Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Michael Armato
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: marmato@albright.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Albright College
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: TEST
Panel Description: TEST
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  TEST
Abstract:
TEST


Name: Lindsey Cormack
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: lcormack@stevens.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Stevens Institute of Technology
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  A Theory of Lip Service over Legwork for Veterans Policies in the United States
Abstract:
Veterans policy in the United States is administered in a way unlike many other group specific policies. This uniqueness means that expectations of how each of the major parties approach the veterans policy realm do not always comport with how the parties act in practice. In this chapter I present three factual components of the policy arena, the partisan and public opinion puzzles resulting from those starting points, and a theory for why the puzzle is actually quite reasonable. I start with the three starting components: the way veterans care is administered in the US, the ideological viewpoints of the Republican Party on social welfare, and the ideological viewpoints of the Democratic Party on social welfare. The contours of modern conservative ideology as manifested within the Republican party are more at odds with how veterans policies are implemented in the US than liberal, democratic ideologies. Yet the Republican party is often seen as the party for veterans and that veterans tend to self identify with the GOP. Why might that not be the case? I posit a theory of lip service over leg work. Conservative principles and the modern Republican party demands make it harder to actually legislate in a way that benefits veterans but there is no limitation on how much a Republican member of Congress can say about the importance of veterans policy.


Name: Shawn Donahue
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: sdonahu1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Binghamton University (SUNY)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Alabama’s Attempt at BMV Closures after Implementing Strict Photo ID
Abstract:
This paper focuses on the post-Shelby County practices comes in Alabama. This revolves around two things that happened in close proximity: implementation of Alabama’s photo identification law following it being lifted from Section 5 preclearance, and a state budget crisis that could have potentially closed about half of the state’s Bureau of Motor Vehicles sites. The two are related because the BMV is the primary places that voters would go to obtain the necessary photo identification under this new law. Most of these closures were in rural Alabama, including many in the part of the state known as the “Black Belt” because of its high concentration of African-Americans going back to the days of slavery. Of the 18 “Black Belt” counties, 67% would see a BMV closure, versus only about 34 percent outside this region. After a public outcry, Gov. Bentley relented slightly, so that each of the offices would be open at least one day per month. However, most of these offices are open fewer hours than before. The models for testing whether these changes were going to have a discriminatory effect on African-American voters will be logistic regressions weighted by county population, with the dependent variable being whether the county would be left with no BMV office. The primary independent variable is the proportion of the county which is African-American. Results in all the models show a discriminatory effect and intent by state officials against African-Americans.


Name: Tracy Goodwin
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Tracy.Goodwin@stonybrook.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Stony Brook University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Political Divide: Polarized Partisans and the Absentee Middle
Abstract:
Political gridlock and partisan conflict has reached the point that hardly a September can go by without the threat of a government shutdown. Partisans have become more ideologically divided with little overlap between partisans of different stripes (Lelkes, 2016). Increasingly, partisans express more negative emotions and evaluations of the opposing party (Mason, 2016; Hetherington, Long and Rudolph, 2016). At the same time we see that political conflict is causing some partisans to hide behind the title of independents as they refuse to take public actions in support of political parties (Klar and Krupnikov, 2016). In this paper I argue that the public is reacting differentially to partisan conflict. I use an experiment to demonstrate that reactions to political conflict are conditional on partisan attachment. When exposed to political conflict, strong partisans become more affectively polarized while weak partisans withdraw from politics. These results show that partisan conflict can widen the political divide between parties by polarizing party loyalists and pushing the middle away from politics.


Name: Michael Iasilli
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: miasilli@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Given Africa's consistent exploitation from the 1950s on, why wasn't there a communist revolution? There are essences of socialism, but nothing, that without question, appears "communist." This paper explores whether there is more to the story than just African apathy to the ideals of communism, or perhaps, lack of political intent on the part of Soviet leadership. This investigation will--at the very least--pose new questions and maybe uncover some phenomena that will prompt historians and social scientists to contend further.
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Beyond Communist Apathy in Africa
Abstract:
Historically, Africa has been a victimized continent faced with the ravages of Western imperial exploitation, looting, and odious dealings from multinational investment firms. Spanning back from the institution of slavery to the contemporary fight against foreign loans and neoliberal globalization, the systematic purloining has left most African countries impoverished, underdeveloped, and dependent on Global North powers so that they can be economically sustained below subsistence. In an ironic fashion, the continent has seen little insurrection specifically polemicized at the Western system that has categorically entrapped Africa’s self-determination. The fact that there was not a solidified leftist revolution makes for a peculiar phenomenon. Moreover, it sparks questions about why a communist movement didn’t actually transcend Africa’s evolutionary history. Unlike experiences that are seen in Asia, Latin America, or Cuba, communism in Africa did not exactly affix itself as a structural form of government and society. Besides a slight fragmentation in South Africa during the 1960s to 1980s, there never really was a communist revolution, or a dramatic appeal to communism, at the very least. Many attribute this discontinuity to the functional breakdowns of the Soviet Union, and its institutional shortage of preserving their ‘international’ influence in the Global South. However, this yet warrants further investigation into what could render themselves confounding variables in the form of the influence of Britain and the United States; particularly, in how a possible communist revolution may have been tacitly undermined by the political and monetary influence of both private and public forces. Considering the bleak social disparities of the region, the momentum of the Communist Party of South Africa, communist influence in the African National Congress, and communist support among minority Jewish communities in Africa, it is likely that the moment for a revolution of this sort was ripe for the taking. The Soviet Union’s hands-off approach, or even, broad African apathy for political change doesn’t seem to fully explain the lack of liberal defiance, thus, another causal dimension regarding the possibility of Western intervention and subversion must be expounded.


Name: Taneisha Means
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: tmeans@vassar.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Vassar College
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Alexandra Hatch, Vassar College, ahatch@vassar.edu
Co-presenter info: Alexandra Hatch, Vassar College, ahatch@vassar.edu
Paper Title:  The Politics of Restoring Voting Rights After Incarceration in the U.S.
Abstract:
As of November 2017, approximately 6 million U.S. citizens are unable to exercise their right to vote as a result of a felony conviction. In fact, most states in the U.S. prohibit persons on parole or probation, and individuals incarcerated for a felony offense, from voting. While some states perpetually deny the voting rights of persons with felony convictions, most states have a process to restore voting rights. A number of social justice-oriented organizations and academics, including political scientists, sociologists, and legal scholars, have done research on felony disenfranchisement. The work stemming from these organizations and scholars not only discuss the topic of felony disenfranchisement, but some of the political and social ramifications of this type of challenge to voting rights. Unfortunately, most of this work does not help us understand the restoration processes that exist for formerly disenfranchised persons to have their voting rights restored, and the implications of those processes. That is the purpose of this paper. Here, we will shed light on the politics of restoring voting rights after incarceration in the U.S. We address the following questions: (How) Do some states make it easy or difficult to have voting rights restored? Are there similarities between the states that opt to use certain process(es)? Finally, how do these processes affect political participation and representation? Political scientists have long demonstrated that once registered to vote, the likelihood of turning out to vote in an election drastically increases. This project is, thus, important when considering 21st century electoral politics, and whose voices are often suppressed and silenced within our political system. Moreover, this project helps us understand the range of restoration processes, and why and how the process selected by a state can deeply influence the political participation and representation of a significant segment of our nation’s population.


Name: Michael Pardo
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: michael.pardo@wagner.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Wagner College
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The Future of Populism in the Two-Party System
Abstract:
This paper will explore populism and how politics arrived at the current state seen in the western world, specifically in the United States of America. This paper asks, does populism have a future and if so, what does the future of the two-party system look like? To arrive at an answer, this paper will look at the context of what led up to this populist moment. It will explore the presidencies of Andrew Jackson and Richard Nixon to connect the similarities to Trump. In order to determine if populism has a future, one must also look at the state of the established parties and what options may help them to revive for this new age. Options for the way forward will include Classical Liberalism and a modified form of Progressivism.


Name: Adam Stone
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: astone@gsu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Georgia State University, Perimeter College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: It's My Party, and I'll Cry If I Want To: Applying Social Envy Theory to Senate Confirmation Votes on U.S. Supreme Court Justices in the 21st Century 
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the final U.S. Senate confirmation votes on the five U.S. Supreme Court justices that have joined the Court in the 21st century. When compared with 20th century post-Bork confirmations, these five have been much more contentious and partisan. Partisan voting has increased in these recent confirmations and the number of defections from established party position has decreased. Analyzing these five votes using OLS regression, we find that reelection concerns are increasingly important, in line with the literature on Congress pioneered by Mayhew and continued by Frances E. Lee. Adding Govtrack’s ideological and leadership scores to the regressions provides further prediction of defection and introduces a social envy explanation for votes on the nominees. Using the literature on social envy from economics (especially models by Gissy), this explanation looks at each individual senator’s relationship with their party in terms of both ideology and leadership as a way to further predict and explain confirmation votes. With Justice Anthony Kennedy’s expected retirement from the high court in the near future, this research will provide insight into the confirmation battle over his successor.


Name: Eric Svensen
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: eps007@shsu.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Sam Houston State University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The Limits of Constitutional Conservativism
Abstract:
Critics of progressive politics often argue that expansive federal law, the growth of the administrative state, and judicial activism in the courts distort the principles of the founding. Efforts to recreate the American republic into a leftist utopia, they argue, have bastardized the original intention of the Constitution. Rather than living in a world where fiscal rectitude, family values, individual rights, and the market are protected, critics claim that we have veered off course where the government recklessly spends taxpayer money on programs that have little value, actively promote alternative lifestyles that attack traditional family values, continually push for legislation and initiate court proceedings to erode individual rights, and promote poor alternatives to the free market. Constitutional conservatives argue, then, for a return to founding principles. In this paper, I argue this understanding of the Constitution is a mistake. While constitutional conservatives are certainly aligned with the governing principles and philosophies of the early republic, to assume that the Constitution itself has been altered or changed is a misunderstanding of the expansive power embedded within the Constitution. If constitutional conservatives want to criticize the state of contemporary American governance they should turn their attention to the Anti-Federalists who argued against ratifying the very document constitutional conservatives revere. I will show that the modern expansion of government power is part and parcel of the Constitution and argue that if constitutional conservatives want to return American governance to some past vision then they should consider the teachings of the Anti-Federalists and their warnings regarding this Constitution. The defect of modern governance is not a character flaw of contemporary politicians, one that can be traced to the Constitution—the document constitutional conservatives want to protect.



