unsuccessful attempt by the major corporate foundations to impose a full-time salaried model on the faculty at leading medical schools. This difference is a symptom of a bigger and perhaps inevitable bias of our discipline toward favoring explanations focused on public rather than private realms, political rather than societal forces, institutional rather than cultural factors. This paper uses this lesser-known “escape from the corporation” (Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine) as a launching pad for a critique of historical institutionalist theory of U.S. health care policy development. I argue that, despite its claims to the opposite, historical institutionalism does not pay sufficient attention to the significance of private institutions, private policies, and historical sequences of their emergence, development, and interaction. While anointing the unparalleled number of veto-point features of the American political system as a decisive factor that prevented the emergence of universal health insurance in the U.S., historical institutionalism fails to examine the role of this political system in creating and sustaining an equally unique and path-setting ecology of private medical institutions. I show that temporally prior to the emergence of health insurance proposals, America’s unique political system both reflected and promoted the emergence of private health care institutions resistant to reform and rationalization by either public or private forces. This paper problematizes historical institutionalism’s easy dismissal of cultural and societal variables in explaining American health care exceptionalism and argues for a more nuanced synthesis of institutional and cultural factors. It contends that a fuller understanding of private institutions and private policies is crucial for comprehensive analysis of America’s exceptionally privatized health care system.


Name: Sofia Sedergren
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ssedergren@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Framing Political Debates Based on the Attainment of Women’s Suffrage: The Case of Great Britain, 1916-1930
Abstract:
This project focuses on the impact of the passage of women’s suffrage on the political debate in Great Britain from 1916 to 1930, through the study of issues specifically framed for women in handbooks disseminated to women voters after the passage of partial women’s suffrage in 1918 and adult suffrage in 1928. The study is focused on two research questions: 1. What political issues were framed for women in the aftermath of the passing of the Representation of People Act of 1918 and the Equal Franchise Act of 1928?; and 2. How did women’s suffrage in Great Britain impact the political issues debated in Parliament and the media 1916-1930? Through a contiguity based analysis of the terms used in political information and propaganda disseminated to women as a means to educate the new constituency and win the women’s vote, the topics considered central to women in the political context are extrapolated and examined, resulting in search terms used in a textual analysis of Parliamentary records and media reporting from the Times. Additionally, the examination of legislative action in Parliamentary debates and media reporting in the Times connected to the attainment of women’s suffrage and issues specifically framed for women provides the basis for an analysis of potential shifts in political issues discussed in Parliament and the media as a result of women’s suffrage. The analysis of Parliamentary records and media records contribute to determining the impact of women’s suffrage on larger political debates. The existing literature on the topic is focused on the movement leading to the passage of women’s suffrage, but few studies have been conducted examining how political issues were framed for women in the aftermath of the passage of The Representation of the People Act of 1918. An exception is Véronique Molinari’s work which highlights themes emphasized in interwar handbooks distributed to women. However, Molinari’s analysis does not include the impact women’s suffrage had on the political debate in Parliament and the media. With Molinari’s work and method as a base, the findings from my research will contribute to a better understanding of how the themes framed for women impacted the larger political debate in Great Britain. A contiguity based analysis of the three data sources (handbooks, Parliamentary debate records, and newspaper articles) clarifies the impact that shifts in the constituency have on political issues highlighted in political debates and, by extension, the influence of different groups within the constituency on the political system. The introduction of women to the voting constituency is not only a historically significant event, but can also contribute to an increased understanding for how new constituency groups influence political policy merely by being identified as a certain group.


Name: Harvey Strum
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: strumh@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: sage
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Constellation's Errand of Mercy to Ireland in 1880
Abstract:
Three times in the 19th Century the US provided aid to starving Irish. The aid came from the private contributions of Americans since the federal government viewed foreign aid as an unconstitutional use of public funds. I will discuss the debate over the use of public funds in 1847 and 1879-80. Instead, the federal government agreed twice to allow the use of warships to carry privately raised food aid abroad. In 1847, the Jamestown and Macedonian carried privately raised aid from Boston and New York City, respectively, to Ireland and Scotland. In 1880 although the House Foreign Affairs Committee recommended an appropriation of $300,00 to aid the starving Irish Congress refused. Congress did approve a joint resolution endorsing sending a warship to Ireland. The Constellation, docked at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, was sent from New York City with the contributions donated by several wealthy New Yorkers and some other private citizens. Levi Morton, a Congressman from NY, who later served as VP under Harrison, and governor of New York contributed one quarter of the aid and William Grace, a shipowner, and soon to be the first Irish Catholic mayor of the city, contributed another quarter of the aid. I will look at the problems in getting contributions for the Macedonian in 1847 and the nature of voluntary aid in 1847, 66-63, and 79-80.Americans throughout the 19th Century joined together to organize committees, of temporary duration, to raise funds to deal with disasters at home and abroad.


Name: Julia Sweet
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: js9491@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Ecological activism in a semi-authoritarian regime: The Russian case
Abstract:
The paper analyzes the agenda, strategy, and development of ecological activism in modern Russia in terms of political transformation. This sort of activism is new for society and seems to appear only after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, nowadays, the green movement has not become a powerful force that plays a great role in the consolidation of civil society. To determine what Environmental organizations actually do as well as their agenda, the first section of the paper examines the environmental landscaping which has emerged in Russia during the last 20 years and the influence of the Soviet heritage. The second section provides the analysis of the effectiveness of ecological organizations on Russian policy and the degree of penetration of the green agenda into Russian society. The third part evaluates the perception of the local and federal authorities towards ecological grassroots activism, looking for answers on the following questions: Does the government consider ecological organizations and groups to be potential political competitors? Are there any repression or/ and bureaucratic obstacles for ecological activism?


Name: Farahnaz Tafreshi
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: farahnaz_tafreshi@yahoo.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Niagara University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:  Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Art of Media
Panel Description: From personal feelings to political thought, we use a variety of mediums to express ourselves. Different forms of art are outcomes of artists’ effort to reach out to and connect with an audience through the reflection of their own world. The media becomes critical in addressing authoritarian rulers and political cartoons are one of the most widely utilized methods in expressing political opposition in a communicable way. In the same way, journalism plays a vital role in revealing corruption and putting checks on governments. The presentations on this panel will address how different forms of media help us communicate ideas and emotions with the larger society. Whether in the form of artwork, cartoons, or journalism, the need and variety of ways to express ourselves will remain a crucial aspect of intellectual journey.
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Paper Title: Depression, creativity, and art therapy
Abstract:
There is a connection between the physical self, the mind, and our feelings, which remains unspoken. In the same way that bodies have a language, so do arts. From the ancient world to the 21st century, artists anguish by mental illness and often suffer to express their emotion through challenging artistic forms. A number of studies argue that pain has no language of its own and mental illness destroys inner talent to express the emotion. Some other fields of the study contend that if pain and suffering destroy the skill to speak, artists can express their emotion beyond their own creativity in order to give their pain a language. Many people are touched with depression and struggle to face the difficulties within life. As an artist and due to the political persecution in my country Iran, I experienced depression and I found it quite painful while trying to make sense of the events and upheavals I have witnessed. It is not simple and there is no language to explain and express this feeling. In my own experience, I have develop a language in my paintings and over time my painting has changed and transcended the sadness of politics to express beauty, richness, and hope for the future. The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between depression, creativity, and art therapy. In one view, creative people may hurt by mental disorders and mostly suffer to create their art, but on the other hand, mental illness may exist at the same time with creativity and development of art. A goal of this study is to explore how medical conditions may affect the lives of the artist and how creativity can be beneficial for them to express the feeling through the process of making art without an obligation to speak. This study is based on interdisciplinary ideas and evidence from researchers in art, art history, and psychological reviews, notably by Albert Rothenberg and Kay Redfield Jamison on the work of some famous artists.



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Isil Akbulut-Gok
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: akbulutgoki@sacredheart.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Sacred Heart University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:   Interorganizational Networking Patterns in Peace Operations
Abstract:
Notwithstanding the increasing collaboration between intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) in peace operations, academic research has thus far neglected the pressing question of what motivates IGOs to cooperate. In this study, applying a multi-theoretical multi-level (MTML) framework (Monge and Contractor 2003), I put forward theory-driven hypotheses to explain the motives for IGOs to collaborate in conducting peace operations despite the risks, such as losing autonomy and organizational identity, associated with such partnerships. A temporal exponential random graph model is estimated with a newly collected relational data of inter-organizational collaboration among IGOs in peace operations deployed in internal armed conflicts from 1990 to 2013. The findings confirm the theories of resource dependence and exchange by showing that IGOs are more likely to team up with the organizations that could provide required capabilities and resources. More specifically, organizations would forge partnerships on the basis of their need for military capabilities, human and financial resources.


Name: Kristen Blake
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kblake@molloy.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Molloy College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Abstract:
Today the mention of Iran conjures the image of a rogue and defiant state determined to develop nuclear weapons. Iran has vehemently denied these allegations and insists that it is developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The origins of Iran’s nuclear program can be traced back to the Shah’s rule, which was supported by the United States and Europe. In the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini cancelled Iran’s nuclear program on the grounds that it was contrary to the teachings of Islam. The Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988 and Iraq’s use of chemical weapons against Iran however, would lead to a revival of the program by the late 1980s. The revival of Iran’s nuclear program took place in secrecy unbeknownst to the international community. However in 2002, at a news conference in Paris, an Iranian opposition group publicly revealed information about Iran’s nuclear program. This revelation was initially followed by negotiations between Iran, IAEA, and members of the European Union to find a solution to Iran’s nuclear dilemma. However, when the negotiations failed, a number of sanctions were imposed on Iran by the United Nations, the United States and the European Union. Iran’s political activities in the Middle East have led to a major shift in the geopolitical balance of power. Its sponsorship of terrorist groups such as the Hezbollah and HAMAS as well as Shia rebels in Iraq, Afghanistan and Yemen have led to much consternation in the West, Israel and Sunni Arab countries. The thought of a nuclear Iran is unimaginable to the international community as it could lead to a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. Israel has already threatened to carry out strikes against Iran’s nuclear facilities. Iran has threatened to strike back at Israel and the West. Further, it has threatened to block the Straits of Hormuz through which oil is transported for world consumption. This paper provides an analysis of Iran’s nuclear program and seeks to answer questions as to why it would pursue such program. It will utilize a comparative method of analysis comparing the Shah’s regime to that of the Islamic Republic, with special emphasis on the period covering the presidency of Mohammad Khatami, Mahmood Ahmadinejad, and Hasan Rouhani in the twenty-first century. It was not until 2015 when there was finally a breakthrough and the P5 (members of the UN Security Council) and Germany negotiated a deal with Iran to curtail its nuclear program. The future of the deal however remains unknown since the Trump administration has been adamant about ending it. The data used in this analysis include a number of primary and secondary sources in Persian, English, French and Russian. Currently there are a small number of books and scholarly articles on this topic given its complexity and constant evolution. This study will make a potential contribution to the field of International Relations and foreign policy given its significance and it is a topic that is being closely monitored by policymakers.


Name: Michael Busch
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: mbusch@ccny.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: The City College of New York
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Co-author info: Garri Rivkin
Co-presenter info: Garri Rivkin
Paper Title:  States of Exception: Transnistria and Sovereign Recognition
Abstract:
This paper examines the phenomena of de facto states that are refused sovereign recognition from the United Nations and its member states. It focuses on the case of Transnistria, a tiny sliver of territory sandwiched between Moldova and Ukraine. Transnistria constitutes one of a small number of territories in world politics that features its own governing institutions, a standing military, a national currency and monopoly control of force in its territory, but which has been denied what Stephen Krasner calls international legal sovereignty, even by its closest allies. Why? Drawing on the international relations and comparative politics literatures examining questions of sovereignty and critical geopolitics, as well as research from the field, this paper argues that despite the postcolonial order of nation-states organized into regimes of global governance characterizing contemporary world affairs, patterns of imperial power politics still govern, to a large degree, outcomes in the world's peripheral territories. This is especially true of Transnistria which continues to linger in the limbo of tensions between Russian and Western interests. The paper helps fill a surprisingly substantial gap in the international relations literature on the politics of sovereign recognition of de facto states since the Cold War, and textures our understanding of the nature of sovereignty in theory and practice.


Name: Macy (Meseret) Demissie
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: mdemissi@uottawa.ca
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Ottawa
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Managing Change in World Politics: Modeling & Implementing Global Security Strategies
Abstract:
This paper critically analyses the management of Change in World Politics since 1990. Through the theory of ‘change’ and taking the example of the United Nations’ and NATO’s security policy and activities, it surveys what and how did great powers do to manage change since the end of the Cold War. The Comparison between the actions made by great powers to manage changes that outgrowth from the end of three majors wars - the end of the Cold War (1990), WWI (1914-1939) and WWII (1945-1952) - will be studied to better grasp the new world order/disorder since 1990. Periodization will be crucial to understanding the success or failure of international system to deal with change. I use three levels of analysis to examine the actions and reaction of great powers since 1990. How and what did Great Power do to manage change since the end of the Cold War? I argue that great powers did below their capabilities to manage change since the end of the Cold War due to the following seven factors: 1.) Ideological: most great powers were trapped in “realism” which impaired their vision and actions that could be seen as idealistic; 2- ) Risk Aversion; managing change means taking responsibility to effectively lead and remodel the new world order; there was not willing great power to propose and assume this responsibility; 3- ) Resistance to change: maintaining the old system/NATO was seen the cheapest way to manage change rather than shaping an innovative and adapted system; 4-) Uncertainty; 5-) Leadership vacuum: among the winners of the Cold War there was no statesmen that took initiative to exert its leadership to propose new strategies and pave the way for the new world order ; and 6 -) Lack of enemy; 7.) Self-interest over global security interest: the period 1990-2017 witnessed a reversion in world politics; narrowly defined national security and national interest led to unilateralism; thus unilateralism prevailed over multilateralism, and the decline of international law gave way to invasion, sweeping violation of human rights including tortures. Each of these factors will be analysed to examine which factor was the most influential and which was not the most significant among all. Keywords: Change, Global Politics, Management, Security, NATO, Great Powers Politics, War


Name: Jude Chisom Erondu
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: eronduj@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The apparent anomaly of natural wealth and persisting extreme poverty: the causes as they manifest in Nigeria’s Niger Delta and an embryonic plan of action.
Abstract:
This paper theoretically examines the extent of resource curse in the Nigerian Niger Delta. By using the Niger Delta as a case study, this thesis illustrates that the resource curse theory explains the anomaly of natural wealth and persisting extreme poverty and how political economy in terms of institutional failures could lead to poor economic growth and underdevelopment in resource rich countries, however, the resource curse theory fails to explain how capital flights, state-centred approaches, and neoliberal economic policies, in the form of the Structural Adjustment Programmes, could led to underdevelopment of resource rich countries. The objectives of this thesis are threefold. First, it examines and explores how the extent of internal –capital flights and state-centred — and external — neo-liberal economic policies — factors all things being equal, affects the economic development of the Niger Delta. Second, this thesis will determine whether there are gaps in MNDA and NDDC a current development initiative created by the Nigerian government to address underdevelopment and poverty in the Niger Delta. Third, this thesis will identify policy prescription to fill up the gaps in already development policy for the Niger Delta. Similarly, this thesis ascertains that, current development policies instituted by the Nigerian government, to address the apparent anomaly of natural wealth and persisting extreme poverty in the Niger Delta, have not been sustainable due to corruption, inefficiency, and gross mismanagement of funds within the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) system. Furthermore, this paper provides alternative policies in the form of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) and Asset-based Community Development (ABCD) which may help fill the gaps in existing policies implemented by the Nigerian government to address the apparent anomaly of natural wealth and persisting extreme poverty in the macro level of the Niger Delta. Nevertheless, this thesis suggests that further study is required to know the impact and extent of resource curse at the micro level.


Name: Brian Ford
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bpford1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: New York City Department of Education
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The Squandering of American Hegemony: A Framework for the Analysis of the Current President's Russian Roulette and the Actions of Many of his Predecessors
Abstract:
The Squandering of American Hegemony is an exploratory piece making connections between different usages of hegemony and seeking answers to the following questions: --First, how is hegemony used in the literature? --Second, how is Gramscian hegemony reflected in the historical development of hegemony at the transnational level? --Third, noting there is no transnational state that has a monopoly of political violence/coercion, how would one characterize the networks of influence and the ensemble of institutions that perform the functions of the state at the transnational level? --Fourth, what functions does the hegemon (individual state or historic bloc) perform that deems it worthy of prestige? --Fifth, what are salient examples of hegemonic failures? --Sixth, looking specifically at the US, what periods do we see? --Seventh, has the current administration and its more recent predecessors squandered American Hegemony? --Finally, I offer a tentative framework for categorizing all of this. Here are the approaches I use to provide approximate answers to these related questions: First, expanding on William I Robinson (2005), who identifies 4 overlapping conceptions of hegemony, I add the original Greek conception and include both Hegemonic Stability Theory and Gramscian IPE frameworks. Second, focusing on Gramsci's insight that the division between 'Civil Society' and 'State' is merely analytical, not organic and that is a methodological misstep to take this as a concrete aspect of reality, I begin to work towards a unified concept of hegemony. Third, using Gramsci's idea of an extended state or integral state and applying the concept at the Transnational level. Fourth, drawing on Gramsci's definition of hegemony as“spontaneous” consent that is“historically” caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production, I extend to security and other concerns which can also lead to a spontaneous consent. This thus leads back to unifying the concept of hegemony. Fifth, describing hegemonic failures from Athens during the Peloponnesian Wars to Europe in the early 1900s to the United States since the 1980s. Sixth, suggesting 5 periods of American Hegemony: Reluctant Hegemon – 1915 to 1932; Retreat – 1930 to 1941; Leader of the Free World – 1939 to 1991; Leader of Free Markets– 1980 to 2008; The Essential and Overextended Country – 2001 to present Seventh, providing a simple answer – the current administration is not squandering but disavowing American Hegemony. As for previous administrations, they all have ways in which they have squandered this role. Finally, providing a framework to help pull this all together in the form of a 3 by 4 box, one axis devoted to a metaphor – the three dimensions of the state. Its 'height' ua the dimension by which we compare it to other states. Its 'depth' is its ability to build up its organizational apparatus. Its 'breadth' is the degree to which it has support among. The other axis is broken up by the functional areas of the state – politico-strategic, politico-economic, politico-educational and, lastly, its interactions with technology.


Name: Arnaldo Goncalves
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: arnaldogonc53@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Macau Polytechnic Institute
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  The end of the U.S.-China entente in the Korean Peninsula. A realitic approach.
Abstract:
U. S.-China bilateral relationship has been constructed through the enhancing of commonalities and strategic interests between these two world powers. This convergence of efforts and strategic visions have allowed the U.S. and China to find common ground on handle the North Korea disruptive conduct whcich led them to articulate a common position in the Security Council. This co-ordination of efforts has been saluted by the international community as the correct way to handle disruptions to the international and regional orders but the practical results are, until now, minimal. China is interlinked to the North Korea regime by a multi-decade ideological solidarity strenghtened by the Korean War in the 1950s, when Beijing sent hundreds of volunteers to fight the American Army in the south.The survival of Beijing's socialist experience depends upon the resilience and vision of its leadership and stability along Beijing's frontiers and thereafter in keeping the status-quo in the Korean Peninsula. China disagrees on the annexation of South Korea by the North, but has major reservations to a Korean reunification, which will bring American troops close to China's borders. As the crisis continues with no antecipated end to the nuclear program, the United States may be forced to do a preemptive attack against Pyongyang military targets and arsenal in order to deter King Jong Un. This move will have a major impact in the U.S. - China bilateral relationship and may led to end the type of amicable relationship both Republican and Democrat Presidents have pursued in the last sixty years. .


Name: Roshen Hendrickson
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: roshen.hendrickson@csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: College of Staten Island (CUNY)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The United States’ Role in the Return of Nigeria’s Stolen Assets
Abstract:
One aspect of political attention to illicit flows of capital over the last couple decades has been the effort to return stolen assets to country victims of kleptocracy. Surprisingly, the United States played a lead role in this effort, despite the lack of a clear national interest. To explain US leadership in this effort, some scholars point to the role of international activists and a strengthening anti-corruption norm, while others point to structural factors such as the end of the Cold War necessity to bolster alliances with corrupt leaders. This article addresses the potential impact of the Trump presidency on the case of Nigeria’s stolen assets. Using data from the Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR) and secondary literature on legal cases, it describes the history of efforts to return stolen assets as well as the overwhelming obstacles to locating and returning stolen funds. I argue that despite President Trump’s efforts to undo transparency regulations and the lack of a clear commitment to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and StAR’s efforts, multiple factors serve to maintain pressures for reforms that would improve the chances of returning stolen assets to Nigeria, if Nigerian governments choose to cooperate with these efforts. Structural factors such as increased attention to global inequality and the strengthening anti-corruption norm continue to result in pressure on the United States government to maintain its efforts.


Name: Hongyi Lin
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: lin.hon@husky.neu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Northeastern University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Realism in China’s Maritime Territorial Disputes: How the Relative Bargaining Power Distribution Affects China’s Stance on Its “Joint Development Agreements”
Abstract:
Abstract This paper intends to study the relationship how the relative bargaining power distributions conditions the effect on China’s stances on joint development agreements through the realist lens of the relative bargaining power distribution. Since the 1980s, it has been suggested that the best way to diffuse tension in China’s maritime territorial disputes is to set aside the sovereignty disputes and jointly develop the resources in and under the waters surrounding the islands. However, the real world has witnessed variations of China’s stances on the “Joint Development Agreements” that coincide with the shift in the relative balance of bargaining power in the disputes. As a result, most of its “Joint Development Agreements” initiatives are fumbling forward with uncertainty today. Therefore, this paper seeks to conduct a qualitative research to trace the shift of China’s strategies in history and figure out the effects of relative bargaining power on China’s positions in the disputes and the effectiveness of “Joint Development Agreements”. This paper argues that China is more likely to deploy a cooperative and welcome stance on the “Joint Development Agreements” in a favorable environment that its relative bargaining power is stable or increases, but becomes more belligerent and threatened when its relative bargaining power in disputes declines. It covers three failures of joint development proposals in the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands, Taiwan Strait, and the South China Sea to support its hypothesis. Finally, the paper considers the policy implications for the realist international relation theory in this issue. Key Words: China, maritime territorial disputes, relative bargaining power distribution, Joint Development Agreements


Name: Jesse Liss
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: jliss@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Trump’s ‘America First’ Trade Policy and the Transition of Political Power in U.S. Trade Institutions
Abstract:
Previous social science analyses on U.S. trade policy institutions concluded that ‘free trade’ political actors had durable power to determine U.S. trade policy. This conclusion was proven wrong when the Trump administration promised ‘a new direction’ in trade policy by empowering ‘economic nationalists.’ To explain this transition of power I build on Karl Polanyi’s ‘double movement’ theory to identify three new ideal types of U.S. trade policy activists, ‘free traders,’ ‘economic nationalists,’ and ‘social movements.’ Testing these ideal types I use the qualitative method of process tracing on a case study of the negotiations of the investment chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). I conclude that diverse opposition and political alliances had ‘defeated the TPP’ before the 2016 elections.


