Abstract Review

American Politics

Name: Victor Haynes
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: princev11@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Claremont Graduate University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: Hillsborough County, Florida. Changing Demographics or Effects from Redistricting?
Abstract:
Florida has been a swing-state for over forty years, it has voted for 6 Republican Presidents and 4 Democratic Presidents. Hillsborough County is one of the most populated counties in Florida and has a major city in it, Tampa. Hillsborough County has 337,172 registered Democrats, 268,622 registered Republicans and 247,350 people with no registered party affiliation (www.votehillsborough.org). In 2000, George W. Bush won the county by 500 votes but won by a larger margin in 2004. However, since 2008, Hillsborough County has consistently voted for the Democrat candidate while other counties in Florida are increasingly voting for Republicans. The purpose of this paper is to examine why Hillsborough County has consistently voted for Democrats since 2008 despite trends in other counties. My hypothesis is that the county is overwhelmingly voting for Democrats due to demographic changes as well as effects from redistricting that occurred in 2012. I will be making exploratory maps to test my hypotheses as well as dot density maps with overlay choropleth players to seek patterns that may prove my hypotheses. This is imperative in studying future elections since the political atmosphere in the U.S. is changing and Hillsborough County may be a microcosm of a national phenomenon.


Name: Daniel McCool
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: mccool.gc@gmail.com
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: Baruch College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The New Politics of Authenticity: How the Right has Captured the Concept
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The New Politics of Authenticity: How the Right has Captured the Concept by Daniel McCool Abstract: The politics of authenticity has always been linked with modern democratic movements. It was originally invented by the Left as a romantic reaction to both conservative traditionalism and Enlightenment rationalism. It influenced the French Revolution and certain radical segments of the American Revolution. Social movements of the 1950s and 60s then used it to craft their own identity politics. Until recently, conservatives had frequently criticized the politics of authenticity for being too personal and utopian. It failed, they argued, to address the imperfections and fluctuations of the political realm, and it centered politics on personal grievances, rather than on issues of public concern. But since the 1960s, the right, especially the populist wing of the Republican Party, has co-oped many aspects of the politics of authenticity for its own purposes. The most poignant example of this has been the presidential campaign of Donald Trump. This paper explores how authenticity has become central to the populist right in America over the last few decades. I argue that this development has been a detriment to both conservative politics and to American politics at large.


Name: Julio Orellana
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: jcorellana18@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: California State University, Northridge
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Latino Voting Behavior in Majority-Minority Districts.
Abstract:
This paper seeks to examine the impact of the Hispanic Congressional Caucus (HCC) on the 114th Congress. Specifically, this study will measure the influence of the HCC’s task force on immigration and border issues. This will be done by using roll call votes to evaluate how HCC members voted on issues related to immigration and border issues from January 2016 to the present. The results of this study may tell us whether HCC members are supporting their party or issues that benefit their constituencies. Moreover, the results may tell us whether HCC members vote as a bloc or as individuals.


Name: Chandrasekhar Putcha
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: cputcha@fullerton.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: California State University, Fullerton
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Dr. Brian Sloboda, Associate Chair, Center for Management Entrepreneurship (CME), School for Advanced Studies (SAS), University of Phoenix,USA Vineet Penuarthy, graduate student, Illinois Institute of Technology, Chicago (Formerly undergraduate student, California State University, Fullerton, CA 92834, USA
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Paper Title: An Engineering Analysis of 2016 American Presidential Elections
Abstract:
A method is developed for predicting the 2016 American Presidential elections based on engineering analysis. The data used is essentially the polling data from various well known sources which is supposed to be sufficient for prediction purposes. As is well known, American elections consists of two parts –electoral college and popularity vote. The winner of the American Presidential elections (presumably to be declared as the President of USA) is supposed to definitely get majority in the electoral college and if possible win the popularity vote. The mathematical model developed herein predicts both the winner of the electoral college as well as popularity vote. The model will also predict the number of electoral college votes that the two candidates will get. It will then judiciously combine these two predictions and predict the winner of 2016 American Presidential elections. Since United States has typically a two party system, these two candidates will be from Democratic and Republican Parties. Hence, the engineering model developed will concentrate on the actual general Presidential elections and not on primaries for the two major political parties. The use of principles of probability and statistics is used as follows. First, the polling data collected will be arranged and a histogram will be drawn. This will be used to determine the probability density function of the polling data. It could be normal distribution Log normal distribution or Beta distribution or any distribution for that matter. The adequacy of the chosen distribution is based on principles of probability and statistics. These are chi-square test and Kolomogrov-Smirnov test. The chi-square test is used more in the probability field. Nevertheless, both these tests will be performed for the collected data. After that a threshold value will be established to be declared as a winner in the Presidential general elections in each state of United States. This threshold value is used in the mathematical calculations of the model as follows. The probability of a candidate getting >= the threshold value is calculated using the information of the chosen probability distribution. For example, normal distribution is a two-parameter distribution (µ and σ ) where µ is the mean value and σ is the standard deviation of the collected data. Similarly, if it is a lognormal distribution, which is also a two parameter distribution, the parameters are: λ and ξ. On the other hand, if the data collected is a uniform distribution, once again a two parameter distribution, the parameters are – a and b. These are the extremities of the uniform distribution. This information, in addition to declaring the winner, will also assign the electoral votes for each of the two contesting candidates in the Presidential elections. Thus, the information about the popularity vote as well as the electoral votes is collected. These two essential pieces of information, will then be judiciously combined to declare the winner in the 2016 Presidential elections. Similar engineering/mathematical model was successfully used in previous Presidential elections by the first author of this paper.


Name: Sean Shannon
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: Sean.Shannon@oneonta.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: SUNY Oneonta - Lecturer of Law
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Richard A. Posner: A Study in Judicial Entrepreneurship
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the role of Richard Posner as a judicial entrepreneur and to assess his influence and success in persuading the legal academy and judiciary to incorporate economic principles into the judicial decision making process in market and non-market areas of the law. More broadly, the research aims to reveal aspects of judicial entrepreneurship that have so far escaped scholarly notice. The research indicates that, yes, Posner has been influential in persuading others in both the legal academy and the courts of the importance and utility of using economic tools when assessing the law, with the caveat that his influence still remains stronger in traditional market-oriented areas of the law, such as antitrust, and less so in traditionally non-market areas of the law, such as criminal. After reviewing the market and non-market literature on entrepreneurialism, a new comprehensive model of a judicial entrepreneur was created in order to evaluate Posner as a judicial entrepreneur. To evaluate his efficacy as a judicial entrepreneur, a multi-stage research approach was taken, utilizing qualitative, quantitative, and comparative case study research methods. First, a quantitative research method analyzed the legal publication and case law citations, which demonstrated influence upon not only the scholarly literature, but also judicial opinions in which Posner has been cited. By empirically analyzing the citations to Posner’s law review articles and his federal case law opinions with the use of computer programs, his substantial impact on the scholarly literature and judicial-decision making could be quantified and measured. To further test the influence of his ideas on economic analysis and the law in particular legal subject matter areas, and to compare and contrast traditionally non-market areas of the law to traditionally market areas of the law, a qualitative case law analysis was conducted of Posner’s opinions as a federal judge. Analyzing his opinions in respect to the economic concept of efficiency, as applied to the exclusionary rule in criminal law, suggest that they have exerted modest influence. On the other hand, a qualitative case law analysis of his antitrust opinions, suggests substantial influence. Both of these results were expected. Subsequent case studies of other federal judges were done to shed further light on some of the characteristics of a judicial entrepreneur. Through the research methods of qualitative case law analysis and quantitative research methods of citation analysis, the research makes claims about his influence that are not merely anecdotal. These tools are not without their bias and limitations, but they do provide a good starting point for further research, and offer inferential evidence of influence. The research contributes to the area of judicial politics and judicial-decision making in two respects: it provides a new comprehensive model for a judicial entrepreneur, and it provides evidence of the influence of the legal movement, law and economics, on American jurisprudence. The research also provides scholarly opportunity for further research, for the framework of the research can be applied to other judicial entrepreneurs and legal movements to evaluate their influence.