Comparative Politics

Name: Olawale Akinrinde
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: olawale.akinrinde@uniosun.edu.ng
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Osun State University, Osogbo, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Impact of Third Sector on the Anticorruption Fight in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects
Abstract:
Poverty, bad leadership, violence and insecurity among others have been identified as threats to the continued corporate existence of the Nigerian state but none is as devastating as the corruption epidemic. It is a social and anti-societal vice that manifests across all levels and in all sectors; albeit, the first and second sectors which constitute the people and the government respectively. In a bid to nip this menace in its bud, the Nigerian government being the second sector, has instituted various anticorruption strategies, actions, rhetoric and policies all wrapped in the anticorruption crusade. These with many other giant efforts like the creation of anticorruption commission (The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and The Independent Corrupt Practices Commission) as well as the legal prosecution of high and low profile corruption cases have yielded little or no appreciable results. Findings have further shown that while the government being the second sector has not really lived up to expectation in this fight, the activities of the third sector like the NURTW have further limited the success chance of the collective efforts of all the sectors in the fight against corruption. Without exonerating both the first and second sectors (the people and the government) in the culpability of the failure of the anticorruption fight given its continued rise, the third sector has, through their corrupt activities and failed responsibilities, contributed more to the failure of the anticorruption fight. It is in the light of this challenge and problematic that this article aims to assess the degree of impacts the third sector with the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) as a civil society and as a case study, has had on Nigeria’s anticorruption fight. While relying primarily the qualitative methodology, the role of the third sector especially the NURTW in the anticorruption fight in Nigeria shall be evaluated and investigated with a view to unravelling its problems and prospects. This article however concludes that a change of attitude, approach and action in the third sector is more than necessary at this juncture if the anticorruption fight is to yield any meaningful result in Nigeria. Keywords: Anticorruption Fight, the Third Sector, NURTW, Challenges and Prospects, Nigeria.


Name: Matúš Meluš
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: matus.melus@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: doc. PhDr. Peter Horváth, PhD. Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia E-mail: phorvathtt@gmail.com
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Comparison of the referendum institute in terms of selected European countries
Abstract:
In the vast majority of countries, modern political systems are based on representative democracy in which citizens delegate power to their elected representatives. Undoubtedly, the elements of direct democracy are its essential and necessary addition. Perhaps the most used and best known is the use of the referendum institute. In the past, the ideas of direct democracy have been interpreted as a tool to protect citizens from state interference. This interpretation was the result of the liberal ideas formation. Direct democracy is in pure form perceived as a state organization in which no elected representative bodies exist and the people themselves decide on all serious public affairs. In these circumstances, the citizen came into a specific position. He was invited to participate in the immediate decision-making process and he was also the subject to these decisions. Moreover, he was bound to them. However, this kind of direct democracy is quite impossible for complex state entities now. With the current number of citizens, their direct decision-making on every social issue is practically excluded. In our contribution we are dealing with comparison of referendum models in Slovakia and in other selected European countries - Denmark, Estonia, Ireland or France. Generally, we can say that the decision-making of citizens in the referendum has its meaning, but on the other hand, this meaning is also often missing. From a practical point of view, it depends on setting the conditions for its successful and unsuccessful result in a particular system. The pros and cons influencing this form of voting are consequently developed. Among the fundamental advantages we can include the control of citizens over their matters, the creation of political and civic society, the plurality of opinions, and so on. On the contrary, the negative issues are for example manipulation of the crowd, problematic level of responsibility of accepted decisions, the unclear measure of the lower limit of the necessary participation of voters etc. It is probable that the ideal model of a referendum democracy does not exist on this day. The best example for this establishment is considered Switzerland. Citizens decide here on the important social and political issues quite often. There is even no exception for voting more times within one year or combining different issues into one vote. On the other hand, Slovakia declares similar principles as mentioned Switzerland. However, the reality is diametrically different – in our system was valid only one referendum. There are more reasons for this situation and we will also gradually address them in our article. Generally, questionable themes occur across all European countries. We can mention the misuse of referendums for political purposes where the interests of political parties are more important than the interests of the state as a whole. In Slovakia, there is a major drawback in reducing the importance of local and regional referendums which is also reflected in participation of citizens in national voting. Questions may also raise the degree of commitment of results for legislative bodies or governments. In this article, we look in more detail not only to the legislative regulation of the referendum in individual states, but also to its application and implementation in practice.


Name: Binneh Minteh
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bminteh@scarletmail.rutgers.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Comparative Politics
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:   A Comparative Analysis of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Interventions in Mali, Guinea Bissau and The Gambia (2012-2017): Implications on Democracy and Governance
Abstract:
Increased deadly police violence against unarmed young black males has left us with so many unanswered questions. On July 5, 2016, Alton Sterling, a 37-year-old black man, was shot several times at close range while held down on the ground by two white Baton Rouge Police Department officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. On July 6, 2016, a Falcon Heights, outside Minneapolis Minnesota police officer shot and killed Philando Castile, a 32- year old black Motorist. On August 13, 2016, Smith, 23, was killed in Wisconsin after what Milwaukee police said was a brief foot chase when he ran from a traffic stop. In September, 2016, 40-year-old Terence Crutcher was shot and killed by Officer Betty Shelby on a Tulsa, Oklahoma road with his hands in the air. Similarly, 43-year-old Keith Lamont Scott was fatally shot and killed police in Charlotte, North Carolina sparking days of protest. This paper distinctively argues that policing in all the three cases are rooted in institutionalized racially biased practices entrenched in stereotyping and targeted policing activities, excessive force and the inability of officers to use discretion. Using a comparative case analysis, the paper draws on literature of policing and violence, grievances, opportunities to provide policy recommendations.


Name: Brenda O'Neill
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bloneill@ucalgary.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Calgary
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: David Stewart, University of Calgary (Alberta, Canada), dstewart@ucalgary.ca
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Gender and Party Leader Exits
Abstract:
The number of women chosen to lead political parties at the provincial and federal level in Canada has increased in recent years. The improving trend in their selection does not, however, appear to be matched by the nature of their exits. In 2014 alone, three of five sitting premiers – Kathy Dunderdale, Alison Redford and Pauline Marois – resigned their posts after relatively brief tenures and particularly harsh treatment from their parties, the media and the general public. Using data on all party leaders selected between 1980 and 2017 at both levels of government, we examine the gendered nature of party leader exits. Are women party leaders in a more precarious position than men, and at greater risk of failure and criticism? Specifically, we seek to develop a typology of exit types that will allow for a comparative evaluation of how, when and why women and men party leaders exit their posts. Our findings suggest that the rules of the game differ for the women and men who lead political parties.


Name: Anand Rao
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: raoa@geneseo.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: SUNY Geneseo
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: The Fourteenth Amendment at 150: Birthright Citizenship in an Era of Backlash
Abstract:
The year 2018 marks the 150th anniversary of the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Ratified in 1868, three years after the end of the Civil War, the 14th Amendment was originally designed to make clear once and for all that African-Americans born on sovereign U.S. territory were full citizens. But the 14th Amendment also invited large numbers of immigrants to make the U.S. their home. This short but brilliantly worded amendment revolutionized American society and helped turn the U.S. by 1900 into far and away the world's most populous settler country. But in the 21st century, birthright citizenship has been called into question as advanced industrialized capitalist democracies in particular have struggled to balance the merits of globalization against increasingly disgruntled voters at home who are feeling insecure and inclined to blame what they view as overly tolerant migration and citizenship policies for their woes. This paper will offer a comparative analysis of 3 countries that have taken different political approaches to birthright citizenship since the 1990s when the "era of globalization" commenced. The 3 countries to be analyzed will be Germany, Ireland, and the United States.


Name: Peter Richardson
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: peter.richardson24@gmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Northeastern University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Practice Paper
Abstract:
comparative politics and international relations are closely related and many people think they should be more closely linked because they are so similar.


Name: Zeynep Sentek
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: zeynepsentek@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Heidelberg University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Assessing the re-structuring of society through political demilitarization and its impact on democracy in Turkey under Erdogan
Abstract:
Since 2002, Turkey has undertaken the project to demilitarize its politics. This, however, indirectly resulted in failed democratization. This paper aims to explain why the acclaimed civilianization project of the AKP government did not achieve meaningful democratization. It aims to reveal a process of political demilitarization where a new coercive structure has been forged, together with the rebuilding of the political and social domain, and the consolidation of the capitalist development. The core argument is that under the country’s unique ‘scope conditions’, a political demilitarisation agenda in Turkey can lead only to the loyalization of the potential drivers of change and institution-grabbing by the power central. As a result, the state and its coercive arms go through a re-structuring process where the police, the intelligence services and the paramilitary agents gain significant power and space. Politically, the patriarch of the motherland changes face. The new patriarch creates a new modernity where nationalism, Islam and security play a significant role in the social domain, any counter-hegemonic movement is pacified in the political domain and neoliberal development is supported at all costs in the economic domain. Under this set of circumstances, Turkey’s democratization project, ignited by political demilitarization, ultimately fails and authoritarianism appears. The research will use the process-tracing method and collect evidence from the period 2002-2017.


Name: Maria Snegovaya
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: ms4391@columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The Choices of Left Parties and the Success of the Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe
Abstract:
I look at the choices made by the ex-Communist left parties following the collapse of the Communist system in the Vyshegard-4 countries. On the cases of Hungary and Czech Republic, I show that where the left parties chose to move to the center of the political spectrum (to become more of a typical western Social democratic party), as in Hungary, the left parties discredited itself in the eyes of their traditional constituency (workers, lower middle class), a constituency which was ultimately incorpo rated by the radical right parties. Hence, in such countries the radical right parties are strong. In the countries where the ex-Communist party preserved their more traditional radical left agenda, as in Czech Republic, it was able to retain its traditional workers’ constituency and in such countries, the radical right is weak. I prove my argument on the series of experimental and regular surveys within the two countries. On the cross-country level, I analyze the post-Communist transitions in Eastern and Central Europe to show that the implementation of the austerity reforms by the ex-Communist left parties caused parties dealignment resulting in many of the traditional support groups leaving the left parties and switching the embrace the right populist parties. My argument contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of political systems, and the rise of the radical right parties in Europe.