Name: Ariel Mekler
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: amekler@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Graduate Center, The City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Far-right extremism and the “war on terror”
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As the “war on terror,” counterterrorism, and countering violent extremism continue to primarily focus on jihadi extremists, the threat of far-right extremism and far-right terrorism has rematerialized in the United States. Complicating the matter, the reemergence of far-right extremism gained momentum and a self-proclaimed legitimacy, in the wake of the Trump campaign and presidency. This paper is an exploratory piece examining how the reemergence of far-right extremism in the United States, coupled with contemporary notions that situate terrorism as a foreign import, establish a national security agenda that ignores the domestic threat far-right terrorism presents to the United States. By concentrating exclusively on jihadi extremism, counterterrorism and countering violent extremist measures inadvertently perpetuate racist and xenophobic ideologies, framing terrorism as the “foreign other.” Examining current terrorism studies literature regarding radicalization, counterterrorism, countering violent extremism, and far-right extremism as argued by scholars including, Martha Crenshaw, James Khalil, Arun Kundnani, Marc Sagemen, Tore Bjorgo, Judy Korn, and Pete Simi, this paper hopes to add to the theoretical debate concerning far-right extremism and the threat it presents to national security in the United States. The paper situates itself within the context of Martha Crenshaw and Gary LeFree’s definition of terrorism, as, “a method or strategy of violence, not tied to any particular political actor or type of actor. That is, terrorism can serve different political ambitions; it is not tied to one ideology or group. The end does not necessarily dictate or justify the means… [terrorism] emphasizes politically motivated violence or threat of violence by non-state actors, although states can be involved” (2017, 16). Defining terrorism as a strategy of violence not tied to one ideology or group enables two things. First, it authorizes the definition to include various forms of terrorism that goes beyond contemporary jihadist extremism, and second, it circuitously recognizes the inherent assumptions existing within the field of counterterrorism and terrorism scholarship that tend to single out a particular ideology (e.g. radical Islam) for the promotion of a precise political/security agenda. (Crenshaw, M. and G. LaFree. 2017. Countering Terrorism. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.)


Name: Liang Meng
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: lm8st@virginia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Wuhan University / University of Virginia
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Chinese perception of U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy
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The article deals with the Chinese perception of U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy. The recent Indo-Pacific Strategy is highlighted in recent years and analysis are given by Chines experts. Key concerns are expressed regarding changes in the American power structure and position in Asia, especially its declining influence. Since the United States has been closer with India, who is regarded as the main competitor of China in Asia, Chinese scholars think that it is necessary to take measures to deal with it.


Name: Rui Nie
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: 847953867@qq.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Central China Normal University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Construction and Destruction:Dilemma in Recipient Countries under China’s “One Belt One Road” Initiative
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China came up with the “One Belt One Road” initiative in 2013, which aims to promote developing countries’ economic prosperity and social improvement along the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. During four years’ exploration and practice, plenty of agreements and contracts had been achieved. According to the 19th National Congress of CPC, the “One Belt One Road” initiative will be the primary foreign policy to be carried out in the next five years. Therefore, this initiative will deeply influence the third world economy structure and global capital flowing. Analyzing the cooperation data and cases can help us fully understand the developing process in these countries. This article focuses on analyzing the impact of “One Belt One Road” Initiative on politics, economy, social culture and other aspects from two perspectives: construction and destruction. Try to find out what the initiative is bring in and taking out for these countries. Facing this dilemma, how these countries maximize the benefits from the construction by conducting infrastructure construction and minimize or avoid the adverse effects from the destruction on the original economy market and social state. Three actors should be considered in this article: recipient countries’ government, enterprises and local citizen. Then analyzing how to game to get a balanced point to satisfy all their needs among these three actors. In the last part, comparation between China’s “One Belt One Road” initiative and American investment experience in the last century has also been talked about.


Name: Srikant Pandey
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: srikantpandey7@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Delhi
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Paper Title:  Humanitarian intervention and the issue of Power Politics :A case study of the U.N.O.
Abstract:
Power politics has remained an issue of academic engagement ever since the humankind has learnt the art and science of expression ,if not explicitly then at least implicitly .However ,the post- Westphalia convention can be credited for giving an autonomous academic space to the realm of power in international relations .There has been various methods of expanding power throughout the history of mankind ; mostly involving violent conflicts including world wars .Thereafter , the powerful actors devised an institutional mechanism of avoiding wars of such a magnitude without avoiding their pursuit of power ,namely the U.N.O. Though ,theoretically it is based on the principle of democratic values of justice and freedom it’s functioning has led the academia to argue that it is nothing but a vanguard of powerful which assists them in perpetuating their monopoly over international power through certain inbuilt structural mechanisms ; humanitarian intervention being one of the most potent and legitimate instrument .This paper intends to develop it’s argument by applying political economy in the broader framework of realist methodology . Key Words : Power ,Humanitarian Intervention , Democracy ,Justice ,Freedom ,Monopoly .


Name: Maria Victoria Pérez-Ríos
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: mperez-rios@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice, CUNY
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Paper Title:  Separatist Movements and Sovereignty: The Spanish Case
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The international community relies on State sovereignty to preserve its stability. However, sovereignty is not absolute and after WW II has to compete with the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples. This principle is enshrined in Art. 1 (2) of the Charter of the United Nations. Although originally the UN Charter referred mainly to self-determination of colonized peoples, in our times it includes the rights of a group—ethnic, linguistic, religious or other—within democratic States to gain independence or a wide autonomy from the State. For example, the Scottish in Great Britain and the Catalonians in Spain.The Scottish rejected independence by a small margin but the Brexit process may favor independence and European Union membership. In Spain a pro-separatist movement is active in Catalonia. These are the cases that I am going to examine in this paper. First, I will analyze the main international and regional regulations of the right to self-determination. Second, I will study the main characteristics and actions of the Catalonian pro-separatist movement, and the Spanish government responses. Third, I will use the Scottish case to compare it to the Catalonian case. And finally, from the perspective of State sovereignty, I will assess the lessons learnt with a focus on the protection of minority and majority rights in complex separatist situations in democratic States.


Name: Keith Preble
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kpreble@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany SUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Sanctions busting decline and the European Union: do norms matter?
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European states have been prolific sanctions busters, and my paper explores whether sanctions busting by European states has declined as the European Union has become more and more institutionalized and cohesive since the Treaty of Rome in 1956. Can a decline in sanctions busting be quantitatively measured in as subsequent EU treaties come into force? If there is a decline in sanctions busting, why is this decline taking place? My paper argues that this decline is due to the development of anti-sanctions busting norms within the EU. My paper adapts a mixed-methods approach that utilizes a data set from an article by Early and Spice (2016). The analysis looks at trade data between 1956-2006 to test a logit regression model to see whether sanctions busting by EU states has declined and then uses those results to explore sanctions busting behavior in the United Kingdom, Greece, and Denmark. Through this study I aim to contribute to the literature on economic sanctions and international norms and whether norms play a role not only in cooperation and coordination efforts by states but also in the success (or failure) of economic sanctions.


Name: Luba Racanska
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: racanskl@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: St. John's University
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Paper Title: Energy Politics in Central Asia: Geopolitics of Power and Influence
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Can Central Asia, as a region, play a role in ensuring power and influence for the great powers? The unique position of the Central Asian republics in the post-Soviet space which possess substantial natural resources attracting great powers such Russia, China and the US to the region, can lead to essential security and power balance issues that will influence Asia in the future? The breaking down of the post-cold war stability and cooperation between the US and Russia is pushing the two former partners into a very difficult relationship that is playing out , as some refer to it as the “great game”, in Central Asia. The addition of China into the mix leads the complex developments in the regions closer to echoes of international rivalries during the Cold War period. The important issue that will be analyzed and argued in the paper is the development and promotion of a common interest among the Central Asian states in order to regulate the energy interactions and decrease the possibility of conflict in their region.


Name: Peter Richardson
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: p.richardson@neu.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Northeastern University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Reality, Rhetoric and Conflicting Regional Objectives: Mutual Threat Perception and China as a Target of North Korean Nukes
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One could argue with some certainty that China factors into North Korea’s current nuclear deterrence strategy under Kim Jong-Un (KJU) – and was a fear-based incentive in his father’s and grandfather’s drives to acquire such weapons as well. And, although it may seem farfetched that Jong-Un’s regime would designate its principal ally as a target of North Korean nuclear ordnance, there nevertheless exist some very important reasons as to why it might and likely already has – and why China, and its neighbors (including the U.S.), should take very seriously its designation as a focal point of Jong-Un’s preoccupation with nuclear-weapons-based regime survival. This paper argues that China is and will continue to be a target of North Korean nukes due to increasing incongruity in the countries’ objectives in Northeast Asia and KJU’s fear that said discrepancy will foment Chinese-induced regime change in Pyongyang. KJU likely understands Beijing’s growing concern over negative implications, actual and potential, of his behavior in pursuit of DPRK regional objectives for successful realization of Chinese goals in this part of Asia-Pacific; and how it might impact disadvantageously Beijing’s continued support of his leadership. Whereas it cites and focuses on increasing incongruity in their regional agendas as the primary cause of mutual threat perception and direction of DPRK nuclear payload at China, the paper certainly does not assume that it is the only cause of such developments between the periodically reluctant allies. To that end, it explains why China is a target of North Korean nukes and explores the role of mutual threat perception in exacerbation of the current negative trajectory in relations and irreconcilability of regional objectives, the likelihood of Chinese abandonment and replacement of KJU’s regime, and reasons as to why the U.S., Japan and South Korea would tolerate Chinese-induced regime change in North Korea. Method of inquiry comprises descriptive empirical and qualitative case-study analysis of China-DPRK relations from 2011-present predominantly from the former’s perspective. This paper endeavors to add to a growing body of literature on increasingly likelihood of China-DPRK military conflict in the KJU era. Very little of the existing literature explicitly analyzes the prospect of conflict and mutual threat perception as functions of the countries’ competing regional objectives. Primary data sources include: transcripts of interviews with and speeches by Chinese and DPRK political leaders and senior policymakers; policy statements issued by Chinese and DPRK executive, executive-ministerial, and parliamentary press agencies; documents such as the Chinese and DPRK constitutions, legislation passed since 2011, national foreign policy concepts, military doctrines, bilateral agreements and treaties. Primary data sources were available through government and non-governmental websites and political biographies. Secondary data sources include books, monographs, book chapters, scholarly articles, and newspaper editorials and articles.


Name: christopher sarver
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: Christopher.Sarver@mville.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Manhattanville College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Nationalization, Structural Adustment Lending, and the Copper Industry in Zambia
Abstract:
Much has been written on the subject of the relationship between large multinational firms and the governments of developing countries. Seeing as GDP and export earnings of many developing countries are concentrated in raw materials for export, this is where foreign firms largely concentrate their investment. More often than not, foreign firms were able to take an enormous amount of control over natural resource production in developing countries with the host country governments seeing little in terms of tax revenue and reinvestment. As a result, relationships between host country governments and foreign firms became contentious. Many leaders of newly independent states in the developing world argued that true political and economic independence could only be achieved by removing, or at the least lessening, foreign control over their economies. This would mean confronting very powerful foreign multinational firms. A common method was to nationalize foreign firms in major export industries and create large state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to take complete control or majority control in those firms. The nationalization process more often than not occurred in steps where foreign ownership was either phased out completely or the firm(s) would become minority shareholders. The nationalization process often took place over long periods of time and involved multi-layered and complex negotiations. The agreements reached between the nationalized firms and host country governments often came with mixed results. Some foreign firms actually ended up making financial gains instead of losses, and the host country government did not reap the financial benefits they expected. Why and how did this happen? It is the argument of this paper that a possible answer to this question can be found through a careful examination of the negotiation process. The case of the nationalization and eventual privatization of copper firms in Zambia will be used to support this assertion. In particular, the Zambian government’s experience with Anglo-American Corporation throughout the entire process provides substantial support for this assertion. The case of Zambia proceeded in three main stages. The first stage was the nationalization and the formation of the copper parastatal Zambian Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM). The second stage was the implementation of structural adjustment programs in response to economic and financial crises that developed in Zambia in the 1990s. The third stage was the privatization of ZCCM. Each stage involved complex negotiations between three major sets of actors; 1) The Zambian government, 2) the copper firms, and 3) the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and other international lending institutions (ILIs). It will be argued in this paper that the Zambian government mismanaged negotiations at each stage. The story of Zambia’s challenge to foreign control over its economy is essentially one of failure. The nationalized copper industry once again came under the control of foreign firms.


Name: Sarah Shah
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: sshah1@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: A War by Any Other Name: Is Military Humanitarianism under R2P Self-defeating?
Abstract:
With the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, the traditional, concept of state sovereignty that hold non-interference in domestic affairs as a norm, has been heavily critiqued, and, even suspended on account of humanitarian crises. This paper asks whether military humanitarianism is likely to achieve its goal of human protection, in theory, and in fact. While the moral imperative to respond to humanitarian crisis is pressing, the use of military force in order to achieve this in a foreign state may actually prolong conflict and increase vulnerability of populations. This paper extends the scholarship on sovereignty, humanitarian intervention, and state building by examining how the third pillar of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) initiative is likely to affect civil conflict in the long run. Foreign intervention weakens or shatters the state, and severs the ties between the state and its citizens. Even where a new regime is installed in the immediate aftermath, the process of rebuilding vertical and horizontal ties in society; and of enabling the new regime to function effectively, is slow and often unsuccessful. The return to political and social order becomes difficult, and, peace may not be restored for a long time, if at all. This paper draws on case studies of military intervention on humanitarian grounds by the UN and NATO, to examine how successful these have been in achieving their aim – human protection. By evaluating outcomes of humanitarian intervention in terms of human security, this paper contributes to the conversation between academic and policy circles, on the issue of military intervention for humanitarian purposes. It argues that the problem of the failure of humanitarian intervention lies not merely in resource limitations or bad policy design, but, more fundamentally, at the level of misunderstanding the nature of state building itself. It is likely that the respect for territorial sovereignty of a state, not its violation, provides the best possible opportunity for the protection of human lives in the long run.


Name: Kyu Chul Shin
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: kyshin@mix.wvu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: West Virginia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Before and After: How the Electorate Opts to Change or Keep Voting Patterns after Economic Difficulties
Abstract:
The state of Western economies before and after the end of the Bretton Woods system confronted voters with a quandary. During the Bretton Woods years, 1945-1971, voters would have enjoyed the benefits of economic cooperation buttressed by a strong international security alliance that spurned protectionism. However, with economic recessions hurting the average workers after the end of the Bretton Woods system, would they still be willing to support policies that appeared to hurt their interests even when the government and the elite continued to do so? Or would voters go against the wishes of policymakers and vote for parties that espoused protectionist/isolationist views? The paper draws upon literature from a number of different subfields. It is inspired by work highlighting the importance of the domestic electorate and its influence on international policy. In addition, it also looks at the importance of political knowledge; are voters not particularly aware as Zaller 1992 notes or are they a lot more savvy and capable of making adjustments when voting as Kayser and Peress 2012 believe? Using the Manifesto Project Dataset, which is a record of not only the number of references to a policy position made by a political party but also a source for how a party performed in elections from 1945-2015, both OLS and Poisson regression are used to see if there is a relation between electoral success, the dependent variable, and various policy positions, independent variables, such as internationalism and immigration policy. This paper argues that while voters are willing to reward governments for maintain strong security ties, they were surprisingly, unwilling to accept free market-style economic policies before or after Bretton Woods. In addition, there were shifts in voting patterns on certain policy positions such as immigration; voters were willing to reward politicians who were pro-immigration in the early years of Bretton Woods when they were needed to grow economies but then punished them for the same policies when anti-immigration sentiment grew following the end of Bretton Woods. This indicates that voters are not willing to blindly follow their leaders when they believe their personal economic welfare is at stake. The findings of this paper are not just meant to build upon existing literature in the international relations and political knowledge subfields; it is also meant to provide a broader historical context to the explosion in populist sentiment across the West since the mid-2010s.


Name: Shubha Sinha
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: shubha.sinha7@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Delhi , India
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Human Rights ; Public Interest Litigation :Rising global concerns
Abstract:
The genome of international law as well as relations are clearly interwoven with the issues of human rights which is explicitly engraved not only in the charters of regional and international organizations rather it has consistently been the core area of academic concern of international relations as well. The basic problem of avoidance of international disorder, whether structured or unstructured ,is generally premised as possible provided proportionately just progressive world order is achieved based on adherence of those prescriptions of socio-economic and political freedoms(Human Rights) which are the byproducts of internationally accepted collective conscience .Such rights are not only documented in the constitutional mechanism of international law rather these have become part and parcel of the governing mechanism of each and every unit of the state system as a whole . Interestingly ,the most contemporary and innovative tool of protecting human rights throughout the world ,known as public interest law /public interest litigation , has rightfully been appreciated in the domain of international law as well as international organizations as an assertive mechanism of protecting and promoting human rights .I ,therefore ,intend to analyse the role of Public interest litigation as a catalyst in achieving the global commitment towards human rights which certainly may reduce the chances of international catastrophe of different diabolic designs .The structural functional methodology within the framework of political economy is to be used in carrying out in-depth analysis of the issue in such a way that the academic engagement becomes meaningful .


Name: Dudlak Tamas
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: tamas.dudlak@stud.uni-corvinus.hu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Corvinus University of Budapest
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Grand Chessboard Reloaded: The Latest Dynamics of the Asian Energy Space
Abstract:
This paper intends to shed light on Brzezinski’s “Grand Chessboard” with special focus on the rise of Iran and China and their possible ways of cooperation in the fields of oil and natural gas through Central Asia. In the paper, the effects of the existing and potential oil and gas pipelines will be analyzed from geopolitical and geoeconomic point of view (supply, demand, capacity, feasibility). Thus the method I use is fundamentally state-centered, realist and aims to show the strategic interests of the countries involved in the Chinese–Iranian energy cooperation. In line with these, my main argument is that the geopolitical and geoeconomic motivations (exploiting, transporting and obtaining oil and gas) determine the agenda-setting of foreign policy and intensify the struggle for resources among great powers. These fights for positions are going on not only by military means, but the steps taken in the field of diplomacy and economy are oftentimes more effective, therefore need more attention. With the rise of new population and economic centers in Asia (China, India) the use of geopolitical analysis provides a useful way to understand the power rivalry in the deep continental territories of Central Asia, where the “lines of energy” are geopolitically “fixed” endowing the so-called midstream countries with immense strategic importance. The influence over these in-between countries (such as Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan) thus becomes a question of national survival for both the producer (Iran) and the consumer (China). The timeliness of the topic is buttressed by some recent developments that may alter the geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions of the region: - the largest natural gas pipeline to China is from Turkmenistan (2009) - China is the largest consumer of energy resources since 2009 - the inauguration of the Chinese One Belt One Road project (2013) - Russo–Chinese natural gas project (signed in 2014) - the plan of TAPI natural gas pipeline (Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India) is revitalized - nuclear agreement with Iran and the (partial) end of sanctions (2015–2016) - increasing presence of Chinese investments in Iran and Pakistan - the rapid growth of renewables and LNG technology This paper thus explores the prospects of a “new continentalism” (increasing importance of relations between West and East Asia) as proposed by Kent E. Calder in 2012 and explores the complex network of interests in energy policy in Central Asia.


Name: Bann Seng Tan
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bannseng.tan@boun.edu.tr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Bogazici University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Nicholas R. Davis, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
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Paper Title: Explaining Authoritarian Reactions to Relief Aid
Abstract:
While natural disasters do not respect political boundaries, the response by states do. We argue that authoritarian regimes strategically choose from aid facilitation, obstruction or diversion depending the political relevance of the disaster victims and the need for performance legitimacy. When key supporters of the regime are afflicted by the disaster and the regime needs performance legitimacy, it is in the interest of authoritarian regimes to facilitate foreign relief. When neither holds true, they opt to obstruct aid. Between the two policy extremes, we expect a policy mix of facilitation aside aid diversion. To illustrate the theory we use Myanmar’s reaction to foreign relief after Cyclone Nargis as a case study. To test the theory, we equate political relevance with the winning coalition and proxy for the performance legitimacy with two variants of electoral authoritarianism-hegemonic and competitive. We synthesize data from Schedler’s Dataset on Authoritarian Elections, the International Disaster Database (EMDAT) with foreign aid data (AidData). The results show that competitive authoritarian regimes receive more disaster relief but less non-disaster relief while the opposite hold true for hegemonic authoritarian regimes. Understanding the institutional imperatives of authoritarian regimes helps us anticipate their likely response. Our theory highlights the conditions under which authoritarian benevolence is plausible. In doing so, we gain insight into the nature of authoritarian resilience.


Name: Aaron Zack
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: aaronmzack@protonmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: John Jay College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: none
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Paper Title:  The Historical Logic of Bipolarity in East Asia and the Rising Sino- American Rivalry: Some Implications for the Emerging Asian State System
Abstract:
The economic and military rise of China suggests American quasi- hegemony is ending and that a Sino- American rivalry is emerging in the Asia- Pacific. This differs from the bipolarity of the Cold War: whereas both the US and USSR were global powers whose rivalry played out across multiple state systems, the Sino- American bipolarity, at least initially, will likely play out in the Asia- Pacific alone. This limitation would diminish if China were to develop global power- projection capabilities, such as a blue- water navy. The prior and emerging bipolarities are also distinguished by the relative capabilities of the rivals, and particularly their maritime power. The Soviets were blessed (or burdened) with a relatively autarkic economy, and therefore maritime power was, for them, a luxury. Invulnerable to blockade, the Soviets had neither the need nor the capability to ‘break out’ and challenge the Americans in their maritime Asian sphere of influence. The Americans, for their part, were unwilling to push into the Asian continent a outrance- when faced with a choice between escalation or acceptance of defeat or stalemate in the periphery of the continent, the Americans refused to escalate, thus reaffirming their limits as a primarily maritime power. China, however, depends upon seaborne trade for its well- being. It imports parts, energy and raw materials from around the world, and exports finished goods. Its vital sea lanes are dominated by the United States and its allies. The Chinese have no intention of accepting this dependent status, and possess the wealth and technology to challenge America in its maritime sphere. Therefore, while America will remain hesitant to push showdowns to a conclusion on the Continent, China’s maritime ambitions will render the emerging bipolarity far more combustible than the prior dispensation, as spheres of interest and capabilities will not remain relatively clearly delineated. Therefore we ought not to remain sanguine that the dynamics of the emerging bipolarity will replicate the relatively limited levels of direct and indirect violence seen during the Cold War.