Comparative Politics

Name: James Apam
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: jimapam62@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: The National Question and the Continuing Demands for Inclusion in Nigeria: Separating the Genuine from the Mischievous
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The National Question in Nigeria as in most other multicultural nations has been defined in terms of the right to self determination of nationalities which covers a range of related empowering and emancipatory group rights like the right to political autonomy within a larger political territory, right to their culture, religion and other elements of group identity as well as access to a nation’s economic resources and political power among other things. In Nigeria, the constitution has given recognition to these issues just as the country’s governing elite give a seeming recognition to the need to share political power and resources in view of the nation’s cultural diversity. In line with these requirements, sections of the Nigerian power elite have always argued for increased access to political power and other privileges in the course of which they whip up sectional sentiments to secure the support of the ordinary people. The general belief has however been that the majority ethnic and cultural groups deny the minority groups this access because they are more in number. Recently however there have been separatist agitations even from some of the majority groups thought to be responsible for the exclusion of the minority groups from access to political and economic power just as they are from some minority groups which think they have been excluded from sharing in the nation’s resources even when those resources are derived from their places. This discussion is an attempt to separate the real issues from what appears as the mischievous agitations of some sections of the Nigerian elite to draw attention to their ‘seeming political losses’ in the course of which blackmail has been employed as a tool of political bargain. The paper expresses the view that while some of these agitations continue to draw attention to the crisis of association and governance in Nigeria, others are also attempts to distort the real issues in the power and economic relations in the Nigerian nation. It recommends that the best way to address the national question and such other associated issues is to evolve a culture of governance which eschews corruption and emphasizes social provisioning in a manner that gives a sense of inclusion to all groups in addition to an increased restructuring which would lead to a greater decentralization of political and economic power in the country.


Name: Aslihan Coban Balci
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: ascoban@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Omer Halisdemir University, Nigdah, Turkey
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Turkey Origin Immigrant Associations in Germany
Abstract:
With the impact of biletarel agreements with certain countries for recruitment of labour power, there have been large number of immigrants in Germany especially since the end of the WW II. Turkey was one of the countries that sent considerable number of guestworkers to Germany in the 1960s. Today there are nearly 2,637,000 people with Turkish origin living in Germany. Political participation tendencies of the immigrants are also a matter for long years. In this study. I have conducted in-depth interviews with the board and active members of immigrant organizations in Germany between the years 2012-2013. In order to conduct my research I have stayed in Bielefeld and Köln, the cities in North Rhein Westphalia. In doing my research my major objective was to reveal the different tendencies of informal political participation patterns of immigrants. My main finding was that, there are two distinct tendencies among the immigrants with Turkey origin. Those are, religious political participation heavily concern with the Islamic and cultural rights, and secular organizations which deal with the human rights, working rights, womens rights of the immigrants. In the literature, there is a tendency that Germany is a country with limited political opportunites for the immigrants. On the other hand, I have seen that, immigrants develop ways of participation and actively respond the policies of the immigration or integration. In the literature, there are either studies question the successes or unsuccesses of different nation states in Europe in the manner of integration policies, or there are studies, which focus only on one ethnic group of immigrants and compare the situation with other nations. On the other my data has shown that, there are different participation patterns and the basic contribution of this research is that in order to assess the whole picture of immigrants' political participation we should broaden our perspective towards the non-ethnic and secular organizations just because these groups or organizations are usually neglected by the existing literature.


Name: Yaela Collins
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: ymc291@nyu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  Ethnic Prejudice in Dutch Counterterrorism
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In the new millennium, the Islamist terrorism threat in the Netherlands has grown substantially from a limited classification, to a permanent exogenous and endogenous risk. Post-9/11 ncreases the number of Dutch foreign fighters combined with the 2004 murder of cinematographer Louis Van Gogh by an Islamic fundamentalist, have served to heighten awareness of radicalization processes within Dutch borders. The subsequent result has been the incitement of a new era of Dutch counterterrorism policy focused in substantive and criminal law, and intent on defending liberal democracy against terrorist attacks. Enhanced security measures and preventative policy employing methods like racial profiling, have led an increased consciousness of the “other”. An analysis of security threats in the Netherlands, the country's history of terrorism, and failed immigration policies serve to explain the modern resurgence of xenophobia. Thus, the increasing securitization of Dutch society has had a negative impact on minority communities, leading to their marginalization and the reduction of their civil liberties. Analysis proves that Dutch policies are legal, but society must question the ethical basis and implications of profiling-based policies.


Name: Diogo de Almeida Viana dos SANTOS
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: diogosantos@nagoya-u.jp
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Dom Bosco University UNDB, Brazil
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Co-presenter info: Teresa Helena Barros, Dom Bosco University
Paper Title: Provisional Measures and Democratic Stability: The Usage of Executive Orders to Produce Governance with a Hostile Legislature in Brazil
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With recent and growing political instability in Brazil, and the relative weight Brazil’s democratization has in the general Latin American political environment, there is a surge of interest in understanding recent developments. This paper aims to examine how chief political actors in each branch of government have behaved to further their respective interests, and the impact of some selected strategies in the balance of power, relative inter-branch equilibriums, and the consolidation of democratic and representative procedures within the Brazilian democratization process since the late 1980’s. Political fragmentation, lack of democratic tradition, a struggling civil society and a continuum of fierce economic crises with flashes of strong GDP growth all have been noted to constrain the consolidation of the Brazilian democratic regime. Indeed, Economic crisis in the 1970s ended the Brazilian military regime. The inability of the democratic regime to solve the crisis in the 1980s put at risk the continuation of the Brazilian democratization. How could the Brazilian democratization advance, for over two and a half decades, in light of fierce economic crisis and other constraints?What strategies have chief political actors used to implement their agendas while being checked by other branches? This paper argues that the solution came through the use of provisional measures to implement effective economic policy. Still, the presidential legislative activity may have a negative impact in the consolidation of democratic practices and institutions. As the legitimacy of democracy became associated with the president's success in promoting economic development, the Brazilian population started perceiving Congress as unnecessary for their welfare. However, recent developments and growing political and economic instability point to the exhaustion of the balance described above. Detailed data on the use of provisional measures in Brazil since the beginning of the democratic transition demonstrate that provisional measures' bypassing the parliament to systematically manage the federal budget and taxation has saved the Brazilian democratization and may in the longer term jeopardize it. Presidential decrees used by the president to implement effective policy has relieved Congress from the burden of everyday lawmaking and political clashed and accountability. The Supreme Court has tolerated such arrangement for it has provided for a relatively stable balance between the executive and the legislative for more than 20 years of democratization. More recently, however, a weakened and arguably less capable president has proved less effective in using presidential decrees to design policy acceptable to society, especially chief political actors. Poor policy efficiency has reduced support and the legitimacy of the regime. Congress, civil society and the Supreme Court started challenging the Executive, especially the devising and implementation of policy without society’s review. This paper uses data on decree activity by the president from the late 1980’s to the recent political crisis to better define and help understand current power balances and strategies among the three branches and civil society on contemporary Brazil.