Name: Joshua Jebuntie Zaato
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Joshua.Zaato@zu.ac.ae
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Zayed University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Value for Money Versus Good Governance: Managing State Owned Enterprises in the Era of Neo-Liberalism
Abstract:
Governments in developing countries face several policy, managerial, financial and institutional challenges as they strive to reform and restructure their state owned enterprises(SOEs) in this era of neo-liberalism. These challenges are more pronounced in Africa because of the numerous institutional, structural and policy challenges inherent in the public administration of African countries. Despite these challenges, scholars are calling for bureaucratic organizations that are effective and efficient, yet democratic and accountable. Several scholars have therefore encouraged reformers to look to and learn from private firms. In order words, most scholars choose the neo-liberal and re-inventing government approach which prioritises private sector management ideas, theories, and approaches in the reform of these critical SOEs. While there is some merit to this school of thought, this paper believes however, that it leads to policy imposition on the managers of developing countries by foreign donor government and international financial institutions using their loans and aid contitionalities as powerful levers. The result is the massive failure of reforms in developing countries since in most cases, these reform models and approaches are not creatively adapted to the needs and circumstance of adopting and implementing habitats of these developing countries. Using the reform and restructuring of SOEs in Ghana as an example, one main question drives this study: is an alternative theoretical framework for SOE reforms specifically adapted to the needs of developing countries possible and what ought to be its core features? This question is timely because of two main reasons. One is the repeated calls by students of modern public administration for a balanced approach to SOE reforms that make these SOEs efficient, effective and yet, transparent, democratic and accountable. The second is because of the frustrations of policymakers and practitioners with the failure of most neo-liberal approaches and the lack of ‘home grown’ alternatives. The main objective of this paper is to develop and propose an alternative analytical and evaluative theoretical framework for the reform and restructuring of SOEs in developing countries. The paper argues and concludes that the time has come for ‘home grown’ approaches and theories that are suited and creatively-adapted to the needs and capacities of developing countries in the reform process. Focusing on the literature and theory on organization reform, about 30 face-to-face interviews with policymakers and practitioners in Ghana, the paper argues that for any theoretical framework to promote value for money and good governance, certain fundamental conditions — context, agency task-specificity and creative adaptation — must be adequately addressed and factored in the reform process. Without them, the dreams of policymakers in the reform process will remain a mirage. This research is relevant because of the paucity of knowledge and experience of developing countries in the reform literature.


Name: Jeanne Zaino
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: jzaino@iona.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Iona College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Re-conceptualizing Banieen-e-Pakistan: A Case Study of the ‘Great Leader’ From the Land of the Five Rivers
Abstract:
Ask the common man or woman on the street who were the founders of the United States and more often than not they will point to George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, or perhaps James Madison and Alexander Hamilton. As historians can attest, however, the idea that the founding of the United States was the work of just these men is both ahistorical and misleading. And this tendency to narrow-cast one’s framers is not restricted to the U.S. alone; indeed it appears to be a global phenomenon. Many of the world’s nations have a short list of founders who are celebrated and others whose contributions are lost to history. One of the most intriguing examples of this phenomenon at work is visible in Pakistan where despite scholarly efforts to the contrary, the popular tendency is to attribute the nation’s founding to just one man - Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. As important as he was, however, Jinnah was not alone and his legacy should not overshadow the important contributions made by his contemporaries. This paper applies lessons from research on the United States lost founders to the case of Pakistan. We begin by reconceptualizing what it means to be a founder, why some people make the list and others do not, and then consider some of the individuals who might be included on list, but who have for a variety of reasons been neglected. The paper concludes with a mini-case study of one of the most intriguing lost founders, former Prime Minister of the Punjab, Sir Sikander Hyat-Khan, otherwise known as the "Great Leader from the land of the Five Rivers".



History and Politics

Name: Kevin Bronner, Ph.D.
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: kbronner@albany.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Public Service Professor, University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Lessons Learned From The Executive Budgeting Literature 1899-1929 
Abstract:
The paper outlines the literature associated with the executive budgeting movement in the United States from 1899-1929. Several pieces of literature are outlined in the paper. The paper looks into the purpose or key theme from each of the early budgeting documents and then discusses how the lessons from the 1899-1929 budgeting period can be applied to public budgeting problems being experienced today.


Name: Yaela Collins
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: yaelacollins@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: The European Defense Action Plan: Is Collective Defense Worth Implementing  
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Ethnic Prejudice in Dutch Counterterrorism
Abstract:
Europe’s focus on the formation of an economic union, though prosperous, has created a fragmented and arguably incompatible security framework. Reluctance to surrender political and military sovereignty has left the region largely weakened and extremely vulnerable to both homegrown and rising external threats. Resulting gaps in border regulations, defense capabilities, and intelligence-sharing are being studied and exploited by terrorists and other adversaries keen on elevating their chances of carrying out a successful attack. The EU’s “security situation” has been in deteriorating for far too long and increases in “intensity, frequency, and complexity” of conflicts and problems in Europe are working to highlight the fissures in existing policy and procedure. Further, high public threat perceptions and the continuously evolving nature of threats are accumulating to pose unprecedented risks to EU stability. In the wake of blatant inefficiencies in organization, spending, and action, the question arises; “would money allocated to individual EU member defense budgets be better spent on collective EU defense?”


Name: Michael Iasilli
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: miasilli@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Given Africa's consistent exploitation from the 1950s on, why wasn't there a communist revolution? There are essences of socialism, but nothing, that without question, appears "communist." This paper explores whether there is more to the story than just African apathy to the ideals of communism, or perhaps, lack of political intent on the part of Soviet leadership. This investigation will--at the very least--pose new questions and maybe uncover some phenomena that will prompt historians and social scientists to contend further.
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Beyond Communist Apathy in Africa
Abstract:
Historically, Africa has been a victimized continent faced with the ravages of Western imperial exploitation, looting, and odious dealings from multinational investment firms. Spanning back from the institution of slavery to the contemporary fight against foreign loans and neoliberal globalization, the systematic purloining has left most African countries impoverished, underdeveloped, and dependent on Global North powers so that they can be economically sustained below subsistence. In an ironic fashion, the continent has seen little insurrection specifically polemicized at the Western system that has categorically entrapped Africa’s self-determination. The fact that there was not a solidified leftist revolution makes for a peculiar phenomenon. Moreover, it sparks questions about why a communist movement didn’t actually transcend Africa’s evolutionary history. Unlike experiences that are seen in Asia, Latin America, or Cuba, communism in Africa did not exactly affix itself as a structural form of government and society. Besides a slight fragmentation in South Africa during the 1960s to 1980s, there never really was a communist revolution, or a dramatic appeal to communism, at the very least. Many attribute this discontinuity to the functional breakdowns of the Soviet Union, and its institutional shortage of preserving their ‘international’ influence in the Global South. However, this yet warrants further investigation into what could render themselves confounding variables in the form of the influence of Britain and the United States; particularly, in how a possible communist revolution may have been tacitly undermined by the political and monetary influence of both private and public forces. Considering the bleak social disparities of the region, the momentum of the Communist Party of South Africa, communist influence in the African National Congress, and communist support among minority Jewish communities in Africa, it is likely that the moment for a revolution of this sort was ripe for the taking. The Soviet Union’s hands-off approach, or even, broad African apathy for political change doesn’t seem to fully explain the lack of liberal defiance, thus, another causal dimension regarding the possibility of Western intervention and subversion must be expounded.



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Michael Busch
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: mbusch@ccny.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: The City College of New York
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Garri Rivkin
Co-presenter info: Garri Rivkin
Paper Title:  States of Exception: Transnistria and Sovereign Recognition
Abstract:
This paper examines the phenomena of de facto states that are refused sovereign recognition from the United Nations and its member states. It focuses on the case of Transnistria, a tiny sliver of territory sandwiched between Moldova and Ukraine. Transnistria constitutes one of a small number of territories in world politics that features its own governing institutions, a standing military, a national currency and monopoly control of force in its territory, but which has been denied what Stephen Krasner calls international legal sovereignty, even by its closest allies. Why? Drawing on the international relations and comparative politics literatures examining questions of sovereignty and critical geopolitics, as well as research from the field, this paper argues that despite the postcolonial order of nation-states organized into regimes of global governance characterizing contemporary world affairs, patterns of imperial power politics still govern, to a large degree, outcomes in the world's peripheral territories. This is especially true of Transnistria which continues to linger in the limbo of tensions between Russian and Western interests. The paper helps fill a surprisingly substantial gap in the international relations literature on the politics of sovereign recognition of de facto states since the Cold War, and textures our understanding of the nature of sovereignty in theory and practice.


Name: Arnaldo Goncalves
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: arnaldogonc53@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Macau Polytechnic Institute
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The end of the U.S.-China entente in the Korean Peninsula. A realitic approach.
Abstract:
U. S.-China bilateral relationship has been constructed through the enhancing of commonalities and strategic interests between these two world powers. This convergence of efforts and strategic visions have allowed the U.S. and China to find common ground on handle the North Korea disruptive conduct whcich led them to articulate a common position in the Security Council. This co-ordination of efforts has been saluted by the international community as the correct way to handle disruptions to the international and regional orders but the practical results are, until now, minimal. China is interlinked to the North Korea regime by a multi-decade ideological solidarity strenghtened by the Korean War in the 1950s, when Beijing sent hundreds of volunteers to fight the American Army in the south.The survival of Beijing's socialist experience depends upon the resilience and vision of its leadership and stability along Beijing's frontiers and thereafter in keeping the status-quo in the Korean Peninsula. China disagrees on the annexation of South Korea by the North, but has major reservations to a Korean reunification, which will bring American troops close to China's borders. As the crisis continues with no antecipated end to the nuclear program, the United States may be forced to do a preemptive attack against Pyongyang military targets and arsenal in order to deter King Jong Un. This move will have a major impact in the U.S. - China bilateral relationship and may led to end the type of amicable relationship both Republican and Democrat Presidents have pursued in the last sixty years. .