Political Theory

Name: Adrian N. Atanasescu
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: na.atanasescu@utoronto.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Toronto
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Immigrant integration in a post-secular society
Abstract:
Multiculturalism has fallen on hard times. All across Europe, in academic discourse no less than in the area of public policy, one witnesses a retreat from multicultural models of immigrant integration fuelled by a general sense that multiculturalism has failed to deliver on its promises, leading to poor integration rates among immigrant population and encouraging parallel cultures. In the past decade or so, the concept of “civic integration” has been introduced to replace multiculturalism. Used as an umbrella term for various integration measures in a post-multicultural context, “civic integration” stresses the dominate values of host societies, their cultural identity, and it is instantiated by “citizenship tests”, schemes of “probationary citizenship”, language tests. Although the civic model has gained some traction in many European countries, it remains fiercely contested by many activists, commentators and policy-makers, who fear a return to assimilationist, non-liberal and discriminatory measures. In this paper I want to move the discussion beyond these two models and propose a new paradigm of immigrant integration in Western liberal societies. In this purpose I draw on Jürgen Habermas’s recent writings, and in particular on the concept of a “post-secular society”. Habermas has recently called for the abandonment of a “rigid and exclusive secularist self-understanding of modernity” and advocated for a more expansive role of religious discourse in the democratic public sphere of Western societies. Central to a “post-secular society” is a new “ethics of citizenship” which requires secular and religious citizens to practice mutually taking perspective, see each other at eye level and learn about one another’s deep commitments and values. The main argument of my paper is that the concept of “post-secular society” offers promising normative resources for conceiving of immigrant integration in a way that avoids the main disadvantages of the civic/assimilationist perspective, on the one side, and those of the multicultural paradigm, on the other side, while preserving some of these competing models’ most important advantages.


Name: Eugene Callahan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ejc369@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: NYU
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Hayek and Oakeshott on Rationalism 
Abstract:
F. A. Hayek and Michael Oakeshott were two of the most prominent 20th century critics of what they referred to as "rationalism." The two thinkers knew each other personally, and read each other's work. So it would be easy to assume that, when each attacked rationalism, each was aiming his arrows at the same enemy. But was this really the case? In this paper, I will argue that, in fact, Hayek and Oakeshott understood the problem of rationalist thought quite differently. Furthermore, I contend, this difference is not a mere "brute fact," but can be understood as based in their differing philosophical outlooks.


Name: Nels Frantzen
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: nfrantzen@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Albany: Department of Political Science
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Götterdämmerung: Weber on Clarification and Political Life
Abstract:
Recent Weber scholars (from the 1980’s to the present) have focused too much on the concept of rationalization in Weber’s work, largely ignoring an older generation of scholars like Karl Löwith who focused upon the process of ‘self-clarification’ that Weber argues social science provides individuals. Weber’s process of self-clarification is purely focused upon the individual person, as ‘self-clarification’ allows for an individual to make conscious decisions about how they will rationally orient their lives to achieve rational ends. This total focus on the individual leaves him open to being critiqued as an elitist concerned only with those who he thinks are capable of consciously determining their own lives. As opposed to his individual decisionism, at the political level Weber leaves us trapped in purely pragmatic politics whereby government is fought over by pragmatically "responsible" politicians, charismatic leaders and an ever-expanding bureaucracy. Using Charles Taylor’s “Social Theory as Practice”, the concept of self-clarification can be stretched to become an unfolding process of 'social-clarification' of social practices, norms, and beliefs, which are analyzed, questioned, and through social practice are aligned to desired values and ends. This process of social-clarification breaks us out of the pragmatic political trap Weber puts both us and himself in, allowing social theory and science to examine and experiment free from the constraints of “responsible” politics.


Name: Sacha Ghandeharian
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: SachaGhandeharian@cmail.carleton.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Carleton University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: The Contingent Self and the Future of Critical Theory
Abstract:
The focus of this paper is on Habermasian attempts to reconcile the tension between, on the one hand, the universalist (humanist) moral and ethical approach found in all three generations of the Frankfurt School (Geuss 1981; Rush 2004), and, on the other, the anti-foundationalism characteristic of postmodern approaches to the self. The paper interrogates a significant effort at such a reconciliation – that is, between a universalist ethics and contingent theory of the self – offered by Seyla Benhabib and her ‘narrative model of identity’ (1999). Benhabib suggests that it is the ability to build a coherent narrative of one’s personal identity, rather than to identify a core self, that is morally salient; by focusing on narrative, Benhabib asserts that one is able to reconcile the universal (that is, the notion of a coherent narrative) and the contingent (the lack of a transcendental self). Turning to Lois McNay’s post-structural critique of Benhabib’s ‘narrative model of identity’ (2003), this paper argues that Benhabib is not as successful as first appearances suggest because she relies on an overly simplistic – and cohesive – notion of narrative in relation to the subject. This paper sees the debate between Benhabib and McNay as indicative of the broader ways in which the problematique that is ‘the self’ is left unresolved by the Habermasian privileging of procedure. The paper also considers the ways in which post-structural and/or post-modern approaches – offering a decentralized and contingent notion of the self – can be politically ineffective. Reading the debate between Benhabib and McNay is a means through which one can explore the continuing influence of the antinomy between universalist and contingent conceptualizations of the subject in contemporary critical theory.


Name: Donal Gill
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: dsgill@dawsoncollege.qc.a
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Concordia University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Escaping Vice or Engaging Corruption: Travel, Edification, and Degeneration in Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels
Abstract:
This paper addresses the questions of travel, edification, and degeneration in Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726.) Through a close reading of the text in conjunction with an examination of Locke and Montesquieu on the theme of the benefits and dangers of travel, this paper argues that Swift presents Gulliver’s Travels as a stern warning against taking travel lightly, in the process critiquing nascent individualism whilst nonetheless rebuking many aspects of man’s natural sociability in organic society. When the King of Brodingnag says to Gulliver “As for yourself (…) who have spent the greatest part of your life travelling; I am well disposed to hope you may hitherto have escaped many vices of your country”, he raises a persistent theme throughout European intellectual history, that of the value of travel as a means to correct the corruptive forces committed upon the individual by a fallen society. However, equally present throughout the Travels is a pervasive sense of the seemingly unlimited scope for degeneration brought about by travel and cross-cultural contact. In many ways engaging the Travels on questions such as travel and corruption forces us to shed modern presuppositions regarding both the universal benefit of travel and its open-ended application to all in all circumstances. Swift deliberately juxtaposes and problematizes both atomized liberal individualism and organic hierarchical society in order to demonstrate the seriousness of the imperial endeavor as both an opportunity to edify or degenerate British citizens who voyage into the unknown.


Name: chrysoula gitsoulis
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cgitsoulis@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: ccny/cuny
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  utilitarian vs rights-based ethics: degrees of separation
Abstract:
The most glaring weakness of utilitarianism, according to many of its critics, is that it fails to respect individual rights. As a consequentialist moral theory, it holds that it is the consequences or ends of our actions (maximizing happiness) that determine whether particular means to them are justified. But this appears to entail that it’s ok, e.g., to poison your grandfather so you can donate his fortune to charity, or kill a healthy patient so you can use his organs for life-saving transplants, etc. My paper will be devoted to addressing this objection. I will try to show that it is best to think of the difference between utilitarianism and rights-based ethics not as a difference in kind, with no common ground, but as a difference in degree. Once we see that the difference between these theories is a matter of degree, it will become apparent that the rights-based theorist faces a similar type of objection, and hence is no better off than the utilitarian in terms of the stated objection. I will also discuss some of the advantages this strategy has over rule-utilitarianism in dealing with the stated objection.


Name: Fitore Hyseni
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: fhyseni@syr.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Syracuse University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Disability, Personhood, and Justice
Abstract:
Respecting the rights and legal capacity of people with disabilities is interrelated with their inclusion in theories of justice. While there has been movement towards expanding the concept of legal capacity such as The UN Convention on The Rights of People with Disabilities, such efforts have been limited and rarely adopted by all countries/states. The major frameworks of thought supported in Western states are those that derive or are in line with theories of human rights and justice. However, these theories are based on principles of autonomy and rationality that exclude people with disabilities. Therefore, a review of contemporary theories of justice and their basic assumptions is required to include people with disabilities and extend equal rights to this group. This paper will critique contemporary theories of justice, namely John Rawls’ Theory of Justice and Martha Nussbaum’s Capabilities Approach. Both theories are based on a notion of personhood that excludes people with disabilities. John Rawls’ Theory of Justice includes the concept of rationality and reason that exclude a group of people who are labeled as having intellectual disabilities from being considered persons. Martha Nussbaum, despite having tried to resolve these issues, by arguing that we should focus on a list of basic capabilities as necessary for a dignified human life excludes people with disabilities who will not be able to poses such capabilities. These definitions of personhood are troublesome as they leave out people with disabilities, especially those with severe cognitive disabilities, by not recognizing them as persons who have claims. This paper argues that contemporary theories of justice have failed to recognize people with disabilities as full persons with equal rights. In addition, it argues that people with disabilities should enjoy equal rights and be able to make decisions regarding their conception of the good, in their own terms. As such, theories of justice and rights should account for supportive decision making as a legitimate way to exercise one’s autonomy. To allow for that, theories of justice should be evaluated on or amended to include a conception of personhood that would see people with disabilities as equal humans by expanding the concept of autonomy to include relational autonomy. Relational autonomy in this paper is based on feminist theorists who suggest that autonomy should account for the social and relational nature of persons. This paper stresses the importance of considering that humans are related to one another, to institutions, and groups, and that their desires, interests, and decision can only be understood in relation to other people. Further, this paper suggests that relational autonomy should be viewed as a goal. It argues that theory and legislation should promote the development of relationships as necessary to enhance a persons’ ability to make decisions. Finally, this paper argues that theory and legislation should expand the criteria for determining personhood to include individual’s ability to enter relationships. This will enable people with disabilities to participate and be recognized in the society as equal citizens and make decisions regarding their life.


Name: Jordanco Jovanoski
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: jovaj926@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New school For Social Research
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Resisting representation: the right of resistance as a right of the magistrates? 
Abstract:
The road to the modern form of constitutionalism was paved by the conviction that the right of resistance against tyrants was not inherently wicked. In this context, the “Monarchomachs” (i.e. “those who fight against the king”) as a group of 16th century thinkers who opposed the unchecked power of kingly authority, begun writing treatises that not only criticized tyrannical power but also called for its violent removal in the form of tyrannicide. Thus, not only was resistance justified, but a tyrant could be eliminated at any moment. A powerful and influential Protestant account of such a theory was formulated by the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, written in 1579, under the pseudonym Stephen Junius Brutus, several years after the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre. The argument of Brutus’ Vindiciae effectively overturned the divine right of kings, asserting instead that the king was obliged (by the dictates of God) to serve the common interest instead of his own personal one and that any dereliction from this sacred duty would justify resistance. In a similar way, Francois Hotman, in his Francogalia, made the case for Huguenot resistance by calling for a revival of the power of public councils, courts, and customs, which, historically, held the legal right to check the power of kings. But disobedience in the form of resistance was not exclusive to Protestantism; seemingly endless religious wars and persecutions led Catholic theologians to problematize obedience to secular authority. Juan de Mariana, a Spanish Jesuit scholar led the effort to challenge unjust kings by arguing that earthly authority was sanctioned by god only insofar as it took to the common welfare of the community. Mariana openly advocated for tyrannicide against any king that disregarded the divine command of the common good. While these theories of the right of resistance posed a formidable challenge to tyrannical forms of power that rested on lawlessness, arbitrariness, and illegality; at the same time, they also explicitly restricted resistance as a right of the magistrates, those of elite standing who were below the king, but were already a part of the existing system of power, often as representatives of the people. Thus resistance to tyrannical authority was, at its very inception, already limited to the elite structures of representation. This paper will use the accounts of resistance provided by the Monarchomachs in order to discuss the possibilities and limitations posed by recent insurgent “resistance” movements that have sprung up across the US in the age of the Trump presidency. While these movements emerged in reaction to Trump on a grass-roots level, they have also been led, and in part organized and funded by key figures of the political and economic establishment that seek to co-opt the intensification of public outrage. If resistance becomes subsumed under the logic of elite influence, then it is highly likely that it will not be a form of resistance that challenges the fundamental assumptions of the status quo that produced the emergence of a Donald Trump.


Name: Geoffrey Kurtz
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: gkurtz@bmcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: BMCC-CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Social Democracy in a Lockean Culture: Michael Walzer’s Dilemma
Abstract:
Social Democracy in a Lockean Culture: Michael Walzer’s Dilemma Michael Walzer, one of the chief intellectual voices of social democratic politics in the United States, is known in part for his model of interpretive and “connected” social criticism, in which the critic speaks as a participant in a shared moral culture. An older generation of social democrats like Daniel Bell and Irving Howe drew lessons from the faults they saw in American Marxism, aiming to orient a social democratic politics that could make itself at home within American political institutions and culture; Walzer’s model of social criticism continues their project. Given the political background of Walzer’s “connected criticism,” a problem arises: can a social democratic social critic be “connected” with America’s mostly Lockean political culture? Walzer has generally dealt with this problem by ruling out of bounds those topics on which Lockean thought is inhospitable to social democracy. Perhaps most fundamental of these topics is the theory of the human person. Lockean thought admits no role for public memberships in constituting the person: on the contrary, public life is seen as a function of the pre-political selves who consent to its establishment. Walzer elides this question, writing: “The central issue for political theory is not the constitution of the self but the connection of constituted selves.” In works from Spheres of Justice to Politics and Passion, this sort of elision has allowed him to assert social democratic ideas without directly challenging the Lockean anthropology that undergirds the American common sense. However, the social democratic tradition has at times presented a political anthropology of its own, quite different from Locke’s. Some of Walzer’s intellectual influences, such as the early-twentieth-century Anglican socialists J.N. Figgis and R.H. Tawney, for example, argued that public memberships are constitutive of personhood. Walzer acknowledges such influences only rarely and obliquely, but their traces remain in his work. Thus at some moments Walzer suggests a political anthropology opposed to Locke’s: a secular version of the Christian socialism of Figgis and Tawney. However, he holds back from developing that anthropology, and those moments coexist uneasily with his stance as an American connected critic—at least insofar as America’s political culture is Lockean. Walzer’s political thought thus hovers between two options. One is to hint at a radical dissent from Lockean anthropology without ever making that dissent explicit. This risks self-contradiction. The other is to be a connected critic who connects not with the Lockean mainstream of American political culture but with a sidestream not so distant from the cultural world of Figgis and Tawney—the religious and fraternal themes that Wilson Carey McWilliams called the “second voice” in American life. This risks a return to self-marginalization, albeit in a different mode from that which Bell and Howe warned against. Walzer’s dilemma is not his alone. It is, instead, an ambivalence built into the situation of the American democratic left.


Name: Matteo Laruffa
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: mlaruffa@luiss.it
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Harvard University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Reading the crisis of democracy under the lens of Giovanni Sartori: A new research agenda beyond the Alarmist Bubble
Abstract:
This paper is dedicated to the memory of Giovanni Sartori (1924 - 2017) This paper poses the following question: how can political scientists substantially achieve an advancement in the quest for standards and criteria that allow us to better understand the crisis of democracy? In this sense, the problem is to place the challenge to figure out the crisis of democracy into a specific conceptual context, by going back to its foundations before the distraction of the alarmist proclaims on the collapse of democracies worldwide. Since the most famous writings on the topic in the Seventies, the use of the expression “crisis of democracy” has grown in a confused and improper manner both in political science and comparative politics. Even if the previous and current discussions on the issue have been valuable, because they represent a valiant attempt to push the boundaries of our knowledge, this debate needs to be challenged on a more conceptual level. The paper is organized as follows. First, it discusses the Alarmist bubble of democratic deconsolidation and its distraction from the real problem of this research issue. Second, it explains the significance of the main fallacies in our understanding the crisis of democracy. Third, it disentangles the main meanings of the expression crisis of democracy and proposes a refined research agenda for organizing the literature. It considers three research interests: the crisis of democracy as related to governance of democracy, participation in and opposition to democracy. Moreover, the paper provides a conceptual analysis of crisis of democracy based on the guidelines proposed by the Italian political scientist Giovanni Sartori. This conceptual analysis includes an assessment of a representative group of seven definitions, and selects one of them as the most promising theoretical base for explaining the phenomenon. Finally, it offers some proposals for further developing one of the concepts of crisis of democracy existing in the literature and guidelines for a more scientific approach to the debate on the issue. In short, the following pages argue for a radical recasting of the crisis of democracy debate. Keywords: crisis of democracy, conceptual analysis, defenseless democracy, powerless democracy


Name: Tatiana Llaguno
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: llagt804@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New School for Social Research
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Thinking with Arendt and Rousseau: Between Plurality and Universality
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In 1963, Hannah Arendt published her book On Revolution, an insightful reflection on the nature of the revolutionary spirit, as well as a valuable analysis of both the similarities and differences between the American and French Revolutions. In it, Arendt deals with the tension to be found between the element of novelty, of beginning, inherent in all revolutionary processes; and the necessity of stability, of constitution, of foundation. Although many questions can be posited regarding the main theses presented by Arendt on this book -- probably the most flagrant and controversial one being the problem of “the social question” --, in this essay I will focus on her theoretical encounter with Rousseau. Arendt criticizes Rousseau on several grounds, from his general will to his notion of compassion. Here, I will problematize mainly the remarks that Arendt does regarding Rousseau´s "volonté générale". I hold that Arendt’s criticism to Rousseau is legitimate and valid, because it points out to an essential question: the question of human plurality. As the central feature of Arendt’s notion of action, plurality, “the fact that men, not Man, live on earth and inhabit the world” (Arendt, 1998: 7), is indeed in trouble when confronted with Rousseau’s "volonté générale". I believe that the problem that Arendt finds in Rousseau’s general will can be also framed as a problem regarding collective subjects and, ultimately, as a problem with universality. In order to develop this argument, I would like to think, with Arendt, contra Rousseau, but at the same time, with Rousseau, contra Arendt, by elucidating the limits of Arendt’s critique. The relationship between these two authors has been studied before (Canovan 1983), although with a different emphasis that the one I intend to make here. Finally, I will propose to solve the tension between the two --in other words, between plurality and universality-- in the potential political articulation and contingent solution that the theory of hegemony has to offer.


Name: Spiros Makris
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: smakris@uom.gr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Republic as demos. The post-foundational ontology of Cornelius Castoriadis
Abstract:
The contemporary Greek political and social philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis has formulated a post-foundational ontology of democracy in which ancient Greek demos dominates. In contrast with the political theories of modernity, where the epicenter of politics is the power of the state, Castoriadis advances a republican approach of politics, in which power is just a social imaginary without stable foundations. This post-foundational political and social ontology of imaginery brings to the fore both the creative and catastrophic powers of radical human imaginery. Demos is the locus classicus of a republic in the meaning of a public space, where the performance of politics is contingent, open and, to a great degree, unpredictable. This means that democracy would not be taken for granted. In doing so, Cornelius Castoriadis builds an agonistic approach of democracy, where demos is not the power of the state, but a fragile and constantly changed public sphere, where politics is the metonymy of human creativity and freedom. The ontological aspects of this democratic theory give Castoriadis's approach a philosophical and poetical dimension. Either Hesiod's chaos or Aeschylus's anthropology or Sofocle's self-creation of man reveal, according to Castoriadis, human tragedy in the ancient Greek meaning of the word, i.e. the titanic and chaotic the same time capabilities of humanity. Demos is the ontological and political scene of this human tragedy. So, democracy as a republic is not only about common good and public happiness. It concerns human openness towards evil. This the paradox of democracy. For Castoriadis, in a Freudian psychoanalytic way, citizens must always fight for the sake of democracy, having in mind that radical human imaginery is by definition the other ontological face of mythical Abyss.


Name: Jeff Miller
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: millerj@newpaltz.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: State University of New York at New Paltz
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Paper Title:  Tragedy and Democratic Thought in Aeschylus' 'Persians'
Abstract:
This paper is interested in considering how fifth century discourse regarding distinctions between Greeks and barbarians are deployed later civic discourse and helped shape later civic ideology in Athens. Specifically, I argue that many of the terms and concepts Aeschylus applies to the Persians, are redeployed in the Athenian conflicts with Macedonia later in the fourth century and that the deployment and use of these concepts tells us much about how the Greeks thought about democracy.


Name: Sydney Paluch
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: sydney.m.paluch.gr@dartmouth.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Dartmouth College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: The Ambiguity of Antony and Cleopatra : Interrupting Phallocentric Schemes of Objectification Through the Mutual Gaze
Abstract:
This paper proposes an alternative to the male gaze, using Simone de Beauvoir’s theory of ambiguity in order to understand the subversive sexual politics underlying Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra. The concept of the male gaze was first identified in feminist film theorist Laura Mulvey’s article “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” which explains how film is explicitly constructed around the male gaze. Since the publication of Mulvey’s article, feminist theorists such as Linda Williams and Mary Ann Doane have attempted to construct a feminine counterpart to the male gaze. Unfortunately, these theorists have typically concluded that such a gaze is possible by merely reversing the male gaze, substituting female desire for male. Although the female operating within such a theoretical scheme of male objectification gains prominence over the male, this is merely reversing the gender of power without reconstructing the system itself. I propose that there is an alternative, non-possessive gaze, which I define as the “mutual gaze”, and identify in William Shakespeare’s play The Tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra. My paper explicates this gaze by applying Beauvoir’s theory of ambiguity to Antony and Cleopatra, showing how the play enables the subject to become both spectacle and spectator. Although Shakespeare’s entire body of work provide opportunities for women to reclaim their ambiguity and freedom, Antony and Cleopatra has been chosen for this thesis as it provides a plethora of these opportunities. This is because the Greco-Roman couple in Shakespeare’s retelling are enacting what Beauvoir defines as an ideal relationship in her conclusion to The Second Sex. Since in original practice productions Cleopatra is able to be performed as one who “posits herself for herself” while “nonetheless continue[ing] to exist for him [Antony] as well”, both halves of the original power couple are able to “recognize each Other as subject [and] remain an Other for the other” (Beauvoir, The Second Sex 766).