Name: Ugurcan Evci
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: ugurcanevci1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Information-Communication Technologies and Collective Action: Path to Democratization
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The Internet changed the way people live in every domain of life, including collective action. The literature claims that the Internet facilitated the formation of collective action and increased the probability of mobilization, while there are no studies rigorously analyzing the correlation. This paper analyzes the impact of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) on the number of collective action occurrences, and democratization. This research claims that the Internet increased the number of mobilization occurrences, and also the use of ICTs is positively correlated with higher democracy levels. This paper uses an instrumental variable approach with country and year fixed-effects. The endogenous variable of the regressions is the level of Internet penetration by the World Bank, and the instruments are a dummy variable that takes the value 0 before the year that the Internet started to hike drastically within a case country, and the value 1 after, and a centered variable that takes the value 0 at the center. These variables are exogenous to the dependent variables and endogenous to the independent variable. The dependent variables are the logged number of collective action occurrences that is gathered from the Global Database of Events, Language and Tone Project and the democracy indexes from the VDEM project. The results indicate that higher use of ICTs is significantly correlated with higher number of collective action occurrences, and higher democracy indexes.


Name: Basem Ezbidi
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: bezbidi@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Qatar University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: The Effects Of The Ongoing Expansion Of Religious Extremism in the Middle East
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For decades, the Middle east has been a source of curiosity for the world. The latest episode of that curiosity is the prospects and future impact of the ongoing conflict in the region since 2011. One important aspect that charecterises the current conflict(s) is the revival of political bias developing in two communities. The first is the ‘Sunni’ bias, as expressed in countries led by Saudi Arabia, and the second community expressed in the ‘Shii’ bias, represented by Iran. This paper seeks to exhibit how both sides (Saudi Arabia and Iran) employ regional rivalry and competition and the bearings of this contention in five countries: Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and Bahrain. My main argument is this: the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran is not only affecting governments and weakening political regimes, but also yielding chaos threatening the very unity of the existing states in the region. This makes the conflict a move from the instability of political systems towards instability of the very foundations of the current states, which could be expressed is breaking down the current states into smaller antagonistic entities.


Name: Christina Juen
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: christinamariejuen2304@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Oldenburg, Germany
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Do Issues Really Matter?: The Success of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe
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The aim of this paper is to answer the question if issues really influence the vote choice of individuals in connection to the success of right-wing populist parties in Western European countries. Although issues are known as important factor for the vote choice of individuals, no study exists which links the individual voting behavior to the success of right-populist parties. Based on recent studies, I therefore propose a theoretical framework on the individual level to explain the vote choice of individuals in connection to the rise of right-wing parties. Generally, I argue that right-wing populist parties are successful because of the issues they promote. Most voters tend to cast their ballot based on issues – and therefore choose the party which picked up this preferred issues. In the case of right-wing parties these issues are immigration, Islamophobia and Euroscepticism. To test these propositions, I make use of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data for the time period between 2001 and 2011 and include 9 Western European countries in sum. I apply a mixed methods design where I first conduct a series of logistic models to test my hypothesis and then go deeper into two of my cases to provide a better understanding of the overall results. My empirical findings provide support for my hypothesis and indicate that the issues immigration, Islamophobia and Euroscepticism influence the vote choice of individuals in favor of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe.


Name: Erica Kenney
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: kenneyee@bc.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Boston College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Did Oil Fail Libya?: Reconsidering Rentierism and Regime Stability
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Classic rentier state theory (Beblawi, Luciani, Terry) associates natural resource wealth with regime stability. Scholarly narratives on the effects of rentierism is divided between those accounts which associate rentier wealth with regime durability (Ross, Morrison) and those which correlate rentierism with regime instability or breakdown (Fearon, DeSoysa and Neumayer). This paper will build upon existing rentier state literature with the goal of expanding understanding of what explains these competing and seemingly contradictory results. Considering Libya’s longstanding oil wealth and “rentier status,” the uprisings and destabilization in Libya beginning in 2012 seems to cast doubt on the viability of classic rentier state theory for explaining the previous resilience of Qaddafi’s regime, lending greater credence to the alternative school of thought on rentier effects: that oil wealth created an unstable political environment and high risk of civil war. Yet, Qaddafi’s regime stood for decades without facing major challenges to regime stability, so it is likely that elements beyond rentier effects are to blame for its breakdown. By method of historical process-tracing, this case study asks what factors aside from oil wealth best explain the drastic changes in Libya after the Arab Spring (namely, the breakdown of the regime and onset of civil war). I suggest that three factors other than oil wealth contributed to the eventual destabilization of Libya: a legacy of weak formal state institutions; sub-national divisions deliberately aggravated by regime policies; and as demonstrated by Geddes’ data on authoritarian transitions, the regime had surpassed its lifespan according to its type – that is to say, legitimacy of the highly personalist regime had eroded over time and by 2011, could no longer be sustained even superficially.


Name: Drew Kinney
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: drewhkinney@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Syracuse University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Civilian-Officer Relationships and Coups in Iraq and Syria, 1945-1970 
Abstract:
The central question of this project is why do civilians sometimes align themselves with military officers to overthrow their opponents—when those military actors might later be their enemies? I argue that high political polarization makes challenger parties unwilling to cooperate with their opponents and that if they cannot oust their opponents quickly and completely through elections, then they will seek another means to power. This project differs from traditional coup studies by placing greater emphasis on civilian roles in events that are typically viewed as examples of state-based political violence, like coups. This gap in the literature has produced problems my research seeks to correct in two broad ways: (1) although the theory explains a subtype of coups, analysts and policy-makers may be wrongly informed about or falsely predict coups if they do not understand the nature of the civilian political atmosphere—the July 2016 Turkish attempt as an example; and (2) because understanding what drives civilians to make a potentially self-sabotaging decision informs us on the structural conditions in which we can expect to see other high-risk, violent political behavior, such as terrorism.