Name: Michael Iasilli
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: miasilli@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Given Africa's consistent exploitation from the 1950s on, why wasn't there a communist revolution? There are essences of socialism, but nothing, that without question, appears "communist." This paper explores whether there is more to the story than just African apathy to the ideals of communism, or perhaps, lack of political intent on the part of Soviet leadership. This investigation will--at the very least--pose new questions and maybe uncover some phenomena that will prompt historians and social scientists to contend further.
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Beyond Communist Apathy in Africa
Abstract:
Historically, Africa has been a victimized continent faced with the ravages of Western imperial exploitation, looting, and odious dealings from multinational investment firms. Spanning back from the institution of slavery to the contemporary fight against foreign loans and neoliberal globalization, the systematic purloining has left most African countries impoverished, underdeveloped, and dependent on Global North powers so that they can be economically sustained below subsistence. In an ironic fashion, the continent has seen little insurrection specifically polemicized at the Western system that has categorically entrapped Africa’s self-determination. The fact that there was not a solidified leftist revolution makes for a peculiar phenomenon. Moreover, it sparks questions about why a communist movement didn’t actually transcend Africa’s evolutionary history. Unlike experiences that are seen in Asia, Latin America, or Cuba, communism in Africa did not exactly affix itself as a structural form of government and society. Besides a slight fragmentation in South Africa during the 1960s to 1980s, there never really was a communist revolution, or a dramatic appeal to communism, at the very least. Many attribute this discontinuity to the functional breakdowns of the Soviet Union, and its institutional shortage of preserving their ‘international’ influence in the Global South. However, this yet warrants further investigation into what could render themselves confounding variables in the form of the influence of Britain and the United States; particularly, in how a possible communist revolution may have been tacitly undermined by the political and monetary influence of both private and public forces. Considering the bleak social disparities of the region, the momentum of the Communist Party of South Africa, communist influence in the African National Congress, and communist support among minority Jewish communities in Africa, it is likely that the moment for a revolution of this sort was ripe for the taking. The Soviet Union’s hands-off approach, or even, broad African apathy for political change doesn’t seem to fully explain the lack of liberal defiance, thus, another causal dimension regarding the possibility of Western intervention and subversion must be expounded.


Name: Srikant Pandey
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: srikantpandey7@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Delhi
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Humanitarian intervention and the issue of Power Politics :A case study of the U.N.O.
Abstract:
Power politics has remained an issue of academic engagement ever since the humankind has learnt the art and science of expression ,if not explicitly then at least implicitly .However ,the post- Westphalia convention can be credited for giving an autonomous academic space to the realm of power in international relations .There has been various methods of expanding power throughout the history of mankind ; mostly involving violent conflicts including world wars .Thereafter , the powerful actors devised an institutional mechanism of avoiding wars of such a magnitude without avoiding their pursuit of power ,namely the U.N.O. Though ,theoretically it is based on the principle of democratic values of justice and freedom it’s functioning has led the academia to argue that it is nothing but a vanguard of powerful which assists them in perpetuating their monopoly over international power through certain inbuilt structural mechanisms ; humanitarian intervention being one of the most potent and legitimate instrument .This paper intends to develop it’s argument by applying political economy in the broader framework of realist methodology . Key Words : Power ,Humanitarian Intervention , Democracy ,Justice ,Freedom ,Monopoly .


Name: Bann Seng Tan
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: bannseng.tan@boun.edu.tr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Bogazici University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Nicholas R. Davis, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Explaining Authoritarian Reactions to Relief Aid
Abstract:
While natural disasters do not respect political boundaries, the response by states do. We argue that authoritarian regimes strategically choose from aid facilitation, obstruction or diversion depending the political relevance of the disaster victims and the need for performance legitimacy. When key supporters of the regime are afflicted by the disaster and the regime needs performance legitimacy, it is in the interest of authoritarian regimes to facilitate foreign relief. When neither holds true, they opt to obstruct aid. Between the two policy extremes, we expect a policy mix of facilitation aside aid diversion. To illustrate the theory we use Myanmar’s reaction to foreign relief after Cyclone Nargis as a case study. To test the theory, we equate political relevance with the winning coalition and proxy for the performance legitimacy with two variants of electoral authoritarianism-hegemonic and competitive. We synthesize data from Schedler’s Dataset on Authoritarian Elections, the International Disaster Database (EMDAT) with foreign aid data (AidData). The results show that competitive authoritarian regimes receive more disaster relief but less non-disaster relief while the opposite hold true for hegemonic authoritarian regimes. Understanding the institutional imperatives of authoritarian regimes helps us anticipate their likely response. Our theory highlights the conditions under which authoritarian benevolence is plausible. In doing so, we gain insight into the nature of authoritarian resilience.


Name: Aaron Zack
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: aaronmzack@protonmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: John Jay College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: none
Co-presenter info: none
Paper Title:  The Historical Logic of Bipolarity in East Asia and the Rising Sino- American Rivalry: Some Implications for the Emerging Asian State System
Abstract:
The economic and military rise of China suggests American quasi- hegemony is ending and that a Sino- American rivalry is emerging in the Asia- Pacific. This differs from the bipolarity of the Cold War: whereas both the US and USSR were global powers whose rivalry played out across multiple state systems, the Sino- American bipolarity, at least initially, will likely play out in the Asia- Pacific alone. This limitation would diminish if China were to develop global power- projection capabilities, such as a blue- water navy. The prior and emerging bipolarities are also distinguished by the relative capabilities of the rivals, and particularly their maritime power. The Soviets were blessed (or burdened) with a relatively autarkic economy, and therefore maritime power was, for them, a luxury. Invulnerable to blockade, the Soviets had neither the need nor the capability to ‘break out’ and challenge the Americans in their maritime Asian sphere of influence. The Americans, for their part, were unwilling to push into the Asian continent a outrance- when faced with a choice between escalation or acceptance of defeat or stalemate in the periphery of the continent, the Americans refused to escalate, thus reaffirming their limits as a primarily maritime power. China, however, depends upon seaborne trade for its well- being. It imports parts, energy and raw materials from around the world, and exports finished goods. Its vital sea lanes are dominated by the United States and its allies. The Chinese have no intention of accepting this dependent status, and possess the wealth and technology to challenge America in its maritime sphere. Therefore, while America will remain hesitant to push showdowns to a conclusion on the Continent, China’s maritime ambitions will render the emerging bipolarity far more combustible than the prior dispensation, as spheres of interest and capabilities will not remain relatively clearly delineated. Therefore we ought not to remain sanguine that the dynamics of the emerging bipolarity will replicate the relatively limited levels of direct and indirect violence seen during the Cold War.



Political Theory

Name: Gene Callahan
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ejc369@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: NYU
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Hayek and Oakeshott on Rationalism 
Abstract:
F. A. Hayek and Michael Oakeshott were two of the most prominent 20th century critics of what they referred to as "rationalism." The two thinkers knew each other personally, and read each other's work. So it would be easy to assume that, when each attacked rationalism, each was aiming his arrows at the same enemy. But was this really the case? In this paper, I will argue that, in fact, Hayek and Oakeshott understood the problem of rationalist thought quite differently. Furthermore, I contend, this difference is not a mere "brute fact," but can be understood as based in their differing philosophical outlooks.


Name: Sacha Ghandeharian
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: SachaGhandeharian@cmail.carleton.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Carleton University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: The Contingent Self and the Future of Critical Theory
Abstract:
The focus of this paper is on Habermasian attempts to reconcile the tension between, on the one hand, the universalist (humanist) moral and ethical approach found in all three generations of the Frankfurt School (Geuss 1981; Rush 2004), and, on the other, the anti-foundationalism characteristic of postmodern approaches to the self. The paper interrogates a significant effort at such a reconciliation – that is, between a universalist ethics and contingent theory of the self – offered by Seyla Benhabib and her ‘narrative model of identity’ (1999). Benhabib suggests that it is the ability to build a coherent narrative of one’s personal identity, rather than to identify a core self, that is morally salient; by focusing on narrative, Benhabib asserts that one is able to reconcile the universal (that is, the notion of a coherent narrative) and the contingent (the lack of a transcendental self). Turning to Lois McNay’s post-structural critique of Benhabib’s ‘narrative model of identity’ (2003), this paper argues that Benhabib is not as successful as first appearances suggest because she relies on an overly simplistic – and cohesive – notion of narrative in relation to the subject. This paper sees the debate between Benhabib and McNay as indicative of the broader ways in which the problematique that is ‘the self’ is left unresolved by the Habermasian privileging of procedure. The paper also considers the ways in which post-structural and/or post-modern approaches – offering a decentralized and contingent notion of the self – can be politically ineffective. Reading the debate between Benhabib and McNay is a means through which one can explore the continuing influence of the antinomy between universalist and contingent conceptualizations of the subject in contemporary critical theory.


Name: chrysoula gitsoulis
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cgitsoulis@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: ccny/cuny
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  utilitarian vs rights-based ethics: degrees of separation
Abstract:
The most glaring weakness of utilitarianism, according to many of its critics, is that it fails to respect individual rights. As a consequentialist moral theory, it holds that it is the consequences or ends of our actions (maximizing happiness) that determine whether particular means to them are justified. But this appears to entail that it’s ok, e.g., to poison your grandfather so you can donate his fortune to charity, or kill a healthy patient so you can use his organs for life-saving transplants, etc. My paper will be devoted to addressing this objection. I will try to show that it is best to think of the difference between utilitarianism and rights-based ethics not as a difference in kind, with no common ground, but as a difference in degree. Once we see that the difference between these theories is a matter of degree, it will become apparent that the rights-based theorist faces a similar type of objection, and hence is no better off than the utilitarian in terms of the stated objection. I will also discuss some of the advantages this strategy has over rule-utilitarianism in dealing with the stated objection.


Name: Michael Iasilli
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: miasilli@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Given Africa's consistent exploitation from the 1950s on, why wasn't there a communist revolution? There are essences of socialism, but nothing, that without question, appears "communist." This paper explores whether there is more to the story than just African apathy to the ideals of communism, or perhaps, lack of political intent on the part of Soviet leadership. This investigation will--at the very least--pose new questions and maybe uncover some phenomena that will prompt historians and social scientists to contend further.
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Beyond Communist Apathy in Africa
Abstract:
Historically, Africa has been a victimized continent faced with the ravages of Western imperial exploitation, looting, and odious dealings from multinational investment firms. Spanning back from the institution of slavery to the contemporary fight against foreign loans and neoliberal globalization, the systematic purloining has left most African countries impoverished, underdeveloped, and dependent on Global North powers so that they can be economically sustained below subsistence. In an ironic fashion, the continent has seen little insurrection specifically polemicized at the Western system that has categorically entrapped Africa’s self-determination. The fact that there was not a solidified leftist revolution makes for a peculiar phenomenon. Moreover, it sparks questions about why a communist movement didn’t actually transcend Africa’s evolutionary history. Unlike experiences that are seen in Asia, Latin America, or Cuba, communism in Africa did not exactly affix itself as a structural form of government and society. Besides a slight fragmentation in South Africa during the 1960s to 1980s, there never really was a communist revolution, or a dramatic appeal to communism, at the very least. Many attribute this discontinuity to the functional breakdowns of the Soviet Union, and its institutional shortage of preserving their ‘international’ influence in the Global South. However, this yet warrants further investigation into what could render themselves confounding variables in the form of the influence of Britain and the United States; particularly, in how a possible communist revolution may have been tacitly undermined by the political and monetary influence of both private and public forces. Considering the bleak social disparities of the region, the momentum of the Communist Party of South Africa, communist influence in the African National Congress, and communist support among minority Jewish communities in Africa, it is likely that the moment for a revolution of this sort was ripe for the taking. The Soviet Union’s hands-off approach, or even, broad African apathy for political change doesn’t seem to fully explain the lack of liberal defiance, thus, another causal dimension regarding the possibility of Western intervention and subversion must be expounded.