Name: Aleksandar Savanović
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: aleksandar.savanovic@fpn.unibl.org
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Political Sciences
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Paper Title:  The Logic of Rights
Abstract:
As it well known, we have two main lines of philosophical approach to the problem of political obligation: legal positivism and the natural rights concept. [Dworkin] Legal positivism argues that our obligation comes from our decision to become a part of political society. [Raz, J.Buchanan etc] This means that we are creating some kind of agreement or contract with others, to create the political society. We are “tied” by our decision [Gilbert], by decision that has formally been shown in the contract. [Klosko] From this follows that we have obligation to do whatever our political society requires. The key point is: there is no any set of basic principles that must be accepted – any set of basic principles has »shallow foundations« [Rawls]. Second approach is a doctrine of the natural rights, that claims that there exist some natural or human rights that come before any social contract. In this paper we will try to defend »the proposition of the natural rights« from two standpoints: (i) the natural rights are a logical necessity for the politicial constitution: there is no possible to create political community, in logically correct sense, without acceptance of the natural rights - the term of »political community« is an absurd if that community has not been founded on the basis of the natural rights; (ii) the natural rights can be »proven« by using the »evolutionist« approach. The classical »historical« argument against the natural rights claims: through history we can saw infinite number of moral or legal systems and no one can be proven as superior one. [L.Strauss] The »sociological« argument against the natural rights claims: different societies (in same historical era) have different moral or legal systems and no one can be proven as superior. [Hart] Both objections can be defeated by the combination of the evolutionary approach and the utilitarian argument: societies that accept the natural rights (all other conditions equal) have superior efficiency in utilitarian sense and survived through history. Additionally: most important »historical jumps«, as industrial revolution, for example, happened in societies that protected these rights. On the basis of these argumentations we will try to defend hypothesis that the social contract with the preamble of the natural rights is superior model of political community.


Name: Jacob Segal
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: jsegal@kbcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Kingsborough Community College of the City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Conservatism and the Conduct of Conduct
Abstract:
I propose a paper for the New York State Political Science Conference entitled “Conservatism and the Conduct of Conduct” that relates conservative political theory to the poststructuralist model of governmentality in the work of F.A Hayek and Charles Murray. I demonstrate the similarity between neoliberalism in Hayek and the therapeutic model of Murray. I argue that both involve “subjectification” that is, how various social powers inform the creation of choice, or the “conduct of conduct.” This work elaborates on how apparently dissimilar fields of study, neo-liberalism and therapeutic culture, come together in how diverse powers gives shape to an entrepreneurial self that constantly works on itself to produce itself as “autonomous” and “responsible.” I also show the importance of social class in Hayek and Murray insofar as they identify different selves with different income or employment status. I develop these arguments in close reading of the two, demonstrating how the process of subjectification operates in conservative thought and the ambiguities therefore of the conservative critique of the interventionist state. This paper adds to the literature on contemporary conservatism, liberalism and poststructuralism, in particularly the scholarship of governmentality, which is not well in the United States academy.


Name: Dylan Kyle Zlotnik Shaul
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: dylan.shaul@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The New School for Social Research
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Calculating the Incalculable: Kant and Derrida on the Death Penalty
Abstract:
This paper explicates Derrida’s argument for the abolition of the death penalty as an argument against the injustice of calculating the incalculable. The two volumes of Derrida’s Death Penalty seminars purport to provide (or at least lay the foundation for) a properly and uniquely philosophical justification for death penalty abolitionism. Above all, Derrida understands his task as that of undermining the argument in favour of the death penalty articulated by Kant in the Metaphysics of Morals, which Derrida takes to be the most philosophically rigorous of its kind. Kant argues in favour of the death penalty not on grounds of utility, deterrence, prevention, or any similar instrumental consideration, but rather as the pure talionic retribution demanded by the formal, non-instrumental justice of the categorical imperative. For Kant, criminal punishment in general is the application of lex talionis, wherein the punishment has a strict calculable equivalence to the crime. This need not mean that the punishment is qualitatively identical to the crime (e.g., a literal ‘eye for an eye’), but rather that a certain quantitative measure of value is preserved (e.g., monetary compensation equivalent to the value of an eye). However, in the case of the infinite value of human life (corresponding to the infinite dignity of the human person qua rational being, which absolutely transcends every ‘market price’), the only possible equivalent is another infinitely-valuable human life; thus, according to Kant, the only possible punishment for the crime of destroying a life is the destruction of the life of the criminal. But Derrida contends that this infinity is in truth the point at which the law of talion breaks down; if human life resists inclusion into the space of the finite, measurable equivalencies characterizing all punishments other than the death penalty, then we ought to conclude that the law of talion cannot be applied to the case of human life. To calculate with the incalculability of human dignity, even in the name of preserving it (as Kant’s death penalty claims to do), is to violate it. Derrida links this calculation of the incalculable with another such instance, whose significance is not immediately apparent: the death penalty imposes a calculable qua definite and knowable certainty (i.e., that one will be executed on such and such a day at such and such a time) on the otherwise incalculable qua indefinite and unknowable moment of one’s own death (as most powerfully articulated by Heidegger). For Derrida, the injustice here is not so much causing the death of another per se, but rather closing off the openness of human futurity while that other still lives. Now, Kant defines human rationality as the capacity to set ends – that is, the capacity to project oneself into the future in the pursuit of a goal or purpose. Sentencing someone to death, Derrida suggests, would therefore disrespect this defining human capacity, inasmuch as it artificially forecloses the open futural horizon of end-setting. Calculating the incalculable would again violate the very human dignity Kant is concerned with protecting.


Name: Dr.Veena Soni
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: veenasony8@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: JAI NARAYAN VYAS UNIVERSITY ,JODHPUR (RAJ)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Narratives of statelessness and political belonging among Kurdish diaspora in Sweden and the UK
Abstract:
This paper investigates the phenomenon of statelessness and political belonging in a world of unequal nation-states and citizenship regimes. In so doing it will examine the theoretical construction and conceptions of the stateless in contemporary social and political thought and assess their implications for the conceptions of shared identity and citizenship rights in the legal-political framework of the nation-state and international legal processes and practices. In the academic field statelessness has been largely viewed in relation to the ‘lack’ of citizenship and the acquisition of citizenship has therefore been presented as a solution to statelessness. Although citizenship rights and membership of an internationally recognized state are central to the human rights of political subjects in the contemporary world, the conditions and experiences of statelessness do not fade away through acquisition of formal citizenship as the persistent political, legal and military struggles of the stateless groups around the world show. It is therefore important to investigate how notions of political belonging underpinning political projects and collective action of the stateless peoples are constructed and how they inform and shape the evolution of national consciousness among them. Political belonging creates collective goals to sustain or transform political order. This study combines theoretical investigation of statelessness and citizenship with empirical field research on the subjective experiences of the phenomena among the Kurds. Through deploying a narrative inquiry and in-depth interviews, this project will use the narratives of Kurdish migrants in Sweden and the UK to analyze how national consciousness emerges in the absence of a nation-state but also the role of the nation-state in shaping discourses about statelessness and political belonging outside of the ‘original’ homelands.


Name: Matthew Stein
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: tuf96836@temple.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Temple University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  What is “the Political” in Political Philosophy?
Abstract:
Since George Sabine asked, “What is a Political Theory?” in 1939, this meta-theoretical debate concerning the conceptual definition of political philosophy has persisted. Among the works produced on this question, two methodological approaches have been utilized. The first is an example based approach which involves accumulating works that have already been classified as political philosophy, and uncovering qualitative similarities to determine where there is sufficient overlap among the works. The example based approach fails on its own terms because it requires some omitted qualifications for the works’ inclusion in the study, which places the definitional burden not on the investigator, but on some prior condition. The second is a normative approach whereby a definition is first hypothesized, and then applied to various works in order to test the appropriateness of the crafted definition. While the normative approach is methodologically sound, it has not been appropriately utilized since the existing literature fails to adequately define the term “politics.” I analyze this debate in order to emphasize that meta-theoreticians ought to take seriously the philosophical challenge that is defining the political. It is crucial to be clear about our vernacular so that political philosophy can set the boundaries of inclusivity in the field.


Name: Timothy Waligore
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: twaligore@pace.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Pace University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Grave Disrespect: Reparations for the Dead and Political Legitimacy
Abstract:
Liberal theories of justice and political legitimacy are generally forward-looking, concerned with the claims, interests, well-being, or rights of living and future individuals. In non-ideal conditions of historical injustice, however, cultivating feelings of respect toward the dead is important for solidarity amongst the descendants of perpetrators and victims in society today. This paper generates reasons for us to think in some ways rather than others about wrongs that were committed in the past, and about their enduring consequences. I first examine two historical figures, Immanuel Kant and Johann Fichte, as models of approaching justice and the dead. This prepares the way for my own account, in which I argue that we should consider how our theory of justice and political legitimacy, if it had held in the past, would have treated then-living and then-future individuals. Would it have counted as wrong the wrongs suffered by the then-living? Would it have adequately discouraged injustice to the then-living by making them feel sufficient duties of reparation following the wrong? If not, I argue that we can disrespect the dead now by lacking sentiments of justice towards them. Here, the conditions of political legitimacy include the cultivation of sentiments toward the dead, not merely toward the living. I then project this model of political legitimacy forward, arguing that we the living should also be concerned with how citizens in the future will feel about us when we are dead. What sentiments will they develop towards us in the future and how can our actions today induce certain feelings of respect from them? If we care about how future citizens will view us when we are dead, we will anticipate how justice and views of rights will develop. This approach can motivate us to usher in forward-looking changes, rather than being captive to views of justice that are prevalent in our own time.


Name: Yidi Wu
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: yidi.wu@bc.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Boston College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Socrates’ Daimonion
Abstract:
Socrates’ daimonion [δαιμόνιον]is a very complicated issue. What the daimonion is and what roles it played in Socratic way of life are the two central and probably most difficult questions about this issue, since Plato and Xenophon provided different images of Socrates’ daimonion. Still, this paper tries to list and analyze all Plato’s and Xenophon’s accounts concerning the daimonion in order to examine both similarities and differences between them and offer a comprehensive image of Socrates’ daimonion that can answer the two central questions. In fact, these two questions are so important for Socrates’ daimonion, because they are intrinsically related to the two charges Socrates faced: his impiety to the city-gods and his corruption of Athenian youths. No matter how distinct Plato’s description of daimonion is from Xenophon, they both attempted to defend their teacher against the two charges. It is said that Socrates’ daimonion caused the charge of his impiety, as Socrates only acknowledged his daimonion but not the city-gods that his contemporary Athenians believed in. Therefore, both Plato and Xenophon put much effort in arguing Socrates’ daimonion proves his piety. Plato endeavored to demonstrate Socrates’ daimonion belongs to the divine system of city-gods, while Xenophon in order to undermine the particularity of the daimonion, claimed it, other than name, has no difference from the divination that Athenians resort to. Furthermore, the accounts of Socrates’ daimonion in the widely-accepted pseudo-Platonic dialogues Theages and Alcibiades I may offer a new reading of Socrates’ daimonion. The daimonion seems to select those who have potential to philosophize as Socrates’ interlocutors, but it cannot predict whether who will obtain benefit and when they will leave Socrates. Therefore, from a close reading of Theages and Alcibiades I, it can be shown that Alcibiades, the most notorious one of the youth whom Socrates was alleged to “corrupt”, went on to his own destructive path rather than under the guidance of Socrates.


Name: Asher Wycoff
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: awycoff@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Parties of Catastrophe: Keynes, Marxism, and Apocalypse
Abstract:
Like many liberals of his time, John Maynard Keynes apprehended Marxism, particularly its Bolshevik variant, as a faith. This faith is chiefly eschatological, forecasting “the introduction of a New Order on Earth” and insisting on a singular set of methods in preparation (see Keynes's "Short View on Russia"). The inevitability of the New Order and the methods necessary to bring it into existence are, for sincere believers, beyond question. Such sincere believers exist not only in “Red Russia,” but all throughout Europe, even forming a faction of the British Labour Party – a faction Keynes names “the Party of Catastrophe." Certainly, there was much debate among Marxists with regard to the inevitability of general crisis, the necessity of revolution, and so forth. But the accuracy of Keynes’s characterization is less important than its preeminence in liberal thought throughout much of the twentieth century. Marxism first appeared as an eschatology in the wake of a global war, and again in the wake of a global financial crisis shortly thereafter. Keynesian policy formed the economic front of the bourgeoisie’s counteroffensive: a dynamic anti-eschatology in which a board of technocrats would, through fastidious monetary and fiscal adjustments, not only abate capitalist crisis, but eliminate its ontological possibility altogether. This paper aims to account for the apprehension of Marxism as an eschatological faith from the bourgeois standpoint, and articulate the anti-eschatological character of the Keynesian response. Methodological and conceptual cues are taken from Lukács and Benjamin, pertaining to the "reification" critique of social science epistemology and the messianic “kernel” of historical materialism, respectively. Part of a larger project on the role(s) of eschatology in the liberal tradition, this paper intervenes critically into the "messianic turn" in continental thought as well as the intellectual history of twentieth century political economy.


Name: Sukru Yurtsever
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: syurtsever@gtu.edu.tr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Gebze Technical University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Social Capital in the Creation of Inclusive Identities: The Case of European Identity
Abstract:
dentity has become more influential than ever in explaining the problems of our world's new unpredictable social and political order. There is a large spectrum of conceptual definitions, theoretical approaches and causational relations developed by different academic disciplines which in turn extend the content of identity and increase the contention on it. In this paper, I will try to contribute to this dynamic nature of identity literature particularly collective identity formation, using social capital theory as an explanatory factor. The originality of my thesis relies on the idea that social capital dimensions like generalized trust, social networks and associational memberships can explain the inclusive/exclusive structure of one's identification. Toward this goal European identity constituted the focal point of my research. The complex relationship between highly politicized national identities and a still-developing European identity presents an appropriate case of analysis, and moreover social capital – which can be defined broadly as values created via social relationships and social groups, seems to be promising for its applicability to the operation of inclusive national vs. European identification structure. European level surveys have been used to confirm this relationship empirically, which can be summarized as identities, at least at the bottom-up social identification level, are not fixed but constantly fluctuate and change by the nature of social capital.


Name: Yichuan Zhou
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: zhouy997@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The New School for Social Research
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: The Disenchantment and Educative Role of Revolutionary Enthusiasm in Kant's and Marx's thinking
Abstract:
The diffusion way of protest in modern China is particularly interesting. Because the reason for some peasants or workers to protest does not directly relate to their discontent with government’s policies but rather lies in the very simple fact that they are touched and encouraged by those people who protest in the first time. I wonder if we can explain this phenomenon in a new way which is grounded in Kant's and Marx's reflections on revolutionary enthusiasm? Referring to the texts of Kant and Marx seems to contradict to our common sense at the beginning. Because we tend to believe that Kant is the supporter of peaceful reform and he denies the right of revolution in any sense, it might be counter-intuitive for us to accept the fact that Kant ever valued revolutionary enthusiasm. Moreover, since we consider that Marx lays particular stress on political economic analysis of capitalist society and refuses to take part in any ethical debate through his life, it is also difficult for us to believe that Marx once pondered over revolutionary enthusiasm. However, some clues have clearly indicated that both Kant and Marx notice that how human’s collective memory of revolutionary enthusiasm could influence the contemporaneous or future observers.



Identity Politics

Name: Fatih Cetin
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: fcetin@umass.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts Amherst
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  FRANCE'S PROTRACTED PROBLEM WITH CONSERVATIVE MUSLIM ATTIRES: A PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH
Abstract:
The increasing visibility of Muslims in the European and American public sphere in the last few decades has been accompanied by diversified forms of self-expression in these realms. Muslims brought their religious discourses, symbols, and practices to these settings and the demands of Muslim citizens for the reformulation of consensual principles and homogenized structures constituting the public sphere have triggered contentious public discussions about the boundaries and meaning of these secular settings. One such example is the growing and vociferous debate concerning the attire of Muslim women in France. Since 2004 France has banned the use of a headscarf in all public schools, the wearing of a burqa in public, and recently prohibited women from wearing a burkini. While these restrictions concerning Muslim attire have been seen across Western Europe, France stands out as a unique case in the level of restrictions on this attire and the overwhelming level of public support for these restrictions. Existing studies on the controversy generally adopt a top-down approach and exclusively seek to discover how French elites approach the topic and justify their positions; thereby telling little about how lay French people approach to the controversy and what kind of individual level factors inform their views.I aim to fill this important lacuna in the literature. I hypothesize that the opposition to Muslim cultural expression is best understood as an authoritarian reaction to the visibility of Muslim symbols in France. Furthermore, these practices are related to a perceived security threat since these women are seen by the French public as being associated with Islamic militancy. Finally, people with negative stereotypical views on Muslims are the ardent supporters of restrictions on the expressions of Muslim symbols in public domains. Therefore, my aim in this study is to indicate the individual level determinants of public opinion on conservative Muslim garments through conducting a regression analysis via using the recently collected public survey data by Gallup.


Name: Helma de Vries-Jordan
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: hdevries@pitt.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Pittsburgh at Bradford
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Coming Out Narratives and Making the Personal Political in Marriage Equality Movements
Abstract:
This paper explores transnational activism concerning marriage equality in the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Ireland, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Australia, and New Zealand. Despite having varied institutional contexts, all these countries have achieved marriage equality through a range of tactics, including litigation, legislation, and referendums or plebiscites. Interviews were conducted from 2013 to 2014 with activists, organizers, legislators, and litigators involved in the marriage equality and LGBT rights movements in these countries. This paper advances the argument that what has enabled these movements to be successful, across such a range of institutional contexts, is the centrality of coming out narratives by LGBT activists as well as allies, making the politics of marriage equality personal and thus making the personal political. Using accounts from these interviews, I explore the effects of these narratives on the marriage equality movement, cross-nationally, as well as the potential to use such narratives in other identity-based movements.


Name: Julie Hollar
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: jhollar@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Hunter College, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Representation and Rights at the Intersections: The Impact of LGBT Politicians in the United States
Abstract:
As increasing numbers of out LGBT politicians take elected office in the United States, what is their impact on policies of interest to the LGBT community? Scholars have suggested that a strong positive increase in pro-LGBT legislation comes with the presence of out LGBT officials, but these studies have not taken the diversity of LGBT identities into account. Most out elected LGBT officials have been white, cisgender gay men; how well do these politicians represent the diverse LGBT community—descriptively, symbolically, or substantively? This paper will use an intersectional lens to reevaluate the impact of LGBT representation in the United States, looking at both who is in office and what kinds of policies they have pursued, with implications for descriptive representation across identity groups.


Name: Jane Marcus-Delgado
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: jane.marcusdelgado@csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: College of Staten Island, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Populism and Women's Rights in Latin America
Abstract:
Populism and Women’s Rights in Latin America Jane Marcus-Delgado, Ph.D. College of Staten Island, CUNY For scholars of Latin American politics, today’s rise of authoritarian populists is an all-too-familiar scenario. Some of the most well-known leaders in the region’s history – Mexico’s Cardenas, Peru’s Velasco, Brazil’s Vargas, and Argentina’s Peron – defined traditional populism and shaped their countries’ political landscapes for much of the twentieth century. The post-Cold War iteration of populist governance emerged from the economic chaos of decades of military dictatorships, in a revamped version of the strongman caudillo. This paper focuses on late 20th century and more recent Latin American populists, and the effects of their presidencies on women’s rights. These leaders deploy traditional populist tactics such as appealing to a mass constituency through an unmediated, non-institutionalized relationship with the populace. Unlike their historical forebears, however, they generally break with the socially redistributive policies and expansive public sector growth that were the hallmarks of populism. While the past ages of populist leadership had proven unsustainable, their neoliberal heirs have done a dramatic about-face and adapted their political economic leadership to contemporary global conditions. At first glance, neoliberal populism seems inherently antithetical to women’s rights. Its leaders embody a hyper-masculine persona that, rather than respond to organized movements or majoritarian demands, capriciously rely on their personal whims and interests. But the role of women in populist-led governments is a great deal more complex, as they are often afforded unprecedented opportunities for leadership. For example, the region led the globe in its adoption of gender-based candidate quotas, requiring all political parties to field a certain percentage of female candidates. Many populist presidents incorporate a relatively high percentage of women in cabinet positions, including ministries of defense, the diplomatic corps, and the judiciary. In fact, I contend that populist presidents (especially those on the political Left) often institute policies and practices that benefit elite women, co-opting many traditional women’s groups and disempowering more radical alternatives. The paper juxtaposes progress in women’s political visibility with the havoc wreaked on the rights of poor, rural, and marginalized women, especially indigenous and Afro-descendent populations. While it compares the effects of populist leadership on women overall, the work specifically emphasizes its most destructive aspect: the battle against reproductive rights. From policies reflecting the will of the Catholic Church and evangelical groups to family planning programs that forcibly sterilize poor women, populist presidents have waged a veritable war on Latin America’s most vulnerable populations. Ironically, those most affected by these social policies tend to form the backbone of populists’ support – a phenomenon examined in this study. This research compares three contemporary Latin American populists, Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, Bolivia’s Evo Morales, and Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, with three populist presidents who governed during 1990s: Peru’s Alberto Fujimori, Argentina’s Carlos Menem, and Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez. It focuses on the socio-economic effects of each on women’s rights, during and after the emergence of the neoliberal, competitive authoritarian state.


Name: Muhammad Mushtaq
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: shaikh_m_mushtaq@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of Gujrat, Pakistan
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Ethnoregional Party Success in Pakistan (1970-2013): An Analysis
Abstract:
The propensity to organize parties along ethno-regional lines has been remained alive in most of the multiethnic states. Additionally, the growing ethnic strife and political fragmentation in the recent past have resulted in the proliferation of ethnoregionalist parties worldwide. These parties have attracted considerable electoral support and resultantly, have moderately influenced the public policy in several cases. This paper attempts to determine the role of ethnoregionalist parties in the politics of Pakistan by examining their electoral performance in the general elections. The evidence demonstrates that the influential role of ethnoregionalist parties in the politics of Pakistan will prevail until any significant shift in the behavior of the national electorate.