Name: Edit Lőrinczné Bencze
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: lbedit@kodolanyi.hu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Kodolányi János University of Applied Sciences, Hungary
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Paper Title:  25 Year-Old Democracy Building in Croatia
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After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Croatia had to face different tasks such as achieving independence, building up the nation state and democracy. These had to be supported by establishes institutions that are able to guarantee the rule of law and fundamental rights, especially the protection of minorities. There was a certain parallel process in that replacing one-party system with a pluralistic democracy and introducing democratic consolidation ran alongside other integration developments such as difficulties of moving away from centrally-planned economy to open market economy, an independent foreign policy oriented on Euro-Atlantic interests. However, the democracy-building was not the result of an organic development. On the contrary it was based on an interrupted historical development, and was built up after a long dictatorship implementing Western democratic elements. Furthermore the nation building and the establishment of the national identity were very important factors of the whole consolidation. Therefore Croatia as an “applied democracy” belongs to the group of “committed democracies”, the typical features of which characterize the long process of Croatian democratization. The whole process of the democratic transition in Croatia can be divided into two distinct periods: in the nineties, the establishment of a pluralistic democracy seemed to be secondary task legging behind the implementation and protecting the independence and self-identification – called new nationalism – and just after the millennium became the transition dominant. The aim of this paper is to show the difficulties and major characteristic features of this 25 year-long transitional process in which Croatia introduced the pluralist democracy with multi-party system. The present essay is a multidisciplinary one, since a historic, political, economic, legal, cultural, security political and geopolitical perspective need to be introduced in order to give an extensive analysis. The legal background of the transition and democracy building is analysed relying on primary sources, mainly on Croatian constitutions and its amendments, electoral law, party programmes, results of presidential and parliamentary elections. I also had a wide range of secondary sources. I put the emphasis on the works of foreign authors, the majority of which deals with the legal and aspects and results of the transition. I relied mainly on the works of Grabbe Heather, Pridham Geoffrey, Ramet P. Sabrina, Kasapović Mirjana, Zakošek Nenad, Ivan Šiber, Puljiz Vlado, Višnja Samardžija, Damir Grubisa and the Hungarian authors Tibor Ördögh and Attila Ágh. The paper aim is to provide a comprehensive study of South and Easter European countries democracy building process focusing on Croatia. In addition in the Hungarian foreign policy good relation with the countries in our neighbourhood has high priority. Among these the Croatian-Hungarian relation is exemplary due to the common historical-cultural-economic roots and the coexistence of the borders for centuries. Relying on these common features I have been dealing with Croatian issue for more than 15 years.


Name: Muhammad Mushtaq
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: shaikh_m_mushtaq@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of Gujrat, Pakistan
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  The Nation-Building Process in Pakistan (1947-2013): Investigating the Effects of Successive Policies
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What kind of strategy is more appropriate for nation-building process in Pakistan? To address this research question, the paper aims to apply comparable-cases method for investigating the effects of successive policies adopted for the nation building in Pakistan. Historically, the state’s assimilative policies have been remained unable to ‘absorb politically weaker identities into a dominant core culture’. Equally, the use of force for suppression of centrifugal forces has proved fruitless. However, for the most times, the consociational spirit has remained missing in the politics of Pakistan. In this context, the policies that embrace assimilative, coercive, or consociational (power-sharing) strategies would be analysed in this paper. The consociational theory puts emphasis on a particular power-sharing model and suggests ‘politics of accommodation’ for ethnic conflict regulation. The proponents of this theory have suggested consociational governance for Pakistan to manage ethnic diversity. Hence, it seems quite relevant to examine the relevancy of consociational perspective while examining the problem of nation-building in Pakistan. It is anticipated that the findings of this scientific inquiry will carry out some policy recommendations for the policy makers in Pakistan. In addition, it will discharge a modest contribution in the scholarship on nation-building in Pakistan. Equally, it may be of some interest for the related scientific community elsewhere.


Name: Tibor Ördögh
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: ordogh.tibor@uni-nke.hu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: National University of Public Service, Budapest, Hungary
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Serbia: A Consolidated Democracy?
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Serbia went through significant developments in terms of political institutions, but is not yet considered a stable democracy.Method: The tools of comparative politics are applied with the focus set on institutionalism.The presentation seeks to answer the question if Serbia is a consolidated democracy after 25 years. When examining the political institutions it´s clear, that they have undergone continuous changes, with on going reforms until today. Rethinking the constitutional framework has now started in the political elite, whom also influence the functioning of the institutions. The number of parliamentarians, the parliament responsibilities and procedures are stable, but adjusted by the parliamentary majority to their preferences. Until 2014 the governments can not be considered stabile, due to the prime ministers manoeuvres between maintaining the coalition government and not focusing on practical implementation. Also is the head of state gradually pushed into the background by the transformation of government form since 2014. In Serbia the constitutional institutions can not act as a stable democratic counterweight, so the Constitutional Court, the judicial system and the local or provincial governments are weak. Only the Ombudsman is regarded as significant institution, but without efficient power in hand its instruments remain weak. The political cleavage lines have stabilized over the years, moreover the ethnical conflicts and European integration tensions seem to disappear, while the classic ideological division becomes dominant in the country. The party system stabilized itself in 2014, when the number of parties decreased and a concentrated system emerged. However therein lies an imbalance due to the fragmentation of the left and the unipolar right-hand side. There is no consensus within the political elite about the functioning of the political system, therefore the development of new mechanisms is an arena for constant political discussions. Among the country's population is also no consensus on the legitimacy of democratic institutions, and so do the political institutions lack the confidence of the citizens - although this trend shows a slow improvement over time.I relied mainly on the works of Slaviša Orlović, Vesna Pešić, Zoran Stojiljković and the Hungarian author Imre Szilágyi. The subject contributes greatly to the understanding of how and to which extent can Serbia be regarded as a democratic state, and furthermore how it fulfils the Copenhagen criteria in the accession into the European Union.


Name: Itzel Pamela Pérez Gómez
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: itzel1011@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Understanding Tunisia’s Stability after the 2011 Uprising: Elites, Interest Groups and Political Parties.
Abstract:
Taking the "arab spring" revolts as the main region of study, this paper aims to answer why did the social movement in Tunisia took an apparently "peaceful" direction? in order to contribute to answer a bigger question: Why did some social movements become violent and others don't?. Regarding the methodology and the data, this work uses a comparative method and it compares the case of Tunisia with Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and Syria. This paper also reviews the existing literature about social movements, political change and regime stability with an instrumental point of view (political parties theory, social groups theory and elites theory) and it compares the interaction between 3 elite variables before, during, and after 2011 in these 6 countries: the group of interests, the political parties, and the army. It pays special attention to how their characteristics, composition, and historical influence in each country policy forged the interactions between each other, therefore their impact in the revolt result and current country situation. By doing this research the author main purpose is to contribute to the social movements field of study explaining the variety of results and transformations of an uprising and not only what leads people to upraise in the first place. Also, it provides an instrumental approach to understand the current political instability and conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries.


Name: Roberto Rocha
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: oliveira-rocha@outlook.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Federal University of Pernambuco, Brazil
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Paper Title: Political Protests in Brazil: A Country Boiling
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The last three years can be characterized as a period of intense political activity in Brazilian streets. Large political protests occurred in almost all major cities. In claiming agenda, especially 2015, are elements such as the revolt against corruption, dissatisfaction with the government of President Dilma Rousseff, a strong hatred for PT – Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers Party), as well as an "anti-egalitarian” content, since research points to the failure of welfare policies, such as Bolsa Família and the quota policy. What can point to is that since the re-democratization of Brazil, this is the first time that groups aligned to the ideological right spectrum come to occupy the country's streets. Supported in survey research, conducted primarily in Belo Horizonte, capital of Minas Gerais, which can point is that what really unites these protesters is the "anti-petismo", ie, the hypothesis is that criticism to the PT and its staff politicians is the main variable that explains the emergence of these right-wing protesters in the public space. Thus, and even instigated by an adverse political and economic framework, such protesters begin to demand efforts that affect the political and institutional structure of Brazil.