Name: Spiros Makris
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: smakris@uom.gr
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Republic as demos. The post-foundational ontology of Cornelius Castoriadis
Abstract:
The contemporary Greek political and social philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis has formulated a post-foundational ontology of democracy in which ancient Greek demos dominates. In contrast with the political theories of modernity, where the epicenter of politics is the power of the state, Castoriadis advances a republican approach of politics, in which power is just a social imaginary without stable foundations. This post-foundational political and social ontology of imaginery brings to the fore both the creative and catastrophic powers of radical human imaginery. Demos is the locus classicus of a republic in the meaning of a public space, where the performance of politics is contingent, open and, to a great degree, unpredictable. This means that democracy would not be taken for granted. In doing so, Cornelius Castoriadis builds an agonistic approach of democracy, where demos is not the power of the state, but a fragile and constantly changed public sphere, where politics is the metonymy of human creativity and freedom. The ontological aspects of this democratic theory give Castoriadis's approach a philosophical and poetical dimension. Either Hesiod's chaos or Aeschylus's anthropology or Sofocle's self-creation of man reveal, according to Castoriadis, human tragedy in the ancient Greek meaning of the word, i.e. the titanic and chaotic the same time capabilities of humanity. Demos is the ontological and political scene of this human tragedy. So, democracy as a republic is not only about common good and public happiness. It concerns human openness towards evil. This the paradox of democracy. For Castoriadis, in a Freudian psychoanalytic way, citizens must always fight for the sake of democracy, having in mind that radical human imaginery is by definition the other ontological face of mythical Abyss.


Name: Jeffrey Miller
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email:
Professional Status:
Institution:
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Tragedy and Democratic Thought in Aeschylus' 'Persians'
Abstract:
This paper is interested in considering how fifth century discourse regarding distinctions between Greeks and barbarians are deployed later civic discourse and helped shape later civic ideology in Athens. Specifically, I argue that many of the terms and concepts Aeschylus applies to the Persians, are redeployed in the Athenian conflicts with Macedonia later in the fourth century and that the deployment and use of these concepts tells us much about how the Greeks thought about democracy.


Name: Sydney Paluch
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: sydney.m.paluch.gr@dartmouth.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Dartmouth College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: The Ambiguity of Antony and Cleopatra : Interrupting Phallocentric Schemes of Objectification Through the Mutual Gaze
Abstract:
This paper proposes an alternative to the male gaze, using Simone de Beauvoir’s theory of ambiguity in order to understand the subversive sexual politics underlying Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra. The concept of the male gaze was first identified in feminist film theorist Laura Mulvey’s article “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” which explains how film is explicitly constructed around the male gaze. Since the publication of Mulvey’s article, feminist theorists such as Linda Williams and Mary Ann Doane have attempted to construct a feminine counterpart to the male gaze. Unfortunately, these theorists have typically concluded that such a gaze is possible by merely reversing the male gaze, substituting female desire for male. Although the female operating within such a theoretical scheme of male objectification gains prominence over the male, this is merely reversing the gender of power without reconstructing the system itself. I propose that there is an alternative, non-possessive gaze, which I define as the “mutual gaze”, and identify in William Shakespeare’s play The Tragedy of Antony and Cleopatra. My paper explicates this gaze by applying Beauvoir’s theory of ambiguity to Antony and Cleopatra, showing how the play enables the subject to become both spectacle and spectator. Although Shakespeare’s entire body of work provide opportunities for women to reclaim their ambiguity and freedom, Antony and Cleopatra has been chosen for this thesis as it provides a plethora of these opportunities. This is because the Greco-Roman couple in Shakespeare’s retelling are enacting what Beauvoir defines as an ideal relationship in her conclusion to The Second Sex. Since in original practice productions Cleopatra is able to be performed as one who “posits herself for herself” while “nonetheless continue[ing] to exist for him [Antony] as well”, both halves of the original power couple are able to “recognize each Other as subject [and] remain an Other for the other” (Beauvoir, The Second Sex 766).


Name: Aleksanar Savanović
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: aleksandar.savanovic@fpn.unibl.org
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Political Sciences
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The Logic of Rights
Abstract:
As it well known, we have two main lines of philosophical approach to the problem of political obligation: legal positivism and the natural rights concept. [Dworkin] Legal positivism argues that our obligation comes from our decision to become a part of political society. [Raz, J.Buchanan etc] This means that we are creating some kind of agreement or contract with others, to create the political society. We are “tied” by our decision [Gilbert], by decision that has formally been shown in the contract. [Klosko] From this follows that we have obligation to do whatever our political society requires. The key point is: there is no any set of basic principles that must be accepted – any set of basic principles has »shallow foundations« [Rawls]. Second approach is a doctrine of the natural rights, that claims that there exist some natural or human rights that come before any social contract. In this paper we will try to defend »the proposition of the natural rights« from two standpoints: (i) the natural rights are a logical necessity for the politicial constitution: there is no possible to create political community, in logically correct sense, without acceptance of the natural rights - the term of »political community« is an absurd if that community has not been founded on the basis of the natural rights; (ii) the natural rights can be »proven« by using the »evolutionist« approach. The classical »historical« argument against the natural rights claims: through history we can saw infinite number of moral or legal systems and no one can be proven as superior one. [L.Strauss] The »sociological« argument against the natural rights claims: different societies (in same historical era) have different moral or legal systems and no one can be proven as superior. [Hart] Both objections can be defeated by the combination of the evolutionary approach and the utilitarian argument: societies that accept the natural rights (all other conditions equal) have superior efficiency in utilitarian sense and survived through history. Additionally: most important »historical jumps«, as industrial revolution, for example, happened in societies that protected these rights. On the basis of these argumentations we will try to defend hypothesis that the social contract with the preamble of the natural rights is superior model of political community.


Name: Dr.Veena Soni
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: veenasony8@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: JAI NARAYAN VYAS UNIVERSITY ,JODHPUR (RAJ)
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: INDIVIDUAL PAPER
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Narratives of statelessness and political belonging among Kurdish diaspora in Sweden and the UK
Abstract:
This paper investigates the phenomenon of statelessness and political belonging in a world of unequal nation-states and citizenship regimes. In so doing it will examine the theoretical construction and conceptions of the stateless in contemporary social and political thought and assess their implications for the conceptions of shared identity and citizenship rights in the legal-political framework of the nation-state and international legal processes and practices. In the academic field statelessness has been largely viewed in relation to the ‘lack’ of citizenship and the acquisition of citizenship has therefore been presented as a solution to statelessness. Although citizenship rights and membership of an internationally recognized state are central to the human rights of political subjects in the contemporary world, the conditions and experiences of statelessness do not fade away through acquisition of formal citizenship as the persistent political, legal and military struggles of the stateless groups around the world show. It is therefore important to investigate how notions of political belonging underpinning political projects and collective action of the stateless peoples are constructed and how they inform and shape the evolution of national consciousness among them. Political belonging creates collective goals to sustain or transform political order. This study combines theoretical investigation of statelessness and citizenship with empirical field research on the subjective experiences of the phenomena among the Kurds. Through deploying a narrative inquiry and in-depth interviews, this project will use the narratives of Kurdish migrants in Sweden and the UK to analyze how national consciousness emerges in the absence of a nation-state but also the role of the nation-state in shaping discourses about statelessness and political belonging outside of the ‘original’ homelands.


Name: Matthew Stein
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: tuf96836@temple.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Temple University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
Panel Description:
Co-author info: N/A
Co-presenter info: N/A
Paper Title:  What is “the Political” in Political Philosophy?
Abstract:
Since George Sabine asked, “What is a Political Theory?” in 1939, this meta-theoretical debate concerning the conceptual definition of political philosophy has persisted. Among the works produced on this question, two methodological approaches have been utilized. The first is an example based approach which involves accumulating works that have already been classified as political philosophy, and uncovering qualitative similarities to determine where there is sufficient overlap among the works. The example based approach fails on its own terms because it requires some omitted qualifications for the works’ inclusion in the study, which places the definitional burden not on the investigator, but on some prior condition. The second is a normative approach whereby a definition is first hypothesized, and then applied to various works in order to test the appropriateness of the crafted definition. While the normative approach is methodologically sound, it has not been appropriately utilized since the existing literature fails to adequately define the term “politics.” I analyze this debate in order to emphasize that meta-theoreticians ought to take seriously the philosophical challenge that is defining the political. It is crucial to be clear about our vernacular so that political philosophy can set the boundaries of inclusivity in the field.


Name: Asher Wycoff
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: awycoff@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The Graduate Center, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Parties of Catastrophe: Keynes, Marxism, and Apocalypse
Abstract:
Like many liberals of his time, John Maynard Keynes apprehended Marxism, particularly its Bolshevik variant, as a faith. This faith is chiefly eschatological, forecasting “the introduction of a New Order on Earth” and insisting on a singular set of methods in preparation (see Keynes's "Short View on Russia"). The inevitability of the New Order and the methods necessary to bring it into existence are, for sincere believers, beyond question. Such sincere believers exist not only in “Red Russia,” but all throughout Europe, even forming a faction of the British Labour Party – a faction Keynes names “the Party of Catastrophe." Certainly, there was much debate among Marxists with regard to the inevitability of general crisis, the necessity of revolution, and so forth. But the accuracy of Keynes’s characterization is less important than its preeminence in liberal thought throughout much of the twentieth century. Marxism first appeared as an eschatology in the wake of a global war, and again in the wake of a global financial crisis shortly thereafter. Keynesian policy formed the economic front of the bourgeoisie’s counteroffensive: a dynamic anti-eschatology in which a board of technocrats would, through fastidious monetary and fiscal adjustments, not only abate capitalist crisis, but eliminate its ontological possibility altogether. This paper aims to account for the apprehension of Marxism as an eschatological faith from the bourgeois standpoint, and articulate the anti-eschatological character of the Keynesian response. Methodological and conceptual cues are taken from Lukács and Benjamin, pertaining to the "reification" critique of social science epistemology and the messianic “kernel” of historical materialism, respectively. Part of a larger project on the role(s) of eschatology in the liberal tradition, this paper intervenes critically into the "messianic turn" in continental thought as well as the intellectual history of twentieth century political economy.