Name: Elena Raevskikh
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: elena.raevskikh@univ-amu.fr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: CNRS - Centre Norbert Elias
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Maxime JAFFRÉ, CNRS - Centre Norbert Eliasmaxime.jaffre@univ-amu.fr
Co-presenter info: Maxime JAFFRÉ, CNRS - Centre Norbert Eliasmaxime.jaffre@univ-amu.fr
Paper Title:  Managing the "European Capitals of Culture" program: European Policies and Local Governance
Abstract:
European cultural policy programs, such as European Capitals of Culture (ECC), seek to develop new forms of civic cohesion through inclusive and participative cultural events. The cultural assets of a city elected "ECC" are mobilized to attract a wide range of new audiences, including populations poorly integrated into local cultural life and consequently distant from pre-existing cultural offerings. In the current context of increasingly heterogeneous individual perceptions of Europe, the ECC program aims to promote cultural forms and institutions intended to accelerate both territorial and cross-border European cohesion. This new cultural consumption pattern is conceived to stimulate integration and mobility, but also to create a legitimate and transnational ideal European citizen type. However, cultural struggles and identity conflicts that are emerging in contemporary Europe, especially in the context of increasing immigration issues, raise new challenges for European cultural policies to address inclusion and integration with populations poorly integrated into local cultural life. Our comparative research addresses the contrasting cases of "European Capitals of Culture" from southern and northern Europe, cities which have recently been affected by the ECC political mechanism, and cities that had been elected as ECC in the past. This paper aims to explore the impacts of European policies on institutions, as well as to understand current obstacles to their efficient implementation. For this, we will analyze the interplay between top-down European cultural policies and local governance.


Name: Sule Toktas
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: sule@khas.edu.tr
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Kadir Has University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Citizenship in Transition: Emigration of Turkey’s Jews to the United States
Abstract:
Citizenship in Turkey is universal in its framework in the sense that it does not recognize special rights for different socio-cultural-ethnic groups holding Turkish citizenship. The only exception to this is the case of non-Muslim minorities. Turkey granted special group rights to the Armenian, Jewish and the Greek communities who altogether constitute less than one per cent of the total population. Only these three minority groups were recognized as minority by the Laussanne Treaty in 1923. The same Treaty not only specifies the hallmark of Turkey’s legal and political attitude towards its minorities but also sets an official framework to the consequent policies regarding the protection of minorities and minority rights. This presentation deals with the question of citizenship of a non-religious minority group – Jews in Turkey – with their distinct experience of emigration out of the country to the Americas, especially to the USA. The time interval under consideration refers to the 20th century when two world wars occurred that triggered migration movements of the Jews wither to Israel after its establishment in 1948 or elsewhere out of the Middle East and Europe. Currently, it is estimated that around 15.000 Jews are living in Turkey which illustrates the fact that Jewish emigration out of the country has been a constant movement. The presentation will outline the roots, dynamics, trends and tendencies of Jewish migration from Turkey to the Americas in the 20th century in light of the findings obtained via an archival research conducted in the governmental and non-governmental archives in New York and in Istanbul.


Name: Martin Wenglinsky
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: martywenglinsky@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Quinnipiac University
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Paper Title: The End of Social Movements?
Abstract:
A social movement is an attempt by a group of people to organize themselves so as to change society by making the larger population of the society aware of their problems and exerting political, economic and social pressure so as to have their grievances met. Examples of successful social movements include the abolition movement, the temperance movement, the union movement, and the movement to get the vote for women. But it seems that the movements of the past forty years, at least those on the Left, such as “Black Lives Matter” and “Occupy Wall Street”, have forgotten what it takes to put together a movement that can sustain itself and accomplish something, even though the elements of social movements have been understood since the time of Moses and were well understood during the time of the labor movement and the civil rights movement. This paper will focus on the mechanisms that are necessary for a movement to succeed and will speculate on why current movements, including the current movement to protect women from sexual harassment, have not or are not likely to succeed. There are five elements to any social movement: a legislative program; an inspirational leader; a mechanism for reaching and mobilizing the membership base; a distinctive mechanism for attracting attention; an ideological or general explanation of what it is up to. A movement can do without one or another of these elements. The women’s movement never had an inspirational leader nor did it have a distinctive mechanism. It made use of marches and rallies, something common to most movements. But it did have a clear legislative program, equality in employment and abortion rights, the two tied together because the second makes the first possible, and it got those, even though that was through the mechanism of a Supreme Court decision rather than legislation. The current movement against sexual harassment, however, seems to have none of these elements: there is no leadership, except for some actresses who speak their piece and then disappear from the scene; no legislative program, such as laws which more clearly spell out what is meant by harassment; no distinctive action, such as was represented at an earlier time by burning draft cards or bras at rallies, and no organization that presents itself as representing the goals of the movement. What it does have is a lot of outrage at women being treated badly. That is admirable, but where does it go from there? Why this is the situation has to do, we may speculate, on a cultural situation where political action, at least on the Left, is no longer fashionable, people having given up on government as a way to deal with their problems or at least with newly publicized problems; or it may have to do with women not seeing themselves as a collectivity that will unite behind a cause, a problem that also plagued those who campaigned for the Equal Rights Amendment; or it may also have to do with the absence, for whatever reason, of that small number of ideologists necessary to give voice to a movement."


Name: Sukru Yurtsever
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: syurtsever@gtu.edu.tr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Gebze Technical University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Social Capital in the Creation of Inclusive Identities: The Case of European Identity
Abstract:
dentity has become more influential than ever in explaining the problems of our world's new unpredictable social and political order. There is a large spectrum of conceptual definitions, theoretical approaches and causational relations developed by different academic disciplines which in turn extend the content of identity and increase the contention on it. In this paper, I will try to contribute to this dynamic nature of identity literature particularly collective identity formation, using social capital theory as an explanatory factor. The originality of my thesis relies on the idea that social capital dimensions like generalized trust, social networks and associational memberships can explain the inclusive/exclusive structure of one's identification. Toward this goal European identity constituted the focal point of my research. The complex relationship between highly politicized national identities and a still-developing European identity presents an appropriate case of analysis, and moreover social capital – which can be defined broadly as values created via social relationships and social groups, seems to be promising for its applicability to the operation of inclusive national vs. European identification structure. European level surveys have been used to confirm this relationship empirically, which can be summarized as identities, at least at the bottom-up social identification level, are not fixed but constantly fluctuate and change by the nature of social capital.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Remi Alapo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: oalapo@bmcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Borough of Manhattan Community College, BMCC - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
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Paper Title:  Architecture of Leadership: Behavioral Integrity and the Role of Strategy, Innovation, and Vision on Both Leaders and Followers
Abstract:
The behavioral integrity of managers as viewed by their followers has a lot to do with overall performanceand ways in which leaders can continue to motivate employees to achieve the overall goals or objectives of anorganization and creating an organizational culture in which employees or followers are valued, supported, andrespected (Rogers and Gagos 2003). Employees or followers who work in environments where the ethicalvalues of leaders do not favor followers can have a detrimental effect on follower’s job satisfaction rate, abilityto remain innovative and can reduce respect and trust for the leader. The role of behavioral integrity onfollower’s strategy depends on the role of the leader and how the leader has been able to communicate thestrategic goals to followers especially where they have aligned the behavior of the leader towards the employee(David and Rothstein 2006). A follower’s behavioral integrity can decline when leaders do not visiblycommunicate and respect employee’s opinions or perspectives. To move the organizational goals forward,employees’ attitudes towards the leader affect their overall performance and willingness to remain innovativeand creative. Followers are bound to perform the highest and remain innovative when they work in anenvironment that is nurturing and supportive of their creativity. The author will present a paper on behavioral integrity and will analyze the role of strategy, innovation, and vision on both leaders and followers in an organizational setting.


Name: Eric Brower
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: eb3527a@student.american.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: American University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  Balling with the Boys in Blue: How Police Athletic Leagues Affect Attitudes Toward Police
Abstract:
Attitudes toward police officers have become increasingly important to police forces in recent years. Community based policing (CBP) is one system of operations that a police force may use to build communal bonds between citizens and officers, thus, potentially fostering better attitudes and relationships between the two groups. Police athletic leagues (PALs) are one form of CBP that attempt to build positive relation- ships between officers and citizens through non-confrontational and enjoyable activities. The research in this paper examines an established PAL in Albany, NY and compares attitudes toward police officers among both people who engage with the PAL and those who do not. The study utilized surveying and analysis of results to determine if en- gagement with a PAL leads to a person holding a more positive attitude toward police officers.


Name: Paul Celentano
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: pcelentano@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: CUNY Graduate Center
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Beyond Discretion: Asylum Adjudication in "Similar" Cases
Abstract:
The rise of anti-migrant parties in a number of EU member states and domestic political power shifts in their favor have worried advocates for the international protection of asylum seekers. Indeed, dramatic decreases in asylum seeker acceptance in states throughout Europe has coincided with the growing influence of parties such as Fidesz and Jobbik in Hungary, the DPP in Denmark, FPÖ in Austria, and the Swedish Democrats in Sweden, to name a few. However, this paper suggest that asylum decision-making is, in fact, more independent of domestic political power shifts than is assumed, with most discretionary authority over asylum decisions vested in bureaucrats and judges, and relatively little evidence of policy shifts by elected officials drastically altering asylum decision-making practice by bureaucrats. Rather, declines in the asylum acceptance rates and numbers of applications in a number of EU countries are better explained as the by-product of international agreements, such as the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, than by policy shifts by anti-migrant governments.


Name: Amobi Peter Chiamogu
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: amobi.chiamogu@federalpolyoko.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Federal Polytechnic, Oko Anambra State Nigeria West Africa
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Chop Politics and Economic Development in Nigeria: A Study of Multiple Pension by former Political Office holders
Abstract:
The return to civilian rule and purported entrenchment of the rule of law in Nigeria has occasioned the dawn of elite gangsterism and collusion in pillage of public funds. Law making and sundry processes of legislative programmes have variously been skewed along interests of the ruling class. Elected public officers at the executive arm of government at national and state levels such as the President and Governors have fixed terms of office. A President is eligible for pension after “retirement”. They must leave after two terms. According to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and a bill passed by the National Assembly in November 2010, former Presidents, Heads of State, Heads of federal legislative Houses (Senate and House of Representatives) and Chief Justice qualify for remuneration on successful completion of their term of office. Governors were not included in the bill but they later colluded with state houses of assemblies to get juicy packages at retirement. What is more, these former governors and heads of legislative assemblies have incidentally turned out Senate Presidents and governors as appropriate to qualify for multiple pensions. This study which is situated within the tenets of conspiracy theory thus interrogates the rationale for the payment of multiple pension on former public office holders for serving the country and or their states for a maximum of 8 years whereas civil servants who served meritoriously for 35 years are having running battles to access their pensions in the same country. The study uses mainly secondary sources of information and surmises that those who occupy two or more elective public offices deserving of pensions should get paid the value for their last office.


Name: Marcio Camargo Cunha Filho
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: mccfilho@american.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Brasília - UnB
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Paper Title:  Right to Information in Brazil: promoting social accountability or legitimizing secrets?
Abstract:
Right to Information in Brazil: promoting social accountability or legitimizing secrets? Key-words: Right to Information, Brazil, Accountability As instruments of social accountability, Right to Information (RTI) laws are considered key elements of modern democracies, especially in Latin America, where the traditional accountability mechanisms are considered insufficient to promote participatory democracy. Nevertheless, not all RTI laws are capable of producing accountability. In certain contexts, they tolerate the continuity of secrets, limiting their ability to promote change in the political system. This paper studies the enforcement of the RTI law in Brazil. Its main goal is to analyze the tensions between transparency and control of information that emerge from the operation of the system of information access in the country. I argue that the normative framework of the system embodies three instruments of control of information: the structure of the procedure of information access, which attributes decision-making power exclusively to high-level officeholders who can be freely appointed and removed from office; the procedural safeguards for information requests, whose vagueness empowers bureaucrats to define their concrete meaning without being held accountable; and the substantive exceptions, which create numerous possibilities of secrecy that limit the scope of the disclosure rule. Added to the absence of an external oversight agency, these mechanisms of control allow public agents to be unchecked when deciding to withhold information. Nevertheless, despite these mechanisms of control, individuals that operate the system are never fully constrained, and in certain circumstances they can advance transparency. In which circumstances the individuals that operate the system can manage to do so? This paper analyzes decisions made by the centralized appellate agency in Brazil’s RTI system, the Office of the Comptroller General (Controladoria-Geral da União – CGU). It is a study of critical cases that will examine through process-tracing which conditions must be met for it to overrule lower agencies’ decisions and thus promote transparency. My hypothesis is that the CGU manages to do so only when it acts with integration and coordination within itself and with the appealed agencies. When the decision-making process is coordinated, it manages to enhance its autonomy and therefore increase its potential to disclose public information. When the decision-making process is centralized in one of a few officeholders, the costs of a disclosure decision are concentrated, which undermines the chances of disclosure. Another factor that may impact the probability of disclosure is the salience of the information requested. The costs of disclosure are low when decisions can be kept “under the radar” of high-level policy-makers, but the agency becomes vulnerable to political pressure whenever a sensitive or politically salient information is requested. I conclude that the RTI system in Brazil is designed to promote a “window dressing” transparency, which is unable to be used as an effective accountability tool. Therefore, institutional reform designed to provide more autonomy to appellate bodies of access to information should be considered.


Name: Mayana Stella De Araujo Silva
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: mayanaaraujo21@gmail.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: Dom Bosco University, Brazil
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Danilo L. Mirando, dlm0905@gmail.com, Barrister in Brazil; Felipe M Santos, felipedemiranda@icloud.com, Barrister in Brazil
Co-presenter info: Danilo L. Mirando, dlm0905@gmail.com, Barrister in Brazil; Felipe M Santos, felipedemiranda@icloud.com, Barrister in Brazil
Paper Title: Democratic Legitimacy and the Anticipation of Presidential Elections in Contemporary Brazil: A Case Study
Abstract:
This paper investigates the legal viability of pulling forward presidential elections within the Brazilian 1988 Federal Constitution framework. The main consequence of such elections schedule advancing is the reduction of the present presidential term. In a polity with a history of frequent constitutional disruptions, instability, political coups and hastened terms, we hypothesize that popular sovereignty and constitutional legitimacy of elected officials have functioned as fundamental republican mechanisms to provide much needed stability and legitimacy to the continuation of the democratization process started in the 1980’s and the consolidation of the current democratic constitutional order. The main questionings in this paper refer to the bases for defining the sources of regime legitimacy in this democratizing polity, the value of republicanism and federalism as mechanisms for promoting the People’s will. Another important questions regards the influence of paternalistic and Caudillistic politics on the functioning of democratic republicanism and the process of democratic consolidation. In order to verify the hypothesis and respond to the questions, we proceed to an analysis of the constitutional text and jurisprudence of both Federal Brazilian Court Circuit and the Supreme Court on the rules and procedures to electing and functioning of presidential terms, mandates and authority as well as the Chiefs of the other two branches, namely the Legislative and the Judiciary, who can also be removed from power by impeachment or demotion processes. To complete this discussion, we study both constitutional rules and popular perception on shortening elected terms, succession of demoted officials (esp. the president), and the legitimacy and institutional value of each branch of government. Finally, this paper lists concrete cases where the possibility of shortening the term of an elected president, by pulling forward elections or resorting to the line of succession constitutionally set was considered and what action was affectively taken, as well as the consequences of such processes on democratic consolidation and regime legitimacy in Brazil.


Name: Gina Keel
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: keelgl@oneonta.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Politics of GMO labeling post-preemption
Abstract:
TBD, this is a test.


Name: Peter Mameli
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: pmameli@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Managing the 2017 Ebola Outbreak in Democratic Republic of the Congo
Abstract:
In May of 2017 word began to spread across international media that an outbreak of Ebola had surfaced in the Central African country of Democratic Republic of the Congo. The news was both sobering and worrisome for a people that had weathered prior bouts with the illness. The worst transnational Ebola epidemic in history had only recently concluded approximately a year earlier in West Africa, with over 11,000 officially killed. That two year long episode primarily impacted the countries of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Less directly affected were the states of Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, as well as select Western European countries and the United States who each saw a smattering of scattered cases. It was the first time the region of West Africa had ever experienced Ebola. Among the issues that stood out in the 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic was the inability to quickly control the spread of the virus through multi-level and multi-actor management techniques. In fact, the early stages of the crisis were widely criticized for slow and ineffective response across a variety of sectors of the global political system. As a result of the West Africa epidemic the situation in Democratic Republic of the Congo becomes of greater interest than it might otherwise have been to both academics and practitioners. With a newly elected Director-General of the World Health Organization entering office, the successful or unsuccessful engagement of the Democratic Republic of the Congo outbreak offers clues as to whether or not lessons gleaned from earlier Ebola episodes have been properly absorbed and put into practice. In this paper I will explore the following questions: 1) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with others in its history? 2) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with the 2014-2016 outbreak in West Africa? 3) What are the possible reasons behind successes or failures in responding to this latest Ebola occurrence?


Name: Whitney Martinez
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: whitney.martinez@cgu.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Chaffey College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  War Zone Round 2: Exploring Incarceration Rate of Military Veterans By Race
Abstract:
Military Veterans in the United States suffer from an array of system inflicted hardships including unemployment, homelessness and mass incarceration. This research paper explores the relationship between incarceration rate and race within the veteran group. For the sake of this study, I am specifically interested in incarceration rates for blacks and whites in the United States in 2011. I obtained data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics & the Department of Labor to create proportions & generate percentages of veterans incarcerated over their share in the U.S. adult population. My results show that black veterans were incarcerated at a higher rate than white veterans, based on their share in the U.S. adult population in 2011. This result presents many implications for future policy proposals including recommendations that cater to the complex intersectionalities within the veteran group. It also presents more questions such as “Are black veterans further marginalized than their white counterparts? Does veteran status serve as a safe guard in reference to veterans interacting with the criminal justice system? How can we rehabilitate veterans effectively given racial identity to decrease the incarceration rate across racial groups?


Name: Jose Humberto Oliveira
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: humbertoaba@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Universidade Federal do Maranhão
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Argemiro Silva / Unidade de Ensino Superior Dom Bosco Pedro Viana / Universidade Federal do Maranhão
Co-presenter info: Argemiro Silva / Unidade de Ensino Superior Dom Bosco Pedro Viana / Universidade Federal do Maranhão
Paper Title: Compliance for Small and Medium Enterprises: A Brazilian Challenge
Abstract:
The international fight against bribery has an important ally nowadays: the spread of anti-bribery laws in countries with relevancy in direct flow of investment index. These laws propose to increase the costs and risks incurred by companies when the practice of bribery is detected. Compliance programs are tools to monitor and control such costs and risks by using of internal mechanisms and procedures for integrity, auditing and incentive to report irregularities and the effective application of codes of ethics and conduct within the company. Compliance brings challenges to be effective within enterprises. For SCs (small companies) they are even greater, although most of the laws have differentiated view for this segment. This work is based on the hypothesis that adopting compliance programs into Brazilian SCs is really challenging. It goes beyond the traditional challenges, namely: the system depends on the particular structure of each company to be effective, its management business approach; The allocation of proper financial, assets and human resources; The independence of professionals or departments to make and sustain the program; A complex regulatory environment and the necessary investment in information technology. Above all, Brazilian SCs must overcome their own understanding of what compliance is and what its benefits are indeed. In reality, the concern of directors and owners would be concentrated in the tax burden and in labor risks, in the scarcity of incentives to increase exports and not in order to avoid arrests or fines that affect business profitability. A general overview on this issue nowadays can surely show the interest growth around the world. In the US, the FCPA Guidance and Sentencing Guidelines (Section 8B2.1) admit that SMEs likely will have different compliance programs from large multi-national corporations, based on less formality and fewer resources that TNCs. The main approach in this regard would be: training employees through informal staff meetings, and continuous observation; using available personnel, rather than employing separate staff; modeling its own compliance and ethics program on existing, well-regarded compliance and ethics programs and best practices of other similar organizations. In Brazil, according to Micro and Small Business Support Service (SEBRAE) research, 99% of the companies are small businesses. They represent, approximately, 25% of the country’s GDP, 52% of all jobs (not considering informal work) and 30% of the purchases of the Brazilian Federal Government. Such relevance for Brazilian economy addresses authorities to seek to engage SCs in anti-corruption compliance efforts. In this regard, the Alliance for Integrity (SEBRAE and Office of the Comptroller General - CGU partnership) is a program that details compliance measures to take effect when evaluating compliance programs of micro and small business.


Name: Andrew Pattison
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: apattison@colgate.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Colgate University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  The Weight of Carbon on Policy: Towards a Framework for Understanding How Greenhouse Gas Inventories Can Inform Equitable Climate Policy Design
Abstract:
Using top-down carbon emissions inventory data built from direct measures, previous analysis has demonstrated socioeconomic variables including household income are related to county-level carbon emissions in complicated ways. While consumption-based emissions have been shown to be positively associated with income, production-based e missions offer a different pattern – one suggesting an environmental inequality story of the “displacement of emissions”. Examinations of “bottom-up” local-level carbon emissions inventory data built from carbon footprint analysis have yielded some similar, but also some more complicated findings. These inventories can help track the displaced emissions back to the affluent communities responsible. We have also shown that consumption-based and production-based emissions are necessary but countervailing conditions for climate policy support at the county level. In this study we attempt to untangle the relationship between socioeconomic data such as household income, different categories of carbon emissions such as production and consumption emissions, and the relationship of these variables to the formulation of climate policy. The primary goal is to test how top-down and bottom-up carbon emission inventory data and environmental foot-printing techniques might inform climate policy design in different ways.


Name: Diogo Santos
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: diogosantos@nagoya-u.jp
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Pitágoras University, Brazil
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Danilo Miranda, Mayana Araújo
Co-presenter info: Mayana Araújo
Paper Title: Democratic Legitimacy and the Anticipation of Presidential Elections in Contemporary Brazil: A Case Study
Abstract:
The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between urbanization and urban design on the one hand, and the changes in political culture and democratization on the other in contemporary Brazil. The largest country both in population and territory, with allegedly the most complex and sophisticated economy in Latin America, Brazil has experienced the most intense and accelerated process of urbanization in the region for the last 120 years. Indeed, the 20th century in Brazil transformed economic production flows, exchanges and social relations. Social dynamics in Brazil have changed from authoritarian power frameworks in a rural impoverished society in the early 1900’s into a rapidly urbanized, densely packed citizenship concentrated in chaotic metropolises demanding for democracy, participation, social and urban services, improved economic and living conditions. Starting in early 2013, popular unrest and riots preceding the FIFA World Cup in Brazil culminated on the impeachment of a democratically elected president who was deemed as corrupt and incapable of producing efficient governance. Demands voiced during protests, both pacific and riots, revealed a broad and roughly defined popular agenda: from improvements in urban services and welfare (better healthcare, education, transportation) to discontent with raging corruption and lack of transparency in government affairs. Indeed, the literature has noted these developments, however, given the protests started from discontent with urban services, and were fundamentally a urban mass phenomenon, the relationship between urbanization and the rise of a new political attitude of more popular assertiveness and demanding for political goods is yet to be established. The difficulty rests in the fact that urbanization is well advanced in Brazil: most of the population has already lived in cities for more that two generations. This study then asks: How can the changes in political culture be observed and documented once the masses have already concluded the geographical transition form rural areas to cities? The last state to reach a majority of urban population in Brazil was Maranhão. The state’s capital and largest city, São Luís is among the 20 largest metropolitan areas in the nation and locus of intense poverty, fragile urban services, chaotic infrastructure and perhaps the most impoverished and recently urbanized populations among Brazil’s bigger cities. This paper will then examine Raquel Rolnik’s concept of Urban Web and the unique features of São Luís urban landscape and social interactions therein. This study hypothesizes that recent rural-urban migrations impact on the people’s perceptions regarding their rights and possibilities of political participation.