Name: Maria Snegovaya
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: snegovaya@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Left Parties Choices and the Success of Radical Right Parties
Abstract:
I look at the choices made by the post-Communist left parties following the collapse of the Communist system in the Vyshegard-4 countries. I focus on the cases of Hungary and Czech Republic to show that where the the left parties chose to move to the center of the political spectrum (to become more of a typical western Social Democratic party), as in Hungary, the left party discredited itself in the eyes of its traditional constituency (workers, lower middle class), a constituency which was ultimately incorporated by the far right parties. Hence in such countries the far right parties are strong. In the countries where the ex-Communist party preserved their more traditional radical left agenda, as in Czech Republic, it was partly able to retain its traditional workers constituency and in such countries the far right is weak. I prove my argument on the series of experimental and regular surveys within the two countries. On the cross-countries level I show that the far right tends to become more electorally successful in countries where it is able to embrace the economic redistributionist agenda due to the absence of a strong far left competitor. My argument contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of political systems, and the rise of the far right parties in Europe.


Name: Julia Sweet
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: juliasee55@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Russian Media as a Reflector of the Regime’ s Fears: Images of the Arab Revolution and the Ukrainian Maidan
Abstract:
The paper analyzes and contrasts how the pro-government media, which is a central agent of political communication in Russia, addressed the Arab and the Ukrainian revolutionary events in 2011-2015. These revolutions may have inspired similar anti-government protests, which could topple the oligarch regime. Both revolutions were unanticipated by Putin’s cohort, stimulating within the ruling circle a reevaluation of its place, fate, pivotal goals, as well as a reshaping of the society-regime relationship. Fearing a chain reaction, inspired by the development in the Middle East and Ukraine and trying to prevent political mobilization within society, the regime has taken media under more rigorous control, and dictated more careful approach in delivering news. This government pressure has shaped media content, intensifying propaganda mechanisms and revealing the inner fears of Putin’ cohort. Through in-depth analysis of informational flows, the first part of the paper scrutinizes the media coverage of the events in the Middle East in connection to the domestic turbulent situation and lowering of Putin’s popularity. The research analyzes specific tactics, which allow the authoritarian government to stabilize society. The second part focuses on the methods which were employed by the media to distort the real development of the situation in Ukraine in 2014-2015. To reveal the level of the political interference, the content of the state controlled media is compared with more credible and politicized sources of information (oppositional online newspapers, informational portals, and TV channels). This allows the tracking of evolution and the dynamic of real fears circulating within the oligarch cohort, as well as their intentions and concealed motivations. The final part provides a comparative analysis of both concocted images of the Arab and Ukrainian revolutions in terms of their effect on the Russian society, the state’s demographical situation, public socio-political expectations, historical experience, and religious landscaping.


Name: Anh Tran
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: supreme_mugwump@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Graduate Center, City University of New York
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: Violence and Political Authority in the Islamic State
Abstract:
How and why does ISIS (i.e. ISIL, or the Islamic State) continue to use violence against civilians in the territories over which it has already established control? This paper argues that when rebels employ limited and discriminate violence against civilians in the context of governance, they may destroy their immediate targets, but in so doing, they construct the foundations for statehood. Thus, violence for rebel rulers is an instrument of destruction as well as creation and transformation. The violence ISIS wields against civilians living under its rule can be disaggregated into five categories: rent extraction, repression, punishment, ethno-religious cleansing, and sexual enslavement. These categories, representing different strategies of violence, are distinguished by who is targeted and what specialized purpose is served to resolve the immediate challenges of governance. In addition to simplifying governance in the short-term, limited and discriminate violence aids ISIS’s long-term state-building project by 1) establishing itself as the preeminent and legitimate ruler, 2) coercing civilian compliance and then transforming this into normative compliance, and 3) homogenizing a nation to be encompassed within the Islamic State. Underlying this analysis is the basic theoretical assumption that states are forged through the crucible of violence, coercion, and war. If violence is ubiquitous in governance and state-building, ISIS’s use of violence against civilians in these same contexts is not so novel or astonishing after all. Extant research on ISIS therefore misleads and limits our imagination by characterizing ISIS’s use of violence as gratuitous, irrational, or purely ideological, rather than looking at how violence can be a tool to achieve very specific goals.


Name: Charmaine Willis
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: cwillis@albany.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Albany, SUNY
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Civil Society and Democracy in South Korea and Japan
Abstract:
The development of a country’s civil society has typically been tied to the development of democracy: a vibrant civil society is indicative of a vibrant democracy. Why, then, has civil society emerged differently in South Korea, a country that democratized fairly recently, and Japan, a country that has been democratic since the end of World War II? Why has civil society in South Korea typically been characterized as being more vibrant and vocal than in Japan? I argue that the political opportunity structures, influenced by US foreign policy and domestic institutions, have created two distinct kinds of civil societies. Through a comparative case study of secondary literature, I demonstrate that the origins of democracy in both states significantly contributed to the contrasting characters of civil society. In the Japanese case, civil society is predominantly composed of smaller local associations based on bonding social capital as described by Putnam (2000). In the South Korean case, civil society is composed of larger swaths of society based on bridging social capital. Through this study, I aim to contribute to the literature on civil society and of democracy at large by demonstrating how different types of democracy lead to different types of civil societies, particularly in the non-Western context.


Name: Shantai Yaw
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: yawshantai@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Explaining Migration: Theory and Two Migrant Groups: Guyanese Migrants in the United States and Moroccans in Spain
Abstract:
In the study of migration, many theories have emerged to explain the process that has played a large role in shaping the world as we know it. But what happens when none of the most famous theories fully explains the migration pattern of a particular group? In this paper I use historical and statistical information to compare two migration groups, Guyanese migrants in the United States, and Moroccan migrants in Spain. The theories evaluated in this paper will be the World Systems Theory, the Segmented Labor Market Theory, and the Neoclassical Theory. The two migrant groups will be analyzed using the “Push-Pull” model of migration to highlight weaknesses in the aforementioned theories in explaining migration patterns of certain groups. This analysis will serve as a starting point for a discussion on the need for an interdisciplinary and all encompassing theory of migration which allows for more efficient explanation and prediction of future patterns of migration.