Identity Politics

Name: Julie Hollar
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: jhollar@gradcenter.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Hunter College, CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Representation and Rights at the Intersections: The Impact of LGBT Politicians in the United States
Abstract:
As increasing numbers of out LGBT politicians take elected office in the United States, what is their impact on policies of interest to the LGBT community? Scholars have suggested that a strong positive increase in pro-LGBT legislation comes with the presence of out LGBT officials, but these studies have not taken the diversity of LGBT identities into account. Most out elected LGBT officials have been white, cisgender gay men; how well do these politicians represent the diverse LGBT community—descriptively, symbolically, or substantively? This paper will use an intersectional lens to reevaluate the impact of LGBT representation in the United States, looking at both who is in office and what kinds of policies they have pursued, with implications for descriptive representation across identity groups.


Name: Sule Toktas
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: sule@khas.edu.tr
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Kadir Has University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Citizenship in Transition: Emigration of Turkey’s Jews to the United States
Abstract:
Citizenship in Turkey is universal in its framework in the sense that it does not recognize special rights for different socio-cultural-ethnic groups holding Turkish citizenship. The only exception to this is the case of non-Muslim minorities. Turkey granted special group rights to the Armenian, Jewish and the Greek communities who altogether constitute less than one per cent of the total population. Only these three minority groups were recognized as minority by the Laussanne Treaty in 1923. The same Treaty not only specifies the hallmark of Turkey’s legal and political attitude towards its minorities but also sets an official framework to the consequent policies regarding the protection of minorities and minority rights. This presentation deals with the question of citizenship of a non-religious minority group – Jews in Turkey – with their distinct experience of emigration out of the country to the Americas, especially to the USA. The time interval under consideration refers to the 20th century when two world wars occurred that triggered migration movements of the Jews wither to Israel after its establishment in 1948 or elsewhere out of the Middle East and Europe. Currently, it is estimated that around 15.000 Jews are living in Turkey which illustrates the fact that Jewish emigration out of the country has been a constant movement. The presentation will outline the roots, dynamics, trends and tendencies of Jewish migration from Turkey to the Americas in the 20th century in light of the findings obtained via an archival research conducted in the governmental and non-governmental archives in New York and in Istanbul.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Remi Alapo
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: oalapo@bmcc.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Borough of Manhattan Community College, BMCC - CUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Remi Alapo Borough of Manhattan Community College (BMCC - CUNY), New York oalapo@bmcc.cuny.edu
Co-presenter info: N/A
Paper Title:  Architecture of Leadership: Behavioral Integrity and the Role of Strategy, Innovation, and Vision on Both Leaders and Followers
Abstract:
The behavioral integrity of managers as viewed by their followers has a lot to do with overall performance and ways in which leaders can continue to motivate employees to achieve the overall goals or objectives of an organization and creating an organizational culture in which employees or followers are valued, supported, and respected (Rogers and Gagos 2003). Employees or followers who work in environments where the ethical values of leaders do not favor followers can have a detrimental effect on follower’s job satisfaction rate, ability to remain innovative and can reduce respect and trust for the leader. The role of behavioral integrity on follower’s strategy depends on the role of the leader and how the leader has been able to communicate the strategic goals to followers especially where they have aligned the behavior of the leader towards the employee (David and Rothstein 2006). A follower’s behavioral integrity can decline when leaders do not visibly communicate and respect employee’s opinions or perspectives. To move the organizational goals forward, employees’ attitudes towards the leader affect their overall performance and willingness to remain innovative and creative. Followers are bound to perform the highest and remain innovative when they work in an environment that is nurturing and supportive of their creativity. The author will present a paper on behavioral integrity and will analyze the role of strategy, innovation, and vision on both leaders and followers in an organizational setting.


Name: Eric Brower
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: eb3527a@student.american.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: American University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Balling with the Boys in Blue: How Police Athletic Leagues Affect Attitudes Toward Police
Abstract:
Attitudes toward police officers have become increasingly important to police forces in recent years. Community based policing (CBP) is one system of operations that a police force may use to build communal bonds between citizens and officers, thus, potentially fostering better attitudes and relationships between the two groups. Police athletic leagues (PALs) are one form of CBP that attempt to build positive relation- ships between officers and citizens through non-confrontational and enjoyable activities. The research in this paper examines an established PAL in Albany, NY and compares attitudes toward police officers among both people who engage with the PAL and those who do not. The study utilized surveying and analysis of results to determine if en- gagement with a PAL leads to a person holding a more positive attitude toward police officers.


Name: Amobi Peter Chiamogu
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: amobi.chiamogu@federalpolyoko.edu.ng
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Federal Polytechnic, Oko Anambra State Nigeria West Africa
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Chop Politics and Economic Development in Nigeria: A Study of Multiple Pension by former Political Office holders
Abstract:
The return to civilian rule and purported entrenchment of the rule of law in Nigeria has occasioned the dawn of elite gangsterism and collusion in pillage of public funds. Law making and sundry processes of legislative programmes have variously been skewed along interests of the ruling class. Elected public officers at the executive arm of government at national and state levels such as the President and Governors have fixed terms of office. A President is eligible for pension after “retirement”. They must leave after two terms. According to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and a bill passed by the National Assembly in November 2010, former Presidents, Heads of State, Heads of federal legislative Houses (Senate and House of Representatives) and Chief Justice qualify for remuneration on successful completion of their term of office. Governors were not included in the bill but they later colluded with state houses of assemblies to get juicy packages at retirement. What is more, these former governors and heads of legislative assemblies have incidentally turned out Senate Presidents and governors as appropriate to qualify for multiple pensions. This study which is situated within the tenets of conspiracy theory thus interrogates the rationale for the payment of multiple pension on former public office holders for serving the country and or their states for a maximum of 8 years whereas civil servants who served meritoriously for 35 years are having running battles to access their pensions in the same country. The study uses mainly secondary sources of information and surmises that those who occupy two or more elective public offices deserving of pensions should get paid the value for their last office.


Name: Gina Keel
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: keelgl@oneonta.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Politics of GMO labeling post-preemption
Abstract:
TBD, this is a test.


Name: Peter Mameli
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: pmameli@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Managing the 2017 Ebola Outbreak in Democratic Republic of the Congo
Abstract:
In May of 2017 word began to spread across international media that an outbreak of Ebola had surfaced in the Central African country of Democratic Republic of the Congo. The news was both sobering and worrisome for a people that had weathered prior bouts with the illness. The worst transnational Ebola epidemic in history had only recently concluded approximately a year earlier in West Africa, with over 11,000 officially killed. That two year long episode primarily impacted the countries of Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Less directly affected were the states of Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, as well as select Western European countries and the United States who each saw a smattering of scattered cases. It was the first time the region of West Africa had ever experienced Ebola. Among the issues that stood out in the 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic was the inability to quickly control the spread of the virus through multi-level and multi-actor management techniques. In fact, the early stages of the crisis were widely criticized for slow and ineffective response across a variety of sectors of the global political system. As a result of the West Africa epidemic the situation in Democratic Republic of the Congo becomes of greater interest than it might otherwise have been to both academics and practitioners. With a newly elected Director-General of the World Health Organization entering office, the successful or unsuccessful engagement of the Democratic Republic of the Congo outbreak offers clues as to whether or not lessons gleaned from earlier Ebola episodes have been properly absorbed and put into practice. In this paper I will explore the following questions: 1) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with others in its history? 2) How does the management of the Ebola epidemic in Democratic Republic of the Congo compare with the 2014-2016 outbreak in West Africa? 3) What are the possible reasons behind successes or failures in responding to this latest Ebola occurrence?


Name: Andrew Pattison
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: apattison@colgate.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Colgate University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  The Weight of Carbon on Policy: Towards a Framework for Understanding How Greenhouse Gas Inventories Can Inform Equitable Climate Policy Design
Abstract:
Using top-down carbon emissions inventory data built from direct measures, previous analysis has demonstrated socioeconomic variables including household income are related to county-level carbon emissions in complicated ways. While consumption-based emissions have been shown to be positively associated with income, production-based e missions offer a different pattern – one suggesting an environmental inequality story of the “displacement of emissions”. Examinations of “bottom-up” local-level carbon emissions inventory data built from carbon footprint analysis have yielded some similar, but also some more complicated findings. These inventories can help track the displaced emissions back to the affluent communities responsible. We have also shown that consumption-based and production-based emissions are necessary but countervailing conditions for climate policy support at the county level. In this study we attempt to untangle the relationship between socioeconomic data such as household income, different categories of carbon emissions such as production and consumption emissions, and the relationship of these variables to the formulation of climate policy. The primary goal is to test how top-down and bottom-up carbon emission inventory data and environmental foot-printing techniques might inform climate policy design in different ways.


Name: Shubha Sinha
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: shubha,sinha7@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Delhi , India
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Human Rights ; Public Interest Litigation :Rising global concerns
Abstract:
The genome of international law as well as relations are clearly interwoven with the issues of human rights which is explicitly engraved not only in the charters of regional and international organizations rather it has consistently been the core area of academic concern of international relations as well. The basic problem of avoidance of international disorder, whether structured or unstructured ,is generally premised as possible provided proportionately just progressive world order is achieved based on adherence of those prescriptions of socio-economic and political freedoms(Human Rights) which are the byproducts of internationally accepted collective conscience .Such rights are not only documented in the constitutional mechanism of international law rather these have become part and parcel of the governing mechanism of each and every unit of the state system as a whole . Interestingly ,the most contemporary and innovative tool of protecting human rights throughout the world ,known as public interest law /public interest litigation , has rightfully been appreciated in the domain of international law as well as international organizations as an assertive mechanism of protecting and promoting human rights .I ,therefore ,intend to analyse the role of Public interest litigation as a catalyst in achieving the global commitment towards human rights which certainly may reduce the chances of international catastrophe of different diabolic designs .The structural functional methodology within the framework of political economy is to be used in carrying out in-depth analysis of the issue in such a way that the academic engagement becomes meaningful .