Name: Meruyert Seitova
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: seitovameruyert@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Akhmet Yassawi University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  STUDENT TEACHERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF REFLECTIVE PRACTICE
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STUDENT TEACHERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF REFLECTIVE PRACTICEMeruyert Seitova, PhD student KazakhstanRecent changes in education policy, which emphasize greater teacher improvement in designing curriculum and assessing students, have also been an imetus to increased reflective teaching. Reflective teaching has proved to be a successful technique for teachers’ practice, despite the fact that it has been used in last few decades. The reflective practice is the procedure of implementation of reflective thinking and teaching together.By using the reflective practice,the teacher aims to achieve professional development and extend this ability into the classroom. Unlike the traditional teacher education models, the concept of reflective practice place teachers at the very center of their self-evaluation as they take responsibility of their actions in the classroom,look back, analyze, monitor, evaluate their own practice, and make necessary changes in order to continue to strengthen their teaching practice throughout their teaching careers (Valli1997; Jay & Johnson, 2002;Farrell, 2007;Richards,2008).The present study aims at engaging ELT student teachers in reflective teaching practice through the use of reflective diary during their school internship and finding out their perceptions about this reflective teaching practice that they were engaged in.The research questions of the study are :1. How do student teachers perceive the experience with reflective practice?;2.How do student teachers reflect on their teaching skills during the school internship? For the research purposes, a total of eight ELT student teachers studying at the English Philology Department of Akhmet Yassawi International Kazakh-Turkish University, in Kazakhstan participated in the study. The data were collected through the qualitative research instruments. After the student teachers were involved in reflective practice through the reflective tool, they were asked to keep reflective diaries during the twelve weeks school internship and following it the interview was conducted to learn their perceptions of reflective practice.The data obtained from the qualitative data were analyzed through thematic analysis.The results of the study put forward that the student teachers benefited much from the current study and were pleased with having participated in this reflective teaching practice by means of reflective diary. Engaging in reflective practice was found as an important opportunity for gaining awareness about teaching skills and practices, increasing self-evaluation and professional growth. The student teachers also stated that reflective diary use fostered the growth of reflective practice by encouraging them to engage in examining what was being done in the classroom. This process persuaded the individual to look for strengths and weaknesses and thus actively seek improvement in recognized areas. Though the growth of reflection and reflective practice, the student teachers used personnel experiences and connection with classroom theory to grow and develop as professionals.Keywords: Reflective teaching, reflective diary, self-evaluation, professional development.References:Boyatzis, R. E. (1998). Transforming qualitative information: Thematic analysis and code development. sage.Farrell, T. (2007).Reflective language teaching: From research to practice.London: Continuum Press.Jay, J. K., & Johnson, K. L. (2002). Capturing complexity: A typology of reflective practice forteacher education. Teaching and teacher education, 18(1), 73-85.Krause, K. (2004). Reflective teaching, educational psychology for learning and teaching. 1-44.Richards, J. C., & Lockhart, C. (2007). Reflective Teaching in Second Language Classrooms.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Richards, J. C. (2008). Second language teacher education today. RELC journal, 39(2), 158-177.Valli, L. (1997). Listening to other voices: A description of teacher reflection in the United States. Peabody journal of Education, 72(1), 67-88.Zwozdiak-Myers, P. (2011). Reflective Practice for Professional Development. In A. Green (Ed.),Becoming a Reflective English Teacher (pp. 26-42). Berkshire, GB: Open University Press.


Name: Pedro M.S. Serejo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: humbertoaba@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Santa Terezinha University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics 
Panel Description: This panel presents a set of views on different aspects of contemporary Brazil. The most populated country and largest economy of Latin America boasts a vibrant and complex society, but also faces daring challenges in some of the areas covered by this panel: government branch relations, corporate compliance, corruption fighting, environmental and urban design.
Co-author info: Maria Tereza Cabral Costa Oliveira, Luciano Martins Barbosa, University of Maranhão/UFMA
Co-presenter info: Luciano Martins Barbosa
Paper Title: The Legal Principle of the Brazilian Reorganization Bankruptcy Law Applied to Transnational Corporations: The OI Communication Group Case Study
Abstract:
The present paper analyses the adoption of the new legal principles according to the Brazilian Bankruptcy and Reorganization Law (Law nr 11.101/2005), that describes all the procedures to private companies in facing management and payment issues. Brazilian laws have amended their bankruptcy and reorganization statutes since the 19th centuty (Brazilian Commercial Code/1850), and especially in the past decades to increase the likelihood of a company´s continuation in bankruptcy or reorganization. Liquidation procedures are ill suited to realize the full value of the company as a going concern. An infusion of new finance raises company valuation and makes continuation through reorganization more likely. Reorganization preserves value, if general creditors as the main beneficiaries of reorganization play a crucial role in reorganization proceedings. Legal origins of national bankruptcy legislations are less important in explaining the incidence of reorganization than national attitudes towards failure and the prevalence of equity over debt finance. Thus, all the parts in the process tend to be more involved in the whole plan, meaning that efforts must be made towards the success of the reorganization plan, this includes all the different categories of creditors: employees, private banks, financial companies and suppliers. This paper also examines the applicability of the legal principles considering the sacrifice of creditors and the results of the approval the collective bargaining agreement, under the proposal of payment that must present the most thoroughly and reliable information available at that time and provide in its text the benefits and protections for employees, creditors, the government and the society. Thus, this shall permit the reorganization of the debtor and assure all creditors and all the affected parties are treated fairly and equitably. On this paper a case study is the backbone of it all: OI Communication Group. The reorganization plan was presented according to the legal procedures stablished in 2005. Subsequent to filling the initial petition including relevant information and after notice and hearing, it was approved by creditors in 2016 and converted into judicial reorganization by the 7th Commercial Court in Rio de Janeiro. It is taken as the greatest case in Brazil when considered the total amount to be paid – US 20 billion. Creditors are still in stand by position to make a decision in order to fulfill the constitutional economical business activity parameters such as the likelyhood conditions of reorganization, good faith of debtor, social business function, employees and creditors behalf protection.


Name: Anamaria S. Silva
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: anamariaufma@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: UFMA - Federal University of Maranhão, Brazil
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Contemporary Studies on Brazilian Law and Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Euller T. D. A Andrade Filho, Felipe M. Santos
Co-presenter info: Euller T. D. A Andrade Filho, Barrister in Brazil
Paper Title: Judicial Activism vs. Judicial Restraint: a Brief Analysis of the Brazilian Experience
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the increase of judicial activism within first instance Courts and Supreme Courts in Brazil. Considering its intensity in the Brazilian legal landscape and mostly the deep consequences that it produces on its society, it is essential to study this phenomenon under critical thoughts. Thus, it will describe the development of the judicial activism in the United States of America, which inspired the Brazilian Law System to incorporate this method of decision on its legal scenario. In addition, an historical and informative analysis about the role of the Judiciary and the Principle of the Tripartition of Powers will be approached. Furthermore, this Principle is directly linked to the judicial activism, since many people claim that such activism winds up by violating it, interfering in the roles of the other established Powers of the Republic. Such problem will be minutely detailed in this paper, as well as an explanation of the difference between judicial activism and judicialization of politics. Moreover, it will critically analyze the Habeas Corpus 124.306/RJ, judged by the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court, which is considered contrary to the Constitution and violating the principle of separation of powers, and, finally, investigate the principle of the judicial self-restraint.


Name: Katherine Slye
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: kslye@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
Panel Description:
Co-author info: none just me
Co-presenter info: no one just me
Paper Title:  NARAL and NRLC: How Choice is Made in the Choice Debate
Abstract:
This is a chapter from my dissertation. How and why does the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) choose their strategies in the fight for access to abortion and does this change over time? For the most part, the way NARAL makes decisions--the president and staff make recommendations to the board, who had the final say--has not changed, but there are many factors that play into what the board hears as suggestions for action, including the leader of the organization, the political climate, and concern over organization/issue preservation. The chapter examines the extent to which each plays out in NARAL strategic decision making and finds that some are more important than others. It also reveals that these factors impact the way in which NARAL functions when it comes to strategy and overall action.


Name: Roxana Toma
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: roxana.toma@esc.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: SUNY Empire State College, School for Graduate Studies
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Public Sector Corruption and Dysfunctional Social Capital in Lebanon
Abstract:
Why is the Lebanese system highly corrupt? Research up to date has focused on postwar Lebanon, linking corruption to the dynamics of the political settlement and the processes of state-formation that it unleashed. The postwar power-sharing arrangement’s emphasis on inclusion, consensus, and the ever-elusive “national unity”, coupled with Syria’s interference in Lebanese power struggles, set the stage for the extreme dispersal of power, quasi-permanent gridlock in decision making, and political elites with weak popular support – all of which created political incentives for enduring ambiguity in institutions and increasing reliance on the instrumentalization of sectarian and clientelist dynamics to build some modicum of legitimacy. In sum, using terms like “weak”, “failed”, “penetrated” or “allotment” State has become the norm when discussing Lebanon. However, a state-centered, fragility-oriented paradigm inherently cannot offer the perspective needed to address why systemic corruption persists in Lebanese society. When the same question is applied to authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, it is much easier to answer: in authoritarian systems, social groups lack the means to challenge the political leaderships who promote corrupt systems to stabilize their political rule and/or for material self-privileging. Although Lebanon is not a fully-fledged democracy, the pluralist system secures freedom and participation rights to a much higher degree than in its authoritarian neighboring countries. How, then, can a corrupt system persist in an environment in which people have some say? As in any country, in Lebanon, too, corruption causes suboptimal allocation of resources and the data show that Lebanese growth is highly negatively affected by corruption. What, then, prevents people from abolishing a system, or what makes them contribute to its maintenance, although it is collectively suboptimal? I argue that the conclusion of state weakness need no longer be the end of the story. Instead, it would be interesting to investigate what (state and non-state) governance does take place in situations of state “weakness” like Lebanon - with its variety of sectarian organizations providing extensive governance beyond government - and the mechanisms by which this “organized chaos” affects state-society relations, corruption, and the politics of citizenship. I conducted in-depth oral histories in Beirut in 2016 and 2017 with ten experts. The questions that I investigated were: Is there a difference between the nature and scope of corruption in pre-(First Republic) and postwar Lebanon? Is corruption inherent to the consociational political arrangement which has existed since independence, or rather a cost of stabilizing the deeply divided post-conflict Lebanese society? Does sectarian factionalism continue to be as large of a role player in the politics of citizenship in Lebanon? Is there hope for Lebanon coming from the new generation, can social capital can change to function in positive ways, and if so, how? And ultimately, what can we expect from the short-term and long-term future in Lebanon?


Name: Muhammad Warriach
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: akhtaruog@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: University of Gujrat, Pakistan
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Paper Title:  Punjab (Pakistan) Youth Policy (2008-2012): Exploring the youth perspective
Abstract:
This paper investigates the youth perspective on the youth policy of the Punjab government during the period of 2008-12. The argument is based on a survey research conducted in the province of Punjab in 2014-15. Applying the stratified sampling method, a sample of 500 was drawn carefully to incorporate the diversities. The opinion gathered through structured questionnaire suggests that the policy satisfies the youth’s demands moderately. The results illustrates that more efforts are required to fulfill the requirements of the youth. For socio-economic and democratic development of Pakistan, it is very necessary to boost up the youth by taking concrete steps regarding their problems as future of this country is in the hands of Youth. It is anticipated that this study would provide some insights to the international community to devise youth policies.


Name: Joshua Jebuntie Zaato
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Joshua.Zaato@zu.ac.ae
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Zayed University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Value for Money Versus Good Governance: Managing State Owned Enterprises in the Era of Neo-Liberalism
Abstract:
Governments in developing countries face several policy, managerial, financial and institutional challenges as they strive to reform and restructure their state owned enterprises(SOEs) in this era of neo-liberalism. These challenges are more pronounced in Africa because of the numerous institutional, structural and policy challenges inherent in the public administration of African countries. Despite these challenges, scholars are calling for bureaucratic organizations that are effective and efficient, yet democratic and accountable. Several scholars have therefore encouraged reformers to look to and learn from private firms. In order words, most scholars choose the neo-liberal and re-inventing government approach which prioritises private sector management ideas, theories, and approaches in the reform of these critical SOEs. While there is some merit to this school of thought, this paper believes however, that it leads to policy imposition on the managers of developing countries by foreign donor government and international financial institutions using their loans and aid contitionalities as powerful levers. The result is the massive failure of reforms in developing countries since in most cases, these reform models and approaches are not creatively adapted to the needs and circumstance of adopting and implementing habitats of these developing countries. Using the reform and restructuring of SOEs in Ghana as an example, one main question drives this study: is an alternative theoretical framework for SOE reforms specifically adapted to the needs of developing countries possible and what ought to be its core features? This question is timely because of two main reasons. One is the repeated calls by students of modern public administration for a balanced approach to SOE reforms that make these SOEs efficient, effective and yet, transparent, democratic and accountable. The second is because of the frustrations of policymakers and practitioners with the failure of most neo-liberal approaches and the lack of ‘home grown’ alternatives. The main objective of this paper is to develop and propose an alternative analytical and evaluative theoretical framework for the reform and restructuring of SOEs in developing countries. The paper argues and concludes that the time has come for ‘home grown’ approaches and theories that are suited and creatively-adapted to the needs and capacities of developing countries in the reform process. Focusing on the literature and theory on organization reform, about 30 face-to-face interviews with policymakers and practitioners in Ghana, the paper argues that for any theoretical framework to promote value for money and good governance, certain fundamental conditions — context, agency task-specificity and creative adaptation — must be adequately addressed and factored in the reform process. Without them, the dreams of policymakers in the reform process will remain a mirage. This research is relevant because of the paucity of knowledge and experience of developing countries in the reform literature.



State and Local Politics

Name: Shawn Donahue
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: sdonahu1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Binghamton University (SUNY)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Alabama’s Attempt at BMV Closures after Implementing Strict Photo ID
Abstract:
This paper focuses on the post-Shelby County practices comes in Alabama. This revolves around two things that happened in close proximity: implementation of Alabama’s photo identification law following it being lifted from Section 5 preclearance, and a state budget crisis that could have potentially closed about half of the state’s Bureau of Motor Vehicles sites. The two are related because the BMV is the primary places that voters would go to obtain the necessary photo identification under this new law. Most of these closures were in rural Alabama, including many in the part of the state known as the “Black Belt” because of its high concentration of African-Americans going back to the days of slavery. Of the 18 “Black Belt” counties, 67% would see a BMV closure, versus only about 34 percent outside this region. After a public outcry, Gov. Bentley relented slightly, so that each of the offices would be open at least one day per month. However, most of these offices are open fewer hours than before. The models for testing whether these changes were going to have a discriminatory effect on African-American voters will be logistic regressions weighted by county population, with the dependent variable being whether the county would be left with no BMV office. The primary independent variable is the proportion of the county which is African-American. Results in all the models show a discriminatory effect and intent by state officials against African-Americans.


Name: Michael Motta
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: mottam@farmingdale.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Farmingdale State College
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Paper Title:  Diagonal Diffusion Dynamics: Early Adoption of US Offshore Wind and Medicinal Marijuana Policies
Abstract:
In many policy areas, US states have policy making authority more analogous to foreign national governments than to foreign subnational governments. For this reason, US state policy makers draw “diagonal” policy lessons from foreign national governments, particularly when there are few or no other US states to draw “horizontal” lessons from. Using interviews with key policy actors, document analysis, and secondary data, this study traces and compares policy diffusion processes in two contexts: early adoption of first-in-the-nation offshore wind policies and medicinal marijuana laws. Cross-case analysis confirms the findings of other studies: non-morality policies (e.g., offshore wind) inspire deeper, more substantive policy learning and are less prone to rapid diffusion than morality policies (e.g., medicinal marijuana.) Although these cases are unique, this exploratory research finds commonalities that offer implications for future work: In both cases, diagonal learning was prevalent when it was the only option available, and curtailed when there were other states to learn from. Also present in each policy subsystem were strong national advocacy coalitions that feared widespread diffusion and acted to stymie early adoption. In addition, the cases demonstrate how the unique context of US governance prevents emulation of policies from non-US governments.


Name: Lisa Parshall
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: lparshal@daemen.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Daemen College
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Paper Title: Applying the Narrative Policy Framework to New York’s Village Dissolution Debate
Abstract:
This paper will look at the durability and function of the village form of government in New York State.


Name: Eric Radezky
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: eric3381@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: New York State Assembly
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Limits of Generational Turnover and Policy Change in the New York State Assembly
Abstract:
Using personal interviews with sitting New York State Assembly Members in 2010 and follow up interviews with the same members in 2016, I trace the evolution of two policies in New York State. The first is the legalization of mixed martial arts (MMA) fighting. In 2010, the legalization of this sport could not possibly pass in New York's lower house, but in 2016 it was passed and signed into law. The dramatic about face was the result of issue evolution and significant turnover in the Assembly, specifically in the Assembly majority and especially because of changes in the Assembly's leadership. The second issue is a proposal to institute congestion pricing in New York City. This proposal has been floated many times over the past thirty-plus years, and although it would only impact New York City it nonetheless requires authorization from the state legislature. Although there are many similarities between the passage of MMA and the latest round of congestion pricing discussions, there are significant differences that will likely prevent the passage of congestion pricing in the near future. Whereas MMA fighting was poised to pass into state law contingent on clearing the final hurdle in the Assembly, congestion pricing faces other obstacles, not the least of which is opposition from New York City's mayor. Additionally, MMA was a non-salient issue that appears to have led very few constituents to contact their Assembly Members. That anonymity allowed members to decide on the bill without worrying about constituent backlash. By contrast, congestion pricing is historically an issue that draws a great deal of constituent feedback. In 2008, during the previous round of congestion pricing debates, Assembly Members participating in this study tended to indicate a great deal of constituent contact. Although this phenomenon was limited to members representing New York City Assembly districts, it should be noted that about half of all of New York State Assembly districts are in New York City. In some cases, individual members saw their district evenly divided on the subject, leaving those members in a particularly precarious position when contemplating which side to choose. Analysis of these two issues shows that although turnover in a legislative chamber will sometimes produce previously unattainable policy outcomes, turnover alone is insufficient to lead to change. Intervening factors such as issue saliency and opposition from other political elites must also be taken into account.


Name: John Sutcliffe
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: sutclif@uwindsor.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Windsor
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Co-author info: Sarah Cipkar, University of Windsor, scipkar@gmail.com
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Paper Title:  How Public is Public Transport? The Role of the Private Sector in Public Transportation in Detroit
Abstract:
This paper examines the public transportation system in Detroit and its surrounding suburbs. Public transportation is particularly important to disadvantaged groups within the city who often have limited mobility and depend on this form of transit for access to work, education and social facilities within the context of a geographically dispersed city. This raises the issue of transit equity. Transit equity, or specifically the lack of equity, is a key issue in Detroit as it is in other American cities. The groups that depend most heavily on public transit are also the groups least likely to secure adequate transit service that provides fast and reliable movement around the region, particularly from the city to the surrounding municipalities. The paper pays particular attention to the recent role of private investment in the transportation sector. The central focus is the recently opened streetcar – the QLine – which runs for approximately five kilometers along Woodward Avenue in Detroit. The paper examines the development of this project and the role of citizen engagement in the proposal alongside the pivotal role played by private business interests. The paper addresses the question of whether these investments affect equitable transportation outcomes in Detroit. It concludes that the private investment has played a central role in the revitalization of central Detroit but does little to ameliorate transit inequities.


Name: Gregory Young
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: gdyoung3@gmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: State University of New York at Cobleskill
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  What’s In a Name: Candidate Motivations and Outcomes for Independent Party Candidates in New York State Local Elections
Abstract:
Among the unique elements of NYS Election Law is the opportunity for a candidate to run under a party name of his or her own choosing. Despite this provision, officially recognized third parties, and the existence of electoral fusion, the majority of candidates continue to run on either the Democratic or Republican lines. While the use of independent party lines on state gubernatorial elections has received popular and academic attention in recent years as a result of new parties being formed (e.g. Stop Common Core/Reform and Women’s Equality) and high-profile candidates (e.g. Jimmy McMillan of the Rent is Too Damn High Party), their use in local election has received far less attention. Using a handful of rural upstate counties as case studies, this paper will examine the motivations and strategies behind candidates who run on independent lines as well as the role of these independent party nominations in electoral outcomes.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Michael Armato
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: marmato@albright.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Albright College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: TEST
Panel Description: TEST
Co-author info: Daria Newfeld, Ph.D., Albright College, dnewfeld@albright.edu
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Paper Title:  Is it Ethical for the President to Tweet? A Classroom Exercise in Ethics Education for Business and Political Science Courses
Abstract:
Empirical evidence illustrates that the experiential approach is the most effective for students to both learn the process of ethical decision-making and increase sensitivity to awareness of ethical issues (Pettifor et al., 2000). Sims (2002) advances the idea that ethics education is most valuable to students when applied to relevant, “real-life” ethical dilemmas. With these factors in mind, and while listening to CNN commentators discuss the impact of President Trump’s Tweets, we began our research for an active learning assignment to teach ethics. Both of our professional associations in business and political science establish ethics guides for members of our professions. Further, the Network of Schools of Public Policy, Affairs, and Administration (NASPAA) expects that a program with NASPAA membership: “Integrates ethics into the curriculum and all aspects of program operation, and expects students and faculty to exhibit the highest ethical standards in their teaching, research, and service.” This paper presents an active learning activity aimed at undergraduate students in political science and business courses. This interdisciplinary assignment focuses on “recognizing ethical issues” through guided Internet research and class discussion focusing on ethical considerations in President Trump’s Twitter posts. We ask students to read Twitter’s Code of Ethics and sections under the “Standards of Ethical Conduct For Employees of the Executive Branch” statute. This included students exploring the nature of public service, real and perceived conflicts of interest, and obligations of employees of the Executive Branch. Then, in light of those two guidelines, we ask students to assess the ethical nature of Tweets from the President, and to assess if similar Tweets from other Executive Branch employees are legal under the law. We then ask if there are real or perceived conflicts of interest due to each Tweet. Students furnished feedback on the utility of this activity in both upper level business and political science classes.