Name: Galip Emre Yildirim
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: galip-emre.yildirim@ens-paris-saclay.fr
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Ecole Normale Supérieure de Paris Saclay
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  State and Local Politics
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Paper Title: Sociological Dynamics of the Regionalization in France
Abstract:
The regionalization, that appears as a modern phenomenon, affects the 21th century public administration. Especially in terms of European nation-states. when the regionalization is implemented because of the local demands by the central administration, in the countries that have a centralized administration like France, this regionalization process would have been executed by the own will of the center. This paper aims to examine the sociological dynamics of the regionalization movement in France. In accordance with this, the regionalization in France is addressed under (the) three different topics from the functioning of the State withthe regional governments, the relations between center and periphery and the articulation between the State and society regarding the political participation, democracy and decentralization. In addition, this paper pursues the historical data related to the regional formation, sociological and administrative balance among the elected and the elites, and then the statistics created by the data obtained from French interior ministry. Therewith, to be more contented at expressing the French regionalization movement that states a multidimensional process, the comparison with other European States and several examples are presented.


Name: Gregory Young
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: gdyoung3@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University at Buffalo, SUNY
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Paper Title:  Wrapped Up in the Flag: Comparing Flag Culture and the Performance of Nationalism in the United States and Canada
Abstract:
Drawing from Benedict Anderson's paradigm of "imagined communities" and Michael Billig’s concept of Banal Nationalism, this paper explores the history, official guidelines, and popular use of national flags in both the United States and Canada. The paper opens with a historical and nationalist context of the meaning that flags hold within a society before getting into the customs and cultural performances of flags. From there, I examine the origins and official customs of both the American and Canadian flags as well as their more popular uses today in cultural productions and popular civic use. This examination reveals a divergence in official and popular performances of flag culture that significant for our understandings of nationalism and national identity. More specifically, in looking at the use of the flag in both the United States and Canada, the differences in practices are representative of different conceptions of the identity, history, and meaning of two nations themselves.


Name: Haizhou Yu
Section: Comparative Politics
Professional Email: yuhaizhouruc@163.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The University of Hong Kong
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Social Networking Sites Use and Online Activism: An Exploratory Study among Chinese Elite University Students
Abstract:
Does social networking sites (SNS) use foster civic engagement in rights defense (Weiquan "维权") activities in China? Using original survey data collected at two leading universities in Beijing, this study finds that both informational use and social networking use of Weibo and WeChat facilitate students’ online participation in rights defense campaign, while two factors--collective consciousness of rights defense and online collective engagement efficacy--mediate this relationship. The effect of Weibo and WeChat use on students’ offline engagement, however, is not salient. Drawn from social cognitive theory (SCT) and social identity theory (SIT), the study argues that the information gained through SNS use plays a determinant role in students’ online activism regarding rights defense issues. On the one hand, informational and social networking use of SNS provides abundant of unofficial and alternative information which contributes to the formation of the collective consciousness of rights defense; on the other hand, this information flow-receive-interpret process shapes students’ perception of Chinese social and political environment, which in turn constructs online collective engagement efficacy. University students’ active online engagement rather than offline participation in Chinese rights defense activities is a result of the rise of rights consciousness and benefit-cost evaluation.



History and Politics

Name: Christopher Cody
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: Christophers.cody@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Justifying Revolution & Counterrevolution During the Iranian Revolution of 1979
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran. The research aims of this paper are twofold. First, it examines the revolution’s historical context and significance. Second, it situates the revolution within the broader theoretical framework of war and revolution. For the section that focuses on the revolution as an historical event, the paper details the decades leading up to the overthrow of the Shah. This details the post-war rise of the democratically elected Mohammad Mosaddegh and, of course, his eventual overthrow at the hands of CIA backed tacticians. Subsequently, the paper discusses Mohamed Reza Shah Pahlavi, the pro-American Shah that replaced Mossadegh. This, and other social and political events that preceded the 1979 Islamic Revolution will be analyzed in terms of the way they influenced events in Iran into taking a revolutionary turn. From there, the actual conduct of the Islamic Revolution is recounted. This discussion is followed by an examination of the revolutionary event’s long-term and short-term consequences. Especially important to this research paper is the section that discusses the theoretical framework of Iran’s Islamic Revolution. The study investigates what the Shi’ite religious tradition says in terms of the legality and necessary preconditions for revolution, war, and peace. Did Shi’ite schools of thought help to buttress the revolution or did they necessitate the formulation of new theories? Are there theories that contradict the legality of the Islamic Revolution? What do Shi’ite theories of war and revolution say in regard to popular revolt? What theories contradicted the right of the Iranian people to revolt against their Shah? How did the Ayatollah Khomeini justify the revolution? What theories or jurisprudence did he rely upon?


Name: Phyllis Conn
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: connp@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: St. John's University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Migrating to a Global City: Russian and Ukrainian Immigrants in Brighton Beach 
Abstract:
The neighborhood of Brighton Beach in Brooklyn has been home to immigrants from Russia and Ukraine since the mid-twentieth century. It began when large numbers of retired garment workers, mostly Russian and Jewish, moved to Brighton Beach in the 1930s, and continued as successive waves of Russian and Ukrainian émigrés fled their homes after World War II. With the arrival of another wave of Soviet immigrants during détente in the 1970s, Brighton Beach began experiencing a slow revitalization, mirroring efforts to revitalize other Brooklyn neighborhoods in the 1970s. The breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 and changes in federal immigration law brought still larger numbers of émigrés to Brighton Beach on the basis of family reunification and refugee status. Brighton Beach offers a multitude of connections between the global and the local. As a neighborhood in New York City, Brighton Beach reflects local developments such as the movement of low-income housing into struggling neighborhoods in the post-war era. As an ethnic enclave, Brighton Beach has experienced tensions between successive waves of mostly Jewish immigrants as each group defines its own religious and social identity. Each wave of immigrants was also defined by its experience with global politics, both by evolving international relations between the U.S. and the former Soviet Union and by continued changes in U.S. immigration and refugee law. This paper provides examples of how a historian working on a history of Brighton Beach has explored these connections and how they have illuminated and complicated her research.


Name: Al Lawrence
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: al.lawrence@esc.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Empire State College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: A Murder that Mattered: Emmett Till and the Civil Rights Act of 1957
Abstract:
In 1955, a Black teenager, Emmett Till, was brutally murdered in Mississippi, his body weighted down with the exhaust fan from a cotton gin and thrown into a river because he may have whistled at or made suggestive comments to a White woman in a grocery store. The lynching drew national publicity and fueled the nascent civil rights movement in the country. It drew the attention of the attorney general of the United States, Herbert Brownell, Jr., a New York lawyer who had served in the Eisenhower cabinet for two years. Demands were made for federal action, but Brownell felt unable to act because the murder did not involve a federal crime or interstate transactions. He used the case to press the need for passage of what became the first successful civil rights bill since Reconstruction, the Civil Rights Act of 1957. Although Brownell's original proposal was emasculated by Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, the law created the first U.S. Civil Rights Commission and the first civil rights division in the justice department.This paper is designed to demonstrate how celebrated cases and public events influence the development of law and policy. Research comes from Brownell's papers, the papers of other administration officials, an unpublished manuscript and oral histories on file at the Eisenhower Library in Abilene, Kansas; F.B.I. files from the National Archives; newspaper and magazine reports of the lynching, and numerous secondary sources, including Brownell's and Eisenhower's autobiographies and many biographies of Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson and other politicians of the times.There is considerable existing literature on the Till lynching and the passage of the civil rights bill. The most extensive review of the latter is in Robert Caro's The Years of Lyndon Johnson: Master of the Senate (Alfred A. Knopf 2002). But there is little published material that links the genesis of the Civil Rights Act with the lynching and describes Brownell's thinking and role in its creation.