Name: Katherine Slye
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: kslye@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: N/A
Panel Description:
Co-author info: none just me
Co-presenter info: no one just me
Paper Title:  NARAL and NRLC: How Choice is Made in the Choice Debate
Abstract:
This is a chapter from my dissertation. How and why does the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) choose their strategies in the fight for access to abortion and does this change over time? For the most part, the way NARAL makes decisions--the president and staff make recommendations to the board, who had the final say--has not changed, but there are many factors that play into what the board hears as suggestions for action, including the leader of the organization, the political climate, and concern over organization/issue preservation. The chapter examines the extent to which each plays out in NARAL strategic decision making and finds that some are more important than others. It also reveals that these factors impact the way in which NARAL functions when it comes to strategy and overall action.


Name: egbe tandu
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: egbetandu@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Cross River State College of Education, Akamkpa. Nigeria.
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Tandu , Mary Anyie (M.Ed) Department of Social Studies, Cross River State College of Education, Akamkpa. Nigeria. Abeki, Sunny Okoro.(Ph.D). Deputy Rector , Institute of Tourism and Hospitality. Yenagoa, Beyelsa State..
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: The role of the Nigeria state in the socio-political conflict in the Niger- Delta Region of Nigeria.
Abstract:
THE ROLE OF THE NIGERIAN STATE IN THE SOCIO-POLITICAL CONFLICT IN THE NIGER-DELTA REGION OF NIGERIA By Tandu, Egbe Ojong (Ph.D) Department of Political Science Cross River State College of Education. Akamkpa 08060031815-egbetandu@gmail.com Tandu, Mary Anyie (M.Ed) Department of Social Studies Cross River College of Education Akamkpa Abeki Sunny Okoro (Ph.D) Deputy Rector International Institute of Tourism And Hospitality Yenagoa, Bayelsa State October, 2017 THE ROLE OF THE NIGERIAN STATE IN THE SOCIO-POLITICAL CONFLICT IN THE NIGER-DELTA REGION OF NIGERIA ABSTRACT The Nigerian state has been affected by several conflicts socially and politically. The leadership have made promises which were not kept and they have not shown the political will to tackle the conflicts in the country. Hence, the Odua People Congress in the South West, the Boko Haram in the North East and the Niger Delta Militia in the South South of Nigeria respectively. This work focuses on the Niger Delta Conflict which has caused havoc in the country recently. The justification of this work is to attempt to look at the actions and inactions of the leadership of the country which have fueled these conflicts and proffer recommendations to remedy the situation. Expofacto theory was adopted to established the role of the Nigerian state in these conflicts using historical/descriptive and prescriptive approaches. The findings are that; government has not provided employment for the youths, has not clean the polluted environment, misappropriation of compensations, divide and rule policy, lack of consensus among the ruling class as regards the interest of the citizens. Recommendations: Deprivation in the region should be tackle, provide employment for youths, clean the polluted environment, discountenance force and use peaceful means to settle conflicts etc. Key words: Role, Nigerian State, Conflict, socio-political, Niger-Delta.


Name: Joshua Jebuntie Zaato
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Joshua.Zaato@zu.ac.ae
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Zayed University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Value for Money Versus Good Governance: Managing State Owned Enterprises in the Era of Neo-Liberalism
Abstract:
Governments in developing countries face several policy, managerial, financial and institutional challenges as they strive to reform and restructure their state owned enterprises(SOEs) in this era of neo-liberalism. These challenges are more pronounced in Africa because of the numerous institutional, structural and policy challenges inherent in the public administration of African countries. Despite these challenges, scholars are calling for bureaucratic organizations that are effective and efficient, yet democratic and accountable. Several scholars have therefore encouraged reformers to look to and learn from private firms. In order words, most scholars choose the neo-liberal and re-inventing government approach which prioritises private sector management ideas, theories, and approaches in the reform of these critical SOEs. While there is some merit to this school of thought, this paper believes however, that it leads to policy imposition on the managers of developing countries by foreign donor government and international financial institutions using their loans and aid contitionalities as powerful levers. The result is the massive failure of reforms in developing countries since in most cases, these reform models and approaches are not creatively adapted to the needs and circumstance of adopting and implementing habitats of these developing countries. Using the reform and restructuring of SOEs in Ghana as an example, one main question drives this study: is an alternative theoretical framework for SOE reforms specifically adapted to the needs of developing countries possible and what ought to be its core features? This question is timely because of two main reasons. One is the repeated calls by students of modern public administration for a balanced approach to SOE reforms that make these SOEs efficient, effective and yet, transparent, democratic and accountable. The second is because of the frustrations of policymakers and practitioners with the failure of most neo-liberal approaches and the lack of ‘home grown’ alternatives. The main objective of this paper is to develop and propose an alternative analytical and evaluative theoretical framework for the reform and restructuring of SOEs in developing countries. The paper argues and concludes that the time has come for ‘home grown’ approaches and theories that are suited and creatively-adapted to the needs and capacities of developing countries in the reform process. Focusing on the literature and theory on organization reform, about 30 face-to-face interviews with policymakers and practitioners in Ghana, the paper argues that for any theoretical framework to promote value for money and good governance, certain fundamental conditions — context, agency task-specificity and creative adaptation — must be adequately addressed and factored in the reform process. Without them, the dreams of policymakers in the reform process will remain a mirage. This research is relevant because of the paucity of knowledge and experience of developing countries in the reform literature.



State and Local Politics

Name: Lisa Parshall
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: lparshal@daemen.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Daemen College
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Does it Take a Village?: The Durability and Function of Village Governments
Abstract:
This paper will look at the durability and function of the village form of government in New York State.


Name: John Sutcliffe
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: sutclif@uwindsor.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Windsor
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Sarah Cipkar, University of Windsor, scipkar@gmail.com
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  How Public is Public Transport? The Role of the Private Sector in Public Transportation in Detroit
Abstract:
This paper examines the public transportation system in Detroit and its surrounding suburbs. Public transportation is particularly important to disadvantaged groups within the city who often have limited mobility and depend on this form of transit for access to work, education and social facilities within the context of a geographically dispersed city. This raises the issue of transit equity. Transit equity, or specifically the lack of equity, is a key issue in Detroit as it is in other American cities. The groups that depend most heavily on public transit are also the groups least likely to secure adequate transit service that provides fast and reliable movement around the region, particularly from the city to the surrounding municipalities. The paper pays particular attention to the recent role of private investment in the transportation sector. The central focus is the recently opened streetcar – the QLine – which runs for approximately five kilometers along Woodward Avenue in Detroit. The paper examines the development of this project and the role of citizen engagement in the proposal alongside the pivotal role played by private business interests. The paper addresses the question of whether these investments affect equitable transportation outcomes in Detroit. It concludes that the private investment has played a central role in the revitalization of central Detroit but does little to ameliorate transit inequities.


Name: Gregory Young
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: gdyoung3@gmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: State University of New York at Cobleskill
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  What’s In a Name: Candidate Motivations and Outcomes for Independent Party Candidates in New York State Local Elections
Abstract:
Among the unique elements of NYS Election Law is the opportunity for a candidate to run under a party name of his or her own choosing. Despite this provision, officially recognized third parties, and the existence of electoral fusion, the majority of candidates continue to run on either the Democratic or Republican lines. While the use of independent party lines on state gubernatorial elections has received popular and academic attention in recent years as a result of new parties being formed (e.g. Stop Common Core/Reform and Women’s Equality) and high-profile candidates (e.g. Jimmy McMillan of the Rent is Too Damn High Party), their use in local election has received far less attention. Using a handful of rural upstate counties as case studies, this paper will examine the motivations and strategies behind candidates who run on independent lines as well as the role of these independent party nominations in electoral outcomes.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Anita chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: university of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description: Teaching and learning in the digital age
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Online deliberations across 4yr public, private and community colleges
Abstract:
This paper adds to the growing body of research concerning the use of varied forms of technology that educators may use to further their wide-ranging educational goals in an ever-changing e-classroom that is open to everyone. Research here evaluates the usefulness of online aids as a means to further deliberative student participation in a collaborative website project structured around discussions in politics. Are the participants civically energized in their discussions with each other? Are they creating dialogue and being reflective irrespective of institution type (4yr public, private and community colleges)? This project’s outcomes have important implications towards understanding the effectiveness of open online learning communities globally. This research is useful in showcasing how one integrates technology into the curriculum and the use of collaborative learning techniques through the web service, http://americanpoliticscollspring17.ning.com/ used in this research. Collaborative approaches are useful for not only preparing new professionals for academic but university administrators and IT professionals making administrative decisions about online teaching.


Name: Anita chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: university of houston, downtown
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:
Abstract:
My proposal examines an online collaboration based on asynchronous exchanges among peers across three U.S. states and three different time zones as an evaluation of online innovation that produces reflective discussions with academic vigor and provides meaningful suggestions towards the ever-demanding need to design effective online communities and redefine meaningful success for students. Past research has shown that in an online environment asynchronous exchanges among peers were open, frank, expansive, curious, and even confessional in their willingness to share and discuss sensitive issues and are known to boost academic progression (Merryfield, 2001b). These forms of online deliberations are a constructive means by which to collaborate and engage student discussions (Chen, Wang Hung, 2009). In fact, students are given the time, space and ownership of discussions, it sharpens their perspective (Anderson, 2003). A mixed methods approach will be used, first by content analysis and then by statistically testing the analysis. Findings reveal statistical significance in that students employ reflective academic discussions when posting and responding to the instructor and their peers. Given my five+ years of experience with a collaborative online classroom across these states, my study provides meaningful suggestions towards the ever-demanding need to design effective online communities and redefine meaningful success for participants. Unknown to each participant were the gender, race, ethnicity and course level and these unknowns are important towards building an inclusive online classroom with the effort to provide equitable opportunities for participants. This study can be adopted by any field across the humanities, social sciences math or engineering globally.


Name: Joshua Meddaugh
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: joshuameddaugh@clayton.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Clayton State University
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Justin M. Mays, Director Center for Instructional Development - Clayton State University
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Trekking a New Course in Online Delivery: iSPOC and the Future of Online Teaching
Abstract:
This study is a detailed account of the redesign of a traditional online POLS 1101: Introduction to American Government course to a high impact, multimedia-driven, student-centered online delivered course. The paper discusses the importance of measurability in course and chapter objectives, open access materials, the role of an online professor, and the creation of an online course that delivers materials in a manner that recreates the typical student’s online browsing. By essentially manipulating course content to replicate BuzzFeed articles, and social media snippets, while delivering readings through the use of open access materials, the course designers are attempting to recreate the everyday online experience while instructing at the same time.