Name: Anita chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: university of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description: Teaching and learning in the digital age
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Paper Title: Online deliberations across 4yr public, private and community colleges
Abstract:
My proposal examines an online collaboration based on asynchronous exchanges among peers across three U.S. states and three different time zones as an evaluation of online innovation that produces reflective discussions with academic vigor and provides meaningful suggestions towards the ever-demanding need to design effective online communities and redefine meaningful success for students. Past research has shown that in an online environment asynchronous exchanges among peers were open, frank, expansive, curious, and even confessional in their willingness to share and discuss sensitive issues and are known to boost academic progression (Merryfield, 2001b). These forms of online deliberations are a constructive means by which to collaborate and engage student discussions (Chen, Wang Hung, 2009). In fact, students are given the time, space and ownership of discussions, it sharpens their perspective (Anderson, 2003). A mixed methods approach will be used, first by content analysis and then by statistically testing the analysis. Findings reveal statistical significance in that students employ reflective academic discussions when posting and responding to the instructor and their peers. Given my five+ years of experience with a collaborative online classroom across these states, my study provides meaningful suggestions towards the ever-demanding need to design effective online communities and redefine meaningful success for participants. Unknown to each participant were the gender, race, ethnicity and course level and these unknowns are important towards building an inclusive online classroom with the effort to provide equitable opportunities for participants. This study can be adopted by any field across the humanities, social sciences math or engineering globally.


Name: Joshua Meddaugh
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: joshuameddaugh@clayton.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Clayton State University
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Paper Title: Trekking A New Courses in Online Course Delivery: iSPOC and the Future of Online Teaching
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This study is a detailed account of the redesigning of a traditional online POLS 1101: Introduction to American Government course to a high impact, multimedia driven, student centered online delivered course. The paper discusses the importance of measurability in course and chapter objectives, open access materials, the role of an online professor, and the creation of an online course that delivers materials in a manner that recreates the typical student’s online browsing. By essentially manipulating course content to replicate BuzzFeed articles, and social media snippets, while delivering readings through the use of peer-reviewed open access materials, the course designers are attempting to recreate the everyday online experience while instructing at the same time.


Name: Brandon Parrish
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: brandon.parrish@usma.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: United States Military Academy
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Brandon Colas, United States Military Academy, Brandon.colas@usma.edu Devlin Winkelstein, United States Military Academy, Devlin.Winkelstein@usma.edu
Co-presenter info: Brandon Colas, United States Military Academy, Brandon.colas@usma.edu Devlin Winkelstein, United States Military Academy, Devlin.Winkelstein@usma.edu
Paper Title:  "Unanticipated Assignment Extensions: Do They Matter?"
Abstract:
How do unanticipated extensions affect student performance and perceptions of fairness in the classroom? In this study, we define an unanticipated extension as a class-wide extension that occurs within seven days of the original assignment due-date. Unanticipated extensions occur for any number of reasons. In some cases, a department head or course director might direct teachers to give an extension, or a teacher might want to alleviate a particularly busy week for their students. The authors have collectively given at least one unanticipated extension each semester since we began teaching, and we suspect that we are not unique in higher education. Thus, it was surprising to find that very little is known about the dynamics of extensions, and there is a surprising paucity of research on this subject. We are interested in three aspects of unanticipated extensions. First, how do extensions affect student performance? In this study, we will focus specifically on students’ performance on the assignment for which they received an extension. Second, how do extensions affect student perceptions of fairness in the classroom? And third, given an unanticipated assignment extension, how does the timing of announcing the extension affect student performance and perceptions of fairness? Conventional wisdom holds that assignment extensions would improve student performance. However, there is a plausible case that assignment extensions would not offer additional benefits to students -- why would a student who struggles to complete an assignment on a due date that has been given months in advance perform any better with an additional 48 hours? Our study is designed to assess how students perform on assignments for which they receive an unanticipated extension, as well as how extensions affect student perceptions of fairness in the classroom. We believe that our study will have implications for optimal timing of announcing the extension -- whether well in advance, or immediately before the assignment is due. Research overview: Students in our sections will receive four 500-word writing assignments throughout the semester. Each assignment will be worth 25 points (out of a 1000-point course), and due dates will be posted in the section guidance memorandum we provide for our students prior to beginning the course. Students will also be provided with a grading rubric. The first assignment will simply be due on time. For the second, third, and fourth assignments, we will randomly select sections to either receive no extension, a weekend extension announced one week prior to the due date, or a weekend extension announced the day that the assignment is due. Before students receive their graded assignment back, we will begin the class period with a brief survey to provide in-course feedback, which includes two questions about the assignment: "how fair do you think the assignment was?" and "how stressful was the assignment?" Our study will include controls for timing, instructor, and GPA. Data recorded will be their results on each assignment.



Undergraduate Research

Name: Zayn Aga
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: zayn.aga@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain Collage
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title: President Donald Trump and The First Amendment in a digital age.
Panel Description: Make a case for the fact that, President Donald Trump by blocking people on twitter has violated the First Amendment.
Co-author info: Not Applicable
Co-presenter info: Zebediah Sulmasy, (research assistant), Green Mountain Collage, zebsulmasy@gmail.com
Paper Title: The sliver knight, fighting for our First Amendment rights.
Abstract:
Zayn Aga 11-29-17 Faculty Sponsor: Professor Sam Edwards sam.edwards@greenmtn.edu In the increasingly fraught world of American politics, the news cycle is constantly swirling around the vortex that is President Trump. Donald is without a doubt one of the most outspoken presidents of United States. Thanks to Twitter, he has the ability to reach approximately 64.6 million people with any one tweet, and he has praised the platform on many separate occasions. It is the purpose of this paper to prove he is hindering citizens from seeing valuable information and preventing communication with him due to political criticisms by“blocking” them. This is a clear violation of the First Amendment. Twitter has become President Trump’s preferred method of communication with the American people. He has tweeted approximately 1,982 times since taking office, and has come under fire for using using his personal account @realDonaldTrump as a public platform to talk to citizens. If Donald were a private citizen, no problem would exist. However, as a government official, he has the obligation to hear the grievances of citizens. The First Amendment states that citizens can “petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (U.S. Const. am. 1.). It is therefore possible that the president blocking people on Twitter hinders blocked individuals from receiving news and communicating with the President in the same way as other Americans. As Justice Kennedy has said, “social media is the new public square”. Ignoring the issue could lead to serious consequences for freedom of speech. The Knight First Amendment Institute (a research institute at Columbia University) was particularly concerned and has since opened litigation against the President and Dan Scavino (the White House Director of Social Media) for violating the First Amendment. Sean Spicer has stated that “Trump’s tweets were considered official statements by the President of the United States”. The White House has since changed its position, stating that President’s account is not a government owned or sponsored account and is not an express public forum. However, President Trump has said the opposite. His tweets implies that he is using his private Twitter in some part to communicate with the American people akin to a federal website. He has used it to announce policy changes and cabinet hirings and firings, all of which are indicative of official public accounts but he used his private account instead of his @POTUS account. In an attempt to show how easy it is to get blocked by public figures I have set up a fake Twitter account under a fake name set up to antagonize public figures in government and have been attempting to get them to “block” me on twitter. I have been unsuccessful in getting Trump to block me so far, but the account is still running as @comb_elk, other methods of research including combing through cases that provide precedent for my claim.


Name: Julia Alotta
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: jalotta@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Refugee Acceptance in Europe
Abstract:
During the 20th and 21st century the influx of refugees has sky rocketed as a plethora of indigenous people have fled from ethnic persecution. Germany, Sweden and Hungary are self-sufficient European country's that tend to accept refugees from Bangladesh, Syria, Afghanistan, and all over the Middle East. The only difference is two out of the three countries are willing to accept these millions of refuges fleeing from terror. As all these country's are in the European Union, researchers have yet to enlighten the question: Why are some country's accepting refugees and others are not? The level of acceptance will vary depending on the degree of conservatism or liberalism adopted in a country's policy towards refugees. The question is critical to answer because it’s a helpful way to formulate policy and band the world together on a common issue. In regards to Europe, 1,400,000 people alone were seeking asylum during 2016 and numbers are continuing to grow, something has to be done.


Name: Lena Cotter
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: leena.cotter@cix.csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: CUNY College of Staten Island
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Happy Anniversary? A Ten Year Review on the United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
To address the increasingly complicated human rights violations more effectively, the United Nations replaced its Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) with the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2006. This paper addresses the question whether the Council has, regardless of significant reforms, become permanently paralyzed in fulfilling its main mission. The focus of this study is to examine Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) as well as the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) and the enforcement thereof in China, Iran and Myanmar during a period of ten years (2006 to 2016). To determine the effectiveness of the Council in relation to the aforementioned components, three key areas will be analyzed: the UNHRC agenda, resolutions and decisions (Regular Sessions between June 2006 to July 2016 and Special Sessions between between July 2006 and October 2016), the UNHRC operations locally in each target country (2006 to 2016) and, finally, to establish resource allocation, the official UNHRC budget (fiscal years 2007-8 to 2016-17), including voluntary donations (2006 to 2016).


Name: Michela DeVito
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mad299@cornell.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Cornell University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Euroscepticism: A Different Phenomenon in the Post-Eurozone Crisis Era?
Abstract:
What determines Euroscepticism? For European Union scholars and policymakers, this question has taken on more importance in the wake of the Eurozone crisis, which began in 2009 and is ongoing. Eurosceptic sentiment, or more simply opposition to the EU, has increased in the wake of the crisis. This paper’s research question asks if Euroscepticism is different in the post-Eurozone crisis era. Specifically, this paper will examine the historical factors of Euroscepticism, and whether or not they matter to the post-Eurozone crisis rise in the phenomenon. Based on existing literature, the four relevant factors to be examined pre- and post-crisis are: strength of national identity, socioeconomic status, and national and EU institutions. This paper utilized data from the Eurobarometer survey database in order to examine the development of popular opinion towards the EU. Overall, it was found that most of the historical factors for Euroscepticism still mattered in the post-crisis era. This finding signifies that the phenomenon of Euroscepticism is largely a difference of degree rather than of type in the post-crisis era. In future studies, scholars should further investigate why the degree of Euroscepticism has increased, and whether any other factors than the Eurozone crisis are affecting the rise of dissatisfaction with the EU in recent years. As a result, scholars will be able to paint a clearer picture of why EU citizens have become increasingly Eurosceptic.


Name: Kenneth Dillon
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dillonk@rider.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Rider University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-author info: Advisor, Dr. Olivia Newman (Rider University Department of Political Science; onewman@rider.edu)
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Paper Title: “Abdullah Öcalan’s ‘Democratic Confederalism’, its philosophical genealogy and application in Rojava, Syria”
Abstract:
Rojava, a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria, is distinct for many reasons but perhaps mostly because of its government's unique political philosophy. “Democratic Confederalism”, as conceived by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, prescribes a hierarchical committee system established by direct democracy and maintained through polyethnic proportional representation. Öcalan's firm emphasis on such progressive notions as feminism, social ecology, and ideological parity indicates that Democratic Confederalism could represent a remarkable model for tomorrow's Syria. This paper critically evaluates Democratic Confederalism through the use of standard philosophical methods, then explores its foundation in the political thought of Öcalan's influences, such as Murray Bookchin and Michel Foucault.Finally, I'll attempt to assess the status of the philosophy's application in Rojavan society by interviewing journalists and researchers with expertise and experience in the region. I ultimately argue that Democratic Confederalism could legitimately engender a unique and sustainable political system for Rojava worthy of thorough understanding.


Name: Tshephang Dipogiso
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dipogiso187tshephang187tshephang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Botswana
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  WOMEN AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN BOTSWANA: 51 YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE AND BEYOND
Abstract:
Women all over the world face significant social, cultural, political and economic barriers that prevent them from obtaining leadership positions. Botswana is no exception. But one of the most fascinating developments in African politics has been the increase in women’s participation since the mid 1990’s. Women are becoming more engaged in leadership positions of institutions from local government, to legislatures and even the executive. Today, Africa is a leader in women parliamentary representation globally with a Global Average of 22.5 percent. For instance Rwanda has the highest number of women in parliament in the world with 63.8% of women in lower house (UN, 2016). Despite this remarkable increase of women representation in parliament, Botswana remains behind in the number of women in parliament. It was not until May 2017 that Botswana signed the SADC Gender Protocol, four years after the instrument entered into force. While it is a milestone, Botswana has been recording low participation of women in both elective and appointive political positions in particular parliament. For instance, out of the 18 recently confirmed ministerial appointments made, only three are women, translating to 16.7%. In the National Assembly there are only five women out of 57 constituencies which constitute a paltry 8.8%. This has been a growing concern because for democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly representative hence women must be equal partners in the process of democratic development. However, one divergent fact is that the performance and determination of women in leadership roles in parastatals and private sector supersede that of their male counter-parts. The question therefore remains why women participation in politics is low. The literature on this subject is fairly emerging but commonly points to cultural stereotypes especially the patriarchal nature of Botswana’s society (Maundeni, 2002; Ntseane 2005; Ntseane & Sentsho, 2005, Geisler, 2004). Using the Afrobarometer perception survey data, this paper presents descriptive statistics and regression analysis of selected variables that explain low participation of women. In the data, the dependent variable is measured by a question: Men make better political leaders than women and should be elected rather than women. The paper analyses responses of those who agree with the statement using location, age, sex and interest in public affairs. The research provides a baseline for the implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), Agenda 2063: a pledge for Gender Equality and Women Empowerment and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development. The significance of this study’s conclusions and recommendations is to further stimulate women of Botswana to stand up and challenge their male counterparts in contesting for, party positions, parliamentary seats during general elections and present themselves for executive appointments. Also, the study has policy implications in the sense that it will improve evidence-based planning and programming involving women in decision making. Keywords: Botswana, gender equality, politics, women, political representation, political participation


Name: Dana Gambardella
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Dana.gambardella@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Breaking Down Barriers: An Examination of Why Women Underreport Sexual Assault
Abstract:
In 2017, there has been a nationwide social movement in the United States against the sexual mistreatment and harassment of women. It has led to a firestorm on social media under the hashtags “metoo” and “Ibelieveyou”. But none of this is new. Historically, women, of all races and backgrounds, have been disadvantaged due to their sex and have faced struggles that are ignored by others. Extreme examples of these struggles are: domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape. These are crimes that mainly occur behind closed doors. The victims of such crime often choose to keep those doors closed by not reporting the violent experience. Why do they do so? To be sure, domestic violence, sexual harassment, and rape occur all over the world to all types of people, including transgender individuals as well as men. However, in this paper, as I raise the abovementioned question, I intent to focus on one particular group: adult, cisgender who have been victims of rape in Staten Island, New York in the last ten years. What barriers, this thesis asks, do these women face that lead them to not report rape to authorities or to anyone at all? In the remainder of this essay, I develop on these ideas. In doing so, first in section one I provide definitions and concepts. In section two, I provide background and context on the matter as well as the methods I used in my research. In section three, I provide explanations as to why rape goes underreported in specific cultures. Lastly, in section four, I provide policy recommendations to improve this social issue. The research presented here is based on analyzes of archival evidence, media reports, and elite interviews. METHODS I use various methods to examine the barriers that prevent cisgender women on Staten Island from reporting sexual assault and determine what policy changes need to made to help knock down these barriers. Examination of government documents allows me to fully understand the issue at hand. These documents include the legal definition of rape, the statistics of rape on Staten Island, and the racial makeup of Staten Island. Newspaper articles as well as social media outlets are used to understand public opinion and why the underreporting of rape is such a prevalent issue today. I use literature which provides information on barriers women face within specific cultures. I have conducted elite interviews to gain insight from professionals who deal with sexual assault victims and authorities on a daily basis. These individuals were chosen because of their experience with the issue specifically in Staten Island in last ten years. The interviewees provided firsthand knowledge of the barriers women of different cultures face (Aberbach, 2003). Each respondent provided examples of policy change they believe would improve the accuracy in the reporting of rapes on Staten Island.


Name: Bailey Anne Grebbbin
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: bailey.grebbin@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Obligations of Most Developed Countries to Least Developed Countries in the Era of Climate Change
Abstract:
Bailey Anne Grebbin Green Mountain College Faculty Sponsor Sam Edwards sam.edwards@greenmtn.edu Word Count: 484 Obligations of Most Developed Countries to Least Developed Countries in the Era of Climate Change The purpose of this paper is show that Most Developed Countries (MDCs) have a legal obligation to assist Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in adapting to and mitigating the negative effects of climate change, as well as an economic and global security based self-interest. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has predicted a rise in global temperature of 2.5 to 10 degrees Fahrenheit over the next century, leading to catastrophic drought, increasingly severe natural disasters and sea level rise. While climate change is already affecting all nations, LDCs are particularly vulnerable. This paper examines international law in an effort to determine if MDCs have a legal responsibility to assist LDCs in regards to climate change; looking specifically at the Paris Agreement, Sustainable Development Goal 13, the Millennium Development Goals, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and international legal precedents. This paper will also consider historical emitter status and environmental justice. In addition, this paper will argue that MDCs should assist LDCs due to the strong connection between climate change and global security, as well as climate change’s relation to economics. The U.S. Pentagon has recognized climate change as a “threat multiplier” since 2015, and the UN has identified climate change as a risk to international peace and security. Internal instability in LCDs due to climate change will threaten the security of MDCs and the global economic supply chain. Data will be drawn from UN sources, including UNEP 2016 Annual Report, the IPCC Fifth Assessment Report, IPCC Special Report Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change Adaptation, the World Meteorological Association, LDC Perspectives on the Future of the Least Developed Countries Fund Paper, UNEP Report Status of Climate Change Litigation and various UN websites. Data from the American Security Project’s Climate Security Report, Department of Defense’s National Security Implications of Climate-Related Risks and a Changing Climate Report, the World Economic Forums 2016 Global Risks Report, EU Study Climate Change Impacts on Developing Countries and other reputable sources will also be examined. This paper aims to build off of literature including An Equity Hurdle in International Climate Negotiations (Light, 2013) and International Climate Change Law (Bodansky, ‎ Brunnée, Rajamani, 2017). In the current political climate, with the effects of climate change becoming more visible and the U.S. halting climate change action as the international community moves forward, it is necessary for the political science field to strengthen arguments for equitable climate change action. This paper aims to do so by showing that the unique vulnerability of LDCs merits significant assistance from MDCs under international law and that MDCs have a global security and economic self-interest in ensuring LCDs adapt to climate change. This paper will be submitted to the Towson University Journal of International Affairs for publication.


Name: Aisling Green
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: aislingsgreen@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
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Paper Title: Religious Exemption and the Future of Masterpiece CakeShop 
Abstract:
Several landmark judgments issued by the Supreme Court in recent years have involved disputes concerning two fundamental rights. Often, one of these two rights concern the establishment and free exercise clauses of the First Amendment. In the Supreme Court’s current term, one such case has gained a lot of public attention. The case is: Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Commission of Justice. It involves the following question: does a baker, who object to same-sex marriage on religious grounds, have the right to refuse to sell wedding cakes for a same-sex wedding? This judgment in this case will set a precedent for the way in which RFRA is interpreted and the future of anti-discrimination laws in the United States. This paper analyzes the pronouncements of the Court in cases that have involved similar cases in the past and makes the claim that if the Court is consistent with its past pronouncements, it needs to side with LGBT+ couples in this case.


Name: Alexander Hayes
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ahayes3@pride.hofstra.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Hofstra University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-presenter info: I don't know if this counts as a co-presenter, but my faculty sponsor is Carolyn Dudek, Hofstra University, Carolyn.M.Dudek@hofstra.edu
Paper Title:  Far Right Politics and the Shaping of Migration Policy: Austria and Germany’s Divergence
Abstract:
This paper examines the underlying explanatory factors in Germany and Austria’s disparate reactions to the migrant crisis in Europe. Although the EU has established the parameters for dealing with migration and the refugee crisis, Germany has circumvented European Union law in order to accept more refugees, whereas Austria has made efforts to accept as few asylum seekers as possible. Despite the two country’s apparently similar demographics and economies, each has circumvented EU law in order to pursue one of the most accepting and one of the most hostile asylum policies in Europe. Germany has welcomed migrants and ignored the Dublin Agreement in order to accept more refugees, without requiring processing at their country of entry. On the other hand, Austria has made efforts to accept as few asylum seekers as possible, going so far as to reintroduce border controls in the border-free Schengen Area, placing the burden of refugees on other countries. Although the economic impact of Germany’s aging and declining population is often used to explain its openness to refugees, this does not explain why Austria, facing the same demographic realities, has been so loath to accept migrants. Instead, this paper posits that differences in the influence of radical right-wing populism in the two countries, informed by divergent denazification processes and past immigration trends, provides the basis for understanding Germany and Austria’s dichotomous asylum policies. To better explain the divergences between German and Austrian migration policy, this paper posits the framework of the radicalization spiral to explain the increasing influence of the radical right in the political system. The framework operates as a spiral, because it is a feedback loop that continually grows to encompass larger segments of the political system. With each cycle, radical right-wing populist parties both radicalize their own supporter and pull more voters into their sphere of influence. Built on a synthesis of literature from the realms political decision-making, party politics, and coalition governance, the radicalization spiral occurs in three ways. First, the radical party’s supporters form political opinions by taking cues from party elites, leading them to adopt more radical views over time. Second, when radical parties gain significant support, mainstream parties adopt some radical policy positions in order to maintain their dominance. When establishment parties do so, their mainstream voters adopt more radical positions through the same process of elite cues. Third, if radical parties enter coalition governments, voters have difficulty distinguishing their positions from those of their coalition partners. Therefore, the supporters of mainstream parties in coalitions with radical parties may mistakenly take elite cues from the radical party, again radicalizing their positions.