Name: Harvey Strum
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: strumh@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Sage College of Albany
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Canadian Aid to Ireland during the Great Hunger
Abstract:
Will look at the voluntary and governmental assistance sent by Canadians in the then British North American provinces (Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick and Canada--now Ontario and Quebec). The paper will look at the role of legislatures in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick in voting public funds for Irish relief and citizens groups organized in British North America to raise funds and food to be sent to feed the starving in Ireland. What were the motivations for Irish and Scottish relief in 1847 and make some comparison with how the United States responded---similarities and differences. Canadians and Americans raised money and food to be sent to both Ireland and Scotland in 1847 and also will look at the differences on how the funds were sent to groups in Ireland. Scholars have focused on the impact of the Irish famine immigration to Canada and the problems it created but have not emphasized the role Canadians played in international philanthropy during the Great Hunger. The generosity of Canadians deserves greater attention since three times in the 19th Century Canadians, like the Americans, came to the aid of Ireland, in 1847, 1863 and 1880. In fact, in 1880 the Canadian Parliament voted $100,000 for Irish relief and Ontario added another $20,000 in public contributions not counting all the private contributions, as in 1863 and 1847. Neither historians nor political scientists have studied the role of Canada in international philanthropy, especially as it pertains to aiding the Irish in the 19th Century. Only a few studies mention the Canadians and only in passing.


Name: Richard Taylor
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: rt16612@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: St John's University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Myth or Reality: The Martial Ability of the Confederate Soldier
Abstract:
In his farewell address to his troops, Commanding Confederate General, Robert E. Lee stated that his men had fought hard, but were beaten by an overwhelming number of troops and supplies. This speech is the impetus for what became known as the Lost Cause Theory, put forth by journalist and Confederate sympathizer, Edward Pollard (1832- 1872). The Lost Cause Theory states that the North’s overwhelming manpower and manufacturing undid the Confederacy, along with its weak leadership. This paper contends that the statement made by Lee helped to grow and perpetuate the myth that Southern men were better fighters than Northern men, and history shows that this is not true. The problem this creates is that it has skewed perceptions of the past since the conclusion of the American Civil War. Based on Lee’s statement, Pollard regularly wrote about the fighting ability of the Southern man being greater than that of his counterpart from the North. Pollard wrote numerous books stressing this point, but he was not the only one. The writings of the very influential Confederate General Jubal Early helped give the myth more credence. The move of the Lost Cause Theory towards higher education started with the works of the political scientist, John William Burgess (1844- 1931). His writings focused on problems with the Reconstruction, but he regularly perpetuated the main arguments of the Lost Cause Theory. With similar timing to Burgess, historian William Dunning (1857- 1922) also began promoting the Lost Cause Theory. Dunning’s focus was on the Reconstruction as well, but he continued the myth that Lee helped to create. The Dunning School of thought was the guide historical Civil War thinking in the United States, through the 1950’s. What started as a goodbye address to his troops, helped create an entire way of thinking about the Civil War. One of the key components of this thinking is that the Southern fighter was better than the Northern opponent. An analysis of battle statistics and injury reports from early in the war and late in the war has shown this to be false, but that has not stopped this train of thought from continuing through today. In trying to justify their defeat, the South has denied the Union Army their just place in history.


Name: Dori Xhaferaj
Section: History and Politics
Professional Email: dori.xhaferaj1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Administrator
Institution: "Wisdom University", Faculty of Law , Tirana , Albania
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: The Enlargement of European Union in The Western Balkans. The Advantages of This Process. The Case of Albania
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THE ENLARGMENT OF EUROPEAN UNION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS. THE ADVANTAGES OF THIS PROCESS. THE CASE OF ALBANIA Abstract: One of the objectives of Albania is its integration into the European Union. The tendency of European Union enlargement in the Western Balkans is very essential for our country. The agenda of Europe is multilateral and increasingly involves political and economic dynamics of the Western Balkans. In this paper the author aims to present the process of EU enlargement, its stages of expansion, the experience of former communist countries which aspired and are members of the European Union.This paper focuses on the aspiration and enlargement policy that the European Union has adopted, in the interests of expanding the member states and candidates, processed instruments to facilitate this process, the progress of this process and its advantages. The Copenhagen criteria are the rules that determine whether a country is eligible to join the European Union. The criteria demand that a state have the institutions to preserve democratic governance and human rights, a functioning economy and that it accepts the obligations and purposes of the EU.The enlargement is a process ongoing and is a good policy. This process continues to be one of the most effective policies of the European Union. The prospect of EU accession and the advantages present a guarantee for stability and reform in the Western Balkans. The enlargement of the European Union by the accession of the Western Balkan countries will contribute to strengthening stability, freedom and prosperity in Europe as a whole. EU enlargement eastward will be a completion, and not just in geographical terms, of the Union, and will strengthen its borders in Southeast Europe. This paper will first offer a full panorama of Western Balkans- EU relations. In part two it will be demonstrated the costs and benefits of EU integration . Finally, part three will analyze Albanian case. Keywords: process, enlargement, EU criteria, advantages.Literature 1. Center for the Study of Democracy. The Response of the Western Balkan Countries to the Economic and Financial Crisis. Handout. August 2011 European Commission, 2. Commission Opinion on Albania’s Application for Membership of the European Union, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, COM(2010) 680 (9 November 2010), accessed at http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2010/package/al_opinion_2010en.pdf on 20 November 2012 European Commission, ‘Conclusions on Bosnia and Herzegovina’, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2010–2011, 3. European Commission Progress Reports of Western Balkans states: in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia. 10.11.2015. Brussels, http://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2015/11/10/progress-reports-of-western-balkansstates/4. The 2015 World Bank Doing Business Report https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/20483/DB15-FullReport.pdf?sequence=15“The periphery of the periphery: The Western Balkans and the Euro crisis”, European Council of Foreign Relations, August 2012,6. Institute for Regional and International Studies, The Western Balkans: Between the Economic Crisis and the European Perspective7.http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/countries/detailed-country-information/albania/index_en.htm8. COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT ALBANIA 2015 REPORT Accompanying the document COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONShttp://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2015/20151110_report_albania.pdf



International Relations and American Foreign Policy

Name: Samaila Adelaiye
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: sammyadelaiye@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: SUNY Buffalo
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: FDI inflow and Violent government repression of protest
Abstract:
The theoretical literature on government repression and foreign investment has considered the level foreign investment on state repression. Direct links have been built around the structural dependence theory to examine the influence of foreign investors on the government of their host nations. This paper argues along these lines that foreign investor preferences which are in line with international norms of non-repression influence their host government’s decision to use repression. Particularly, the paper examines violent repression of protests using protest data from 142 countries to test this hypothesis and we find evidence to support the proposal that more dependence on FDI inflow reduces violent government repression of protest.


Name: Abdulfattah Adesina Raji
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: sina.raji@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Fountain University, Osogbo
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title:  Terrorism and Political Violence in Contemporary History: A Critical Review of Post September 11 Events
Abstract:
ABSTRACTTerrorism is a global phenomenon. No part of the world is in perfect peace without its fair share of vices threatening human existence. It is an established fact that, the global community, at the moment, is complex and interdependent. The actions of one state or an individual on the other states affect the lives of others anywhere in the world. Based on these assertions, this study critically examines the nexus between terrorism and political violence in post September, 2001 phenomenon. It is argued that, the effects of September 11, 2001 were never limited to the United States of America and few other countries but extended to the entire global community. Using Geopolitical Approach theory to interrogate the discourse, it adopted a qualitative and secondary method of data collections. The study was empirically focused rather than theoretical explanations that situate terrorism in wider contexts. It observed that the world leaders have surreptitiously pursued the issue of peace only through advancement in technologies while reducing the vital issue of good governance to the lower rung; thereby treating it with kid’s gloves and lip service. In an attempt to seek for global peace and elimination of conflict, the study recommends that the world leaders need to pause and ruminate on how the world got to this point after the destruction experienced from the first and second World Wars. It concludes that, peace is never unattainable provided the world powers were determined to reduce the vulnerability of human species to security threats by addressing issues that often precipitate the occurrences of terrorism in the world.Keywords: Terrorism, fundamentalism, Political violence, Peace, Good Governance


Name: Oluwatosin Akande
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: abosede_akande@student.uml.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts, Lowell
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title:  What Does Tomorrow Hold? Understanding Factions, War, & Death in Syria through International Relations
Abstract:
Syria’s entrapment by a five year civil war has left many perplexed despite ample efforts by the international community to broker a peace accord. The country continually struggles to recover from the physical, mental, and emotional splinters the ordeal has wrought. What can be deciphered from this and how can one explain the sad developments unfolding? In understanding the Syrian crisis, this paper will apply theoretical constructs specifically realism and liberalism to the Syrian situation to explain the pivotal event using the 2011 UN Security Council Resolution that called for an immediate halt to the crackdown against opponents of Bashar al-Assad. The two schools of thought will assess the explanatory power of each paradigm and how both lead to diverging explanations of the same event. The paper argues from an Hobbesian realist viewpoint, people in a society come together to sign a contract, yet Al-assad's crackdown on opponents indicate there are times where stakeholders in society reject the contract either because humans want power; governments cannot fulfill social contract promises of basic public goods across the population; and or because the government lacks legitimacy from its people. Syria is a prime example of a nation where the social contract is rejected as seen through the multiplicity of stakeholders tussling for its territory. In contrast liberalist’s vantage point holds that unjust and entrenched inequity and imbalances of power, resource, capital, and access causes conflicts that opponents resist. As long as dictatorship, despotism, authoritarianism and all other repressive forms of government prevail, war will persist. Because Al-assad refuses to relinquish power and is bent on cementing these asymmetries, the crackdown on opponents comes as no surprise. Without creating fair arrangements for a more democratic state committed to the rule of law; individual rights and equality; and representative governments buoyed by popular consent, the elimination of war that can bring about a peaceful cohesive Syria remains elusive. In forging a resolution to the debacle, realist internal state-actor nationalist elements within Syria will resist the imposition of western ideals that dictate how Syria should be constituted and managed, while liberalist external state-actors like the UN peace-keeping forces, Greater Arab Free Trade Agreement, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund are likely to place sanctions and embargos as mechanisms of speedy resolution. Regardless of any catch twenty-two dilemma state and non-state actors across the theoretical spectrum face, a response to the Syrian civil war should be guided exclusively by normative considerations for it leaves no room for ambiguity in defining what is wrong and right.


Name: Marco Castillo
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: marcocastillophd@gmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: NYC College of Technology
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Do As I Say, Not As I Do? US Economic Policy and Dollarization in Ecuador
Abstract:
The South American nation of Ecuador has undergone significant changes since the turn of the 21st century, rapidly transforming from a politically and economically unstable nation into a more modern one, with a stronger economy, improved infrastructure, and a greater array of social programs to fight poverty and protect the public welfare. Much of this growth and development can be attributed to the policy of dollarization, the adoption of the US dollar as the official currency of the nation. Utilizing theories of policy diffusion, this paper analyzes the process of dollarization in Ecuador, modern threats to dollarization due to 21st century changes in US economic policy, and possible futures for the policy.


Name: Jude Chisom Erondu
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: chisom234@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Climate Change and Conflicts in Nigeria
Abstract:
Climate change is one of the most pressing challenges facing the global community, especially in emerging and developing countries in Africa and the Middle East, for example Syria. The Middle East is considered the most volatile region because of its vulnerability to climate change and proxy warfare (Abed and Davoodi). In decades past this region has been experiencing water scarcity (Naik) due to its proximity to the Sahara Desert and North Africa which is extremely dry and humid with a maximum daytime temperature of 54°C (130°F) (National Geographic Society). For example, the “Climate Change 2007: Synthesis” report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) cites that, "By 2020, between 75 and 250 million people in Africa and possibly the Middle East are projected to be exposed to increased water stress while yields from rain-fed agriculture are projected to decline at 50 percent in some regions by 2020 and agricultural production that provides access to food may be severely compromised" (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Working Group Science). This paper examines and identifies the impacts of climate change on Syria, its economy, agriculture, and the current global migration crisis of which Syria accounts for most of the population trying to migrate to Europe for safety. I propose a solution that calls the government of Syria to shift from mitigation to adaptation frameworks to reduce the risk associated with climate change and violence through the collaboration of climate change stakeholders (government, businesses, and non-governmental organizations). Even though the Syrian government has continued to explore some adaptive measures, this paper posits that there is room for improvement. These improvements would focus on effective policy development and implementation of adaptation frameworks.


Name: Jose Humberto Gomes De Oliveira
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: humbertoaba@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Dom Bosco University Brazil UNDB
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: ARAUJO, MAYANNA STELLA
Co-presenter info: ARAUJO, MAYANNA STELLA
Paper Title: Brazil’s New Port Act: Investment in Infrastructure and The Development of A Major Trade Power
Abstract:
The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the capabilities and deficiencies of the major physical infrastructures for international trade of the largest commodity export economy of Latin America. The relationship between economic performance and political stability in Latin America is well established and documented. According to WTO, the volume of world trade has grown 20 fold since 1950, making international trade a fundamental element for understanding contemporary social, economic and political dynamics in Brazil. This increase is directly related to globalization and the development of transportation and communication infrastructures. Brazil/China trade offers a significant example of how trade of goods and services is an essential pillar for economic development. China is Brazil’s main trade partner for imports and a major buyer of Brazil’s exports. Both governments collaborate to encourage this relationship and strengthen business and trade flow. In this scenario, Brazil still needs to improve its logistics infrastructure. With an extensive open-ocean coast, Brazil has historically mainly traded though maritime ports, which are responsible for a large part of exports and imports and have become paramount for economic development. Along 8.5 thousand miles of coastline, Brazilian ports have an annual turnover of approximately 700 million tons of cargo, over 90% of exports. Poor physical infrastructure, long delays in ship processing and cargo handling, excessive red tape and a crumbling inland transportation infrastructure all contribute to