Undergraduate Research

Name: Lena Cotter
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: leena.cotter@cix.csi.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: CUNY College of Staten Island
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Happy Anniversary? A Ten Year Review on the United Nations Human Rights Council
Abstract:
To address the increasingly complicated human rights violations more effectively, the United Nations replaced its Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) with the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2006. This paper addresses the question whether the Council has, regardless of significant reforms, become permanently paralyzed in fulfilling its main mission. The focus of this study is to examine Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) as well as the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) and the enforcement thereof in China, Iran and Myanmar during a period of ten years (2006 to 2016). To determine the effectiveness of the Council in relation to the aforementioned components, three key areas will be analyzed: the UNHRC agenda, resolutions and decisions (Regular Sessions between June 2006 to July 2016 and Special Sessions between between July 2006 and October 2016), the UNHRC operations locally in each target country (2006 to 2016) and, finally, to establish resource allocation, the official UNHRC budget (fiscal years 2007-8 to 2016-17), including voluntary donations (2006 to 2016).


Name: Shelby Davis
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: se9davi@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Dr. Leonard Cutler Siena College cutler@siena.edu
Co-presenter info: Dr. Leonard Cutler cutler@siena.eduSiena College
Paper Title: An Emergent Trump Doctrine: A Preliminary Examination 
Abstract:
This paper is intended to provide a preliminary examination of President Donald Trump and his administration’s counterterrorism policies, as well as an examination of whether or not a Trump doctrine has emerged so far. The paper focuses on counterterrorism policies regarding the Middle East, specifically Yemen, Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq, and the threats that lie within. President Trump has increased the role of the military as well as has implemented the policy of “flexible authority,” which provides the military with speedier decision-making. This allows the military to proceed with airstrikes, raids, bombing missions, arming allied forces, etc., in a more timely fashion without waiting for senior officers’ approval. This research is crucial in today’s world, as terrorism is one of the top threats endangering the United States. It is important for the United States to create and fully implement a thorough strategy regarding how to deal with these threats, and this paper looks to find whether or not such a thorough strategy exists. The paper derives its information from government documents, such as the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, politically centered news sources, such as Politico, as well as major think tanks, such as the Cato Institute. This paper is unique in that it will be updated throughout the course of President Trump’s term to follow his actions, whether or not a strategy progresses, and if any counterterrorism goals are achieved. For example, there has been considerable speculation that the President will soon take a stand against Iran concerning the previous nuclear agreement between the country and former President Barack Obama, as President Trump feels as though Iran has violated the terms and conditions of the agreement. Any changes in areas such as this regarding the regions discussed will be researched and updated in the future and added to this paper. This paper will contribute knowledge and awareness of what is to come in regards to protecting our nation from terrorist threats.


Name: Michela DeVito
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mad299@cornell.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Cornell University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Euroscepticism: A Different Phenomenon in the Post-Eurozone Crisis Era?
Abstract:
What determines Euroscepticism? For European Union scholars and policymakers, this question has taken on more importance in the wake of the Eurozone crisis, which began in 2009 and is ongoing. Eurosceptic sentiment, or more simply opposition to the EU, has increased in the wake of the crisis. This paper’s research question asks if Euroscepticism is different in the post-Eurozone crisis era. Specifically, this paper will examine the historical factors of Euroscepticism, and whether or not they matter to the post-Eurozone crisis rise in the phenomenon. Based on existing literature, the four relevant factors to be examined pre- and post-crisis are: strength of national identity, socioeconomic status, and national and EU institutions. This paper utilized data from the Eurobarometer survey database in order to examine the development of popular opinion towards the EU. Overall, it was found that most of the historical factors for Euroscepticism still mattered in the post-crisis era. This finding signifies that the phenomenon of Euroscepticism is largely a difference of degree rather than of type in the post-crisis era. In future studies, scholars should further investigate why the degree of Euroscepticism has increased, and whether any other factors than the Eurozone crisis are affecting the rise of dissatisfaction with the EU in recent years. As a result, scholars will be able to paint a clearer picture of why EU citizens have become increasingly Eurosceptic.


Name: Tshephang Dipogiso
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dipogiso187tshephang187tshephang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Botswana
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  WOMEN AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN BOTSWANA: 51 YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE AND BEYOND
Abstract:
Women all over the world face significant social, cultural, political and economic barriers that prevent them from obtaining leadership positions. Botswana is no exception. But one of the most fascinating developments in African politics has been the increase in women’s participation since the mid 1990’s. Women are becoming more engaged in leadership positions of institutions from local government, to legislatures and even the executive. Today, Africa is a leader in women parliamentary representation globally with a Global Average of 22.5 percent. For instance Rwanda has the highest number of women in parliament in the world with 63.8% of women in lower house (UN, 2016). Despite this remarkable increase of women representation in parliament, Botswana remains behind in the number of women in parliament. It was not until May 2017 that Botswana signed the SADC Gender Protocol, four years after the instrument entered into force. While it is a milestone, Botswana has been recording low participation of women in both elective and appointive political positions in particular parliament. For instance, out of the 18 recently confirmed ministerial appointments made, only three are women, translating to 16.7%. In the National Assembly there are only five women out of 57 constituencies which constitute a paltry 8.8%. This has been a growing concern because for democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly representative hence women must be equal partners in the process of democratic development. However, one divergent fact is that the performance and determination of women in leadership roles in parastatals and private sector supersede that of their male counter-parts. The question therefore remains why women participation in politics is low. The literature on this subject is fairly emerging but commonly points to cultural stereotypes especially the patriarchal nature of Botswana’s society (Maundeni, 2002; Ntseane 2005; Ntseane & Sentsho, 2005, Geisler, 2004). Using the Afrobarometer perception survey data, this paper presents descriptive statistics and regression analysis of selected variables that explain low participation of women. In the data, the dependent variable is measured by a question: Men make better political leaders than women and should be elected rather than women. The paper analyses responses of those who agree with the statement using location, age, sex and interest in public affairs. The research provides a baseline for the implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), Agenda 2063: a pledge for Gender Equality and Women Empowerment and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development. The significance of this study’s conclusions and recommendations is to further stimulate women of Botswana to stand up and challenge their male counterparts in contesting for, party positions, parliamentary seats during general elections and present themselves for executive appointments. Also, the study has policy implications in the sense that it will improve evidence-based planning and programming involving women in decision making. Keywords: Botswana, gender equality, politics, women, political representation, political participation


Name: Lydia Heye
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: heye19@up.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Portland
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu Jeffrey Meiser, University of Portland, meiser@up.edu
Co-presenter info: Kelsie McKee, University of Portland, mckee19@up.edu
Paper Title:  From Anarchy to Civil War: The Escalation of Violence in Iraq, 2003-2006
Abstract:
The purpose of this essay is to develop a better understanding of the causes of the Iraqi civil war between 2003 and 2006—a period of time that saw the level of violence in Iraq transition from small scale violence to an intense sectarian civil war and full blown insurgency. The human and strategic costs of this escalation in violence were immense, but have not been fully explained. Most analysis has focused on the bombing al-Askariyya Mosque in 2006 as the cause of civil war without explaining the high level of violence throughout 2003-2006. Since civil wars are often the product of low-level political violence that escalates, rather than emerging ex nihilo from a peaceful society, it is important to focus on what caused the initial pattern of violence and why it escalated. This essay develops an analytical framework of violence escalation to identifies critical junctures where intervention may halt escalation. The framework is applied to the Iraq civil war with the goal of understanding what went wrong and why. More broadly this essay contributes to our knowledge about the causes of civil wars and what can be done to prevent their outbreak. Strategically important countries around the world are experiencing low-level violence that has the potential for escalatory internal violence. Therefore, it is vital to gain a clear understanding of what causes low-level violence to intensify to the level of civil war or mass killing.


Name: x s
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: f
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: wfwe
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title: Economic Sanctions, Diplomacy, and Militarized Interstate Disputes: An Empirical Analysis
Abstract:
The topic of interstate wars has received substantial attention from the existing literature of international relations. This paper attempts to examine whether instruments of statecraft can affect the probabilities of militarized interstate disputes. Specifically, I focus on economic sanctions as the main foreign policy instrument of interest to test if these methods of coercion can reduce the severity of interstate disputes between the target states and the third-party in future conflicts.  I make two significant contributions in this paper. First, since most works in the literature have surprisingly ignored to compare the utility of [economic] sanctions with other techniques of statecraft to assess how they both affect the outcome, I bridge this gap by studying the effectiveness of sanctions when imposed after diplomatic efforts from the initiators. The idea is an extension of Baldwin’s (1985) theory concerning simultaneous imposition of soft power and hard power to maximize the likelihood of achieving desirable outcomes. Second, this is a pioneering work attempting to operationalize “diplomacy” from a narrative literature of historical case studies and documents. The concept is now originally measured on an ordinal scale across time and space.  I use time-series, cross-sectional ordered logit regressions to discuss the relative importance of [economic] sanctions and diplomacy with other essential determinants of interstate wars, such as power disparities, geographical proximity, democratic political institutions, power status, among others.


Name: Pk White
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: pwhite5@mail.naz.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Nazareth College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
Panel Description:
Co-author info:
Co-presenter info:
Paper Title:  Logistical Case Against the Death Penalty
Abstract:
The following points here outline the logistical reasons why the death penalty has been outlawed in every single developed country in the world excluding the US, Japan, South Korea and Israel. (It is almost never used in Israel, and likely will not be around by the end of the decade in South Korea). We will not tackle on whether the death penalty can be morally justified, that is a topic for another day. The logistical reasons of why the death penalty should be outlawed in our political system are very strong, and many of these reasons also show why the death penalty can indeed be murder, in return being immoral. These points include capital punishment's margin of error, cost ineffectiveness, the problem of obsolete evidence as well as the incorrect theory that capital punishment is an effective deterrent. From here, we explore the reasons why people often ignore these truths, or even make up their own truths to justify capital punishment. The act of ignoring factual evidence to reassure ones moral beliefs is now more common than ever in this age of social media and abundant information. The capital punishment case expresses this theory very well.



Contact Us

New York State Political Science Association
email: info@nyspsa.org
NYSPSA is a 501(c)3 organization.

Follow Us

Built by on