Name: Leandra Hernandez
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lhernandez@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Historical Ethnic Conflict Causing Genocide
Abstract:
At its core, the term “genocide" denotes mass killings or violence with the intention of annihilating an entire group. In 1943, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish scholar, first coined the term “genocide” as “‘acts of extermination’ directed against ‘ethnic, religious or social collectives’”. Since the conception of the term, scholar’s interpretations of genocide have varied greatly, with discourse over what specific acts against what kinds of groups constitute genocide. With such little consensus in the scholarly as well as international community over what exact circumstances constitute genocide, it is difficult to truly pinpoint its causes. The efforts made to define “the crime of crimes” has raised the important question to researchers of what exactly causes genocide during civil conflicts? For the sake of this piece, genocide is defined as an attempt to eliminate an entire ethnic, religious, communal, or political group, with the focus being on ethnic groups specifically. The argument presented in this piece is that state genocide will occur in countries that have a history of ethnic violence involving a minority group. A qualitative analysis of three cases will be used to test this hypothesis. A Most Different Systems (MDSD) approach will be taken between the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, the 1915 Armenian Genocide, and the ongoing genocide against the Rohingya. Genocide as previously defined is the dependent variable. The key independent variable is past ethnic violence involving a minority group. For the sake of this analysis, no particular emphasis is placed on the outcomes of the first conflict or the power balance between the groups in the first outbreaks of ethnic violence. Ethnic violence is defined as violence perpetrated by one ethnic group representing the state against another, in which the ethnic difference is the central focus of the violence. Emphasis is placed on the strength of a cohesive identity within the minority group as well as the group’s separation from others in the state. With the intense division between the groups, ethnic conflict will be more likely to arise and lead to genocide if left unchecked.


Name: Lydia Heye
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: heye19@up.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Portland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu Jeffrey Meiser, University of Portland, meiser@up.edu
Co-presenter info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu
Paper Title:  From Anarchy to Civil War: The Escalation of Violence in Iraq, 2003-2006
Abstract:
The purpose of this essay is to develop a better understanding of the causes of the Iraqi civil war between 2003 and 2006—a period of time that saw the level of violence in Iraq transition from small scale violence to an intense sectarian civil war and full blown insurgency. The human and strategic costs of this escalation in violence were immense, but have not been fully explained. Most analysis has focused on the bombing al-Askariyya Mosque in 2006 as the cause of civil war without explaining the high level of violence throughout 2003-2006. Since civil wars are often the product of low-level political violence that escalates, rather than emerging ex nihilo from a peaceful society, it is important to focus on what caused the initial pattern of violence and why it escalated. This essay develops an analytical framework of violence escalation to identifies critical junctures where intervention may halt escalation. The framework is applied to the Iraq civil war with the goal of understanding what went wrong and why. More broadly this essay contributes to our knowledge about the causes of civil wars and what can be done to prevent their outbreak. Strategically important countries around the world are experiencing low-level violence that has the potential for escalatory internal violence. Therefore, it is vital to gain a clear understanding of what causes low-level violence to intensify to the level of civil war or mass killing.


Name: Samuel Lawkins
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: vasal@albany.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: (Faculty Sponsor: Full Prof. in Poli.Sci. @ UAlbany -- Dr. Victor Asal
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Paper Title:  Religion as a Causal Influence on Gender Inequality
Abstract:
In the overwhelming majority of countries around the globe there is or has been at some point in history a strong religious influence in the development and governing styles of a given state. The different organized religions of the world lie on a spectrum that has monotheistic faith on one end, such as Islam, Christianity, and Judaism, along with Polytheistic faith on the other end, such as Hinduism or Buddhism. Each one relinquishes a unique set of principles and ethics among it’s practitioners. It can be assumed that the importance of these religious beliefs in the societal life of each state has a causal influence in the decision making process of the governing system, level of intrastate or interstate violence, and equality among it’s people. In this research I analyze the effect of religion on gender equality in a number of different countries. In an effort to strengthen the validity of my data I simplified my analysis to three separate organized religions—Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam. My reasoning behind these choices is that each of these religions are prevalent in countries that display diversity in their style of government, ethnicity, and set of societal norms. This results in greater recognition of my independent variable—religion—as a legitimate causal influence, as there are other variables that may contribute to gender equality or inequality, such as style of governance, ethnicity, and economic wealth that are already represented in my comparative analysis. The initial hypothesis of my research is that if a country has a high population of practicing Muslims, then there will be a miniscule variation in gender equality with a country that has a high population of Protestant or Catholic citizens. My independent variables are in the form of the population size of a given country that practices one of the three religions of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam. As found in the Quality of Government Codebook, these three independent variable are defined as Muslims, Protestants, or Catholics as a “percentage of the population in 1980” (Jan Teorell 2011). Furthermore, my dependent variable in this analysis—gender equality—is defined as the “extent to which a country has enacted and put in place institutions and programs to enforce laws and policies that a) promote equal access for men and women to human capital development; b) create equal access for men and women to productive and economic resources; and c) give men and women equal status and protection under the law” (Jan Teorell 2011). A quantitative methodical approach is used in this analysis using the Quality of Government Codebook as my source of data. Quantitative analysis is favorable for this research as it produces reliable numerical data that measures probability of a causal influence between two variables rather than necessity. Also, because I am using multiple independent variables, quantitative research seems to be the most plausible for my findings to hold the most empirical value. The findings of this analysis could prove to be a strong addition to the rather slim empirical research of religion as a causal influence on gender inequality. It stands to also raise awareness of the degree to which organized religion plays a role in the decision making process of the governing system in the nation-state.


Name: Aaron Leighton
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: aaron.leighton@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Gender Wage Analysis
Abstract:
This research paper investigates the modern discourse and understanding of the gender wage gap and identifies nuances that cause complications in conventional thought on the subject. The causes of the gender wage gap appear to primarily stem from industry and job choice, with a significant portion generated for a variety of reasons: lack of women in managerial positions, in spite of their qualifications, significantly less work hours for women, and more frequent familial obligations for women than men. These issues, rather than only affecting individual aspects of the wage gap and women’s ability to work, also feed into one another and amplify the effects. This is not to say that women receive less pay from employers simply because of their gender, but instead to say that they face socio economic injustices, resulting from their overrepresentation in lower paying professions. There are instances of outright discrimination for pay equality, but due to the structure of laws for workers compensation and equal employment practices, these events are difficult to identify, and harder to amend. The present evidence suggests that these occurrences are not significant contributors to the wage gap, though they do actually exist. It is complicated and difficult to isolate data in order to determine just how influential discriminatory pay practices are on the raw wage gap. Keywords: gender wage gap, managerial, overrepresentation, discrimination, raw wage gap


Name: Tyler Loftus
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: tyler.loftus@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Lack of Ethics in Outsourcing Torture: One of the Most Qualified Organizations Outsourcing the Unqualified
Abstract:
Using extensive archival evidence this paper explores the practice of outsourcing and the use of torture within the United States Department of Justice and CIA. It will discuss whether privatization of torture is ethical, providing arguments for both sides and then determining a position. The research finds that it is unethical to use this privatization of torture. The executive branch and agencies are supposed to uphold democracy and these actions do not do so. By privatizing torture the executive branch is avoiding accountability through its lack of transparency. The secrecy violates the democratic system of checks and balances and the public interest suffers. This paper will then provide some recommendations to prevent this from happening while importantly protecting national security.


Name: Bahati Louis
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: blouis1@pride.hofstra.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Hofstra University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: Incarceration Nation (or Orange Isn't the New Black)
Panel Description: I would like this panel to discus the political and social reasons that justified putting so many American's behind bars. I would explain what led to the rise in prisoners and what actions we can take to make life easier for returning citizens so they don't end up back behind bars. Furthermore I would discuss America's current recidivism rates and policies that lead to higher rates of recidivism.
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Paper Title:  A Lesson in Recidivism: What factors contributed to America’s rising prison population and What is causing people to return to prison?
Abstract:
In this paper I ask what factors contributed to America’s rising prison population and what is causing people to return to prison. I note the shortcomings in American politics that have negatively impacted entering and returning convicts. Furthermore, I explain the many complexities of the American prison system which makes recidivism data difficult to make sense of. A plethora of political and social factors exacerbated America’s prison culture, ultimately hurting our country’s most troubled individuals. The purpose of this paper is to bring attention to the issue of mass incarceration and ways we can fight against it. My research will help the political science and other social science fields better understand the logistics of mass incarceration and why this topic needs to be addressed now before it becomes more out of hand.


Name: Benjamin Lucas
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Benjamin.lucas@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Analyzing Congressional Bipartisanship
Abstract:
Congressional bipartisanship is supposed to be on the decline. But is this really true? In this thesis, I examine whether or not, in recent years, Congress has been polarized on every issue – as we are often told. I suggest that Congress might be unified on some issues and polarized on others. In addition, I suggest that the public understanding of Congressional polarization is a result of the media focusing on the lack of bipartisanship. I hypothesize that on an issue such as healthcare Congress is divided, and on an issue such as national security Congress is unified. Using data collected from a set of elite interviews, this paper hopes to show that the media’s depiction of Congressional divisiveness is exaggerated.


Name: Amne Madi
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: amnemadi@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marymount Manhattan College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Ethics of Chemical Warfare
Abstract:
How does chemical warfare change the traditional methods of war? Does it make was more or less ethical? How does it violate international law and what are the consequences of a nation using chemical weapons against its own population? As we watch the current Syrian crisis unfold and the use of chemical weapons constantly pop up in media, this isn't the first the chemical weapons have been used in the Middle East by a leader against his own citizens. How did Iraq set a trend of chemical weapons and how did that violate the rules of war? Results discussed in paper as well as conclusion based on research.


Name: Marlena Mareno
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ml23mare@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Dress Codes in the Workplace and the Perceptions of Appearance
Abstract:
The purpose of this research is to better understand dress code policies in professional workplaces and how they affect men and women within the same context. This research derives from personal interests in employment law, management issues, and company branding. Driving questions inquire how professional dress codes affect men and women differently but also how this may affect the perceptions individuals have of themselves and others. I question how these perceptions impact opportunities like receiving positions or promotions. Literature shows perceptions of oneself and others’ within the workplace influence the idea of how one believes he, she, and others are capable of completing their work. Similarly, scholars in Political Science and Psychology have found that masculine clothing has positive effects on males where they feel empowered and authoritative, where women do not. In order to study company dress codes and their interpretation and perception, I developed a survey that will be sent to local companies (Albany, NY) to identify their knowledge and interpretation of their company’s dress codes. I will be tapping into perceptions through images within the survey to determine if they would be acceptable in their workplace. I expect results to show that formal dress would be acceptable. I also expect women’s or feminine images to be negatively viewed when compared to men’s or masculine images. Additionally, I will be conducting interviews with organizations who advise individuals regarding professional clothing in order to better understand the advice they provide. This research is valuable because it analyzes how appearance affects individuals in workplaces. It will show whether men and women are truly equal in the workplace, and whether they are afforded equal opportunities based on abilities rather than factors like gender. This research may expose inequalities between men and women in workplaces and how clothing and appearance affect them differently.


Name: Michael Pardo
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: michael.pardo@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The Future of Populism in the Two-Party System
Abstract:
This paper will explore populism and how politics arrived at the current state seen in the western world, specifically in the United States of America. This paper asks, does populism have a future and if so, what does the future of the two-party system look like? To arrive at an answer, this paper will look at the context of what led up to this populist moment. It will explore the presidencies of Andrew Jackson and Richard Nixon to connect the similarities to Trump. In order to determine if populism has a future, one must also look at the state of the established parties and what options may help them to revive for this new age. Options for the way forward will include Classical Liberalism and a modified form of Progressivism.


Name: Miskat Rahman
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mrahman@mmm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marymount Manhattan College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Climate States: A New World Order
Abstract:
This research examines the effects of climate change on democratically transitioning states and shows that the climate change crisis has hindered conditions necessary for these nation states to consolidate democratically in their respective regions. An analysis of 3 case studies of Ethiopia, Bangladesh, and Haiti demonstrates the difficulties facing states. In each case study, democracy has not been able to properly consolidate, and the analysis links the failure to climate change. Further, if nation states in transition cannot properly consolidate due to the climate change issue, then how can they resolve this crisis and properly consolidate into a democracy? This research also examines the possibility that deliberative democracy offers a path through democratic transition. By aligning the conditions necessary for democratic consolidation with the conditions necessary with the models of deliberative democracy, I propose the methodology and the feasibility of a deliberative democratic consolidation in these nation-states. In turn, I argue that the deliberative democratic consolidation would enable these states to increase their adaptive capacity to the climate change crisis because they can create and implement plans specific to the needs of their nation-state adhering to both the demands of the people as well as their leaders. This study illustrates the specifics of how this new deliberative democracy will address the specific climate change concerns in the nation-states examined. This research hopes to allow these proposed models to act as one of the possible solutions to tackle the climate change crisis in other similar nation-states.


Name: Quincy Rasin
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Quincy.Rasin@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  Gentrification: Where Are They Now? A Comprehensive Study of Displacement in Harlem Between the Years 2000-2017
Abstract:
Gentrification is an apparently necessary and unstoppable phenomenon and one that permeates most cities of the Global North. The United States is no exception. Gentrification is a harbinger of restoration but it can also destroy the character of a neighborhood through the rapid changes it engenders. In the thesis that follows, I attempt to identify and analyze the most salient beneficial as well as harmful effects of displacement of residents caused by gentrification. In doing so, I focus on one particular zip code in Harlem, New York City: 10027. Using data collected through interviews and surveys, I examine the impact of gentrification of displaced residents this zip code during the period 2000-2017. My findings suggest that the controversy resides in the moral argument. I conclude the thesis with a set of policy recommendations.


Name: x s
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: minhvutrang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: wfwe
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Economic Sanctions, Diplomacy, and Militarized Interstate Disputes: An Empirical Analysis
Abstract:
The topic of interstate wars has received substantial attention from the existing literature of international relations. This paper attempts to examine whether instruments of statecraft can affect the probabilities of militarized interstate disputes. Specifically, I focus on economic sanctions as the main foreign policy instrument of interest to test if these methods of coercion can reduce the severity of interstate disputes between the target states and the third-party in future conflicts. I make two significant contributions in this paper. First, since most works in the literature have surprisingly ignored to compare the utility of [economic] sanctions with other techniques of statecraft to assess how they both affect the outcome, I bridge this gap by studying the effectiveness of sanctions when imposed after diplomatic efforts from the initiators. The idea is an extension of Baldwin’s (1985) theory concerning simultaneous imposition of soft power and hard power to maximize the likelihood of achieving desirable outcomes. Second, this is a pioneering work attempting to operationalize “diplomacy” from a narrative literature of historical case studies and documents. The concept is now originally measured on an ordinal scale across time and space. I use time-series, cross-sectional ordered logit regressions to discuss the relative importance of [economic] sanctions and diplomacy with other essential determinants of interstate wars, such as power disparities, geographical proximity, democratic political institutions, power status, among others.


Name: Kevin Shan
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: kevin.shan@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-presenter info: Jason Barabas, PhD. Stony Brook University. jason.barabas@stonybrook.edu
Paper Title:  Analogies in Politics
Abstract:
Health insurance markets and the individual mandate introduced by the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are extremely contentious. There are few products that the government requires an individual to purchase, so it might be perceived as an infringement on personal freedom to require someone to purchase health insurance. But one analogous situation would be the requirement of drivers to purchase automobile insurance, which many supporters of the ACA point out. However, this argument is flawed in that ownership of a car is voluntary, so the automobile insurance mandate is not universal. On the other side, opponents of the ACA have drawn different analogies between automobile and health insurance. For example, Vice President Pence has spoken in favor of making health insurance marketplaces more like automobile insurance marketplaces, claiming that automobile insurance policies are sold across state lines, which should increase competition and lower premiums. However, this analogy is flawed because while automobile insurance policies can be sold in one state by a company based in another state, the insurance policies must comply with regulations of the state in which the policy is sold. Therefore, selling insurance policies ‘across state lines’ is not a means of increasing competition. We aim to measure the effect that these analogies between health insurance and car insurance might have on opinions and attitudes towards components of the ACA. Since car and health insurance comparisons have been drawn by both supporters and detractors of the ACA, the analogies between car and health insurance can be established with Democrats and Republicans. Additionally, since each analogy has flaws, we can also measure the effect of accuracy on motivated reasoning (Flynn, Nyhan, & Reifler, 2017). First, the observational component involved compiling survey data from the Kaiser Family Foundation’s (KFF) monthly health tracking poll from 2010 to mid-2017. The KFF surveys provide insight on attitudes towards the ACA. This information was then combined with data on state car insurance requirements to see the effects that automobile insurance experiences might have on attitudes towards health insurance requirements. This observational portion will be paired with a forthcoming survey experiment with a nationwide sample. Subjects will be exposed to various analogies and some treatment groups would additionally be exposed to rebuttals of the analogies like those described above. Previous studies found that associative (X is like Y) analogies generally cause people to form opinions in line with the connotation of the analogies, but dissociative (X is not like Y) analogies do not always work the same way (Stapel & Spears, 1996). Our study is unique in that we have cases in which subjects are exposed to both associative and dissociative analogies (within subjects) to see how analogies might be weakened. Because of the current uncertainty surrounding health insurance markets and the individual mandate, this project presents a contemporary view of political psychology and motivated reasoning surrounding an issue that is widely discussed in the media. References Flynn, D.J., Brendan Nyhan, and Jason Reifler. 2017. “The Nature and Origins of Misperceptions: Understanding False and Unsupported Beliefs About Politics.” Political Psychology 38 (February): 127-150 Stapel, Diederik A., and Russell Spears. 1996. “Guilty by Disassociation (And Innocent by Association): The Impact of Relevant and Irrelevant Analogies on Political Judgments.” Political Behavior 18 (September): 289-309


Name: Kashif Walayat
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: kwalyt@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Keuka College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  ISIS: Pure Islamic or Perversion
Abstract:
The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the difference between Islam as interpreted by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and more modernized Muslims. I explore the belief that the majority of Muslim countries apply the more traditional interpretation of Islamic principles from the 7th century just as ISIS does, but to a less extreme extent. Because ISIS’ beliefs are so ingrained in history, it is not really that new of an organization. Other scholars have re-interpreted Islam to be more westernized, which is the fear of ISIS. The paper covers Islamophobia and the incidences leading up to 9/11, Islamic radicalism in the form of ideology and practice, the origins and history of ISIS, the difference and similarities between ISIS and the general Muslim population, the conceptualization of Islam and being Muslim inside and outside of Islamic societies, and relevant scholars and terminology necessary to know to understand the topic. Key Words: ISIS, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, Islam, Muslim, Wahhabism, Tawhid, Al-Qaeda, Quran, Shirk, Allah, Sharia Law


Name: Allison Walkley
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: allisonwalkley@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  A Quantitative Look at the Effect of Regime Type on Women’s Political Freedom
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The initial hypothesis question of this paper asks the following if a woman lives in a democracy, then will she have higher levels of political freedom than if she lived in a non-democratic regime? Quantitative research methods were applied to this question in hopes of identifying whether or not democracies have higher levels of political freedoms. The independent variable studied was the level of political freedom and the Dependent variable studies were regime type. To study these variables the Quality of Government dataset was used. An additional goal of this research is to highlight the number of places in the world where women are not granted political freedoms. Existing literature used in this paper deals focus on freedom as a political ideal, democratization and women’s legislative representation in developing nations, comparative analysis of sex equality policy, and policy feedback on women’s political representation. In this study, the definition of women’s political rights is operationalized into either a zero or a one. Zeros are defined as countries in which none of the women’s political rights are guaranteed by law. Ones are defined as countries in which Political equality is guaranteed by law. The concept of Democracy was operationalized order to create a universal definition. Democratic states are assigned a value of one and monarchy, military, one-party, multi-party, no-party and other regime types are assigned a value of zero. My findings show a correlation between regime type and women’s political freedom. About 93% of Women living in a democratic regime enjoy high levels of political freedom whereas about 74% of women living in non-democratic regimes have what is considered high levels of political freedom. While the statistic is not overwhelming there is about a 20% difference in high levels of women’s political freedom between democracies and non-democracies. With this research, I hope to contribute more information and research on women’s political participation.


Name: Pk White
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: pwhite5@mail.naz.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Nazareth College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Logistical Case Against the Death Penalty
Abstract:
The following points here outline the logistical reasons why the death penalty has been outlawed in every single developed country in the world excluding the US, Japan, South Korea and Israel. (It is almost never used in Israel, and likely will not be around by the end of the decade in South Korea). We will not tackle on whether the death penalty can be morally justified, that is a topic for another day. The logistical reasons of why the death penalty should be outlawed in our political system are very strong, and many of these reasons also show why the death penalty can indeed be murder, in return being immoral. These points include capital punishment's margin of error, cost ineffectiveness, the problem of obsolete evidence as well as the incorrect theory that capital punishment is an effective deterrent. From here, we explore the reasons why people often ignore these truths, or even make up their own truths to justify capital punishment. The act of ignoring factual evidence to reassure ones moral beliefs is now more common than ever in this age of social media and abundant information. The capital punishment case expresses this theory very well.


Name: Angela Zheng
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ruiqi.zheng@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Analyzing the Economic Development of the Kurdistan Region as an Rentier Economy
Abstract:
Drawing upon the disciplines of political science, economics, and sociology, the purpose of this paper is to analyze Iraqi Kurdistan’s potential for long-term economic and civil society development as an oil producing quasi-state through the lens of rentier state theory. Rentier state theory pertains to oil-dependent states where the economic system is sustained by external economic rent, foreign investment, with the government of the state itself being the primary beneficiary of said rent through the control of its oil sector. Some common traits of rentier states include an economic susceptibility to oil shocks, the lack of transparency in government finances, and severely reduced opportunities for democratic representation as states largely financially independent of taxation. Iraqi-Kurdistan demonstrates all of these traits, with financial and transparency indicators similar to Iraq and other rentier states in the region. This paper examines the ramifications of Iraqi-Kurdistan’s status as a rentier economy towards its potential for stable economic development and prospective changes to its regional political status through the analysis of its burgeoning civil society. Through an analysis of Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) documents including reported revenue, constitutions, and election results along with documents provided by international organizations such as the World Bank and Transparency International, this paper addresses the actual effect of a rentier economy upon regional economic and political stability. Supplemented by documents on foreign investment, tax rates, voter turnout and referendum results, this paper also explores whether the economic status of the Kurdistan region may be sufficient to affect its legal status. Stemming from Douglas A. Yate’s rentier state theory (1996) and Denise Natali’s research upon the Kurdish Quasi-State in Post-Gulf War Iraq (2010), this research project aims to analyze the Kurdistan region’s long-term possibilities for development in its civil society through a socio-economical perspective. Though literature on both rentier state theory and the Kurdistan region itself exist, few have attempted to tie these two research areas together. By examining trends through the Kurdistan example, it may be possible to yield applications to research on potential developments of democratic civil societies in rentier states, the economic influence of oil in the process of obtaining statehood, or the case study’s impact or there lack of upon the governance models of other rentier states in the region, most notably the government of Iraq.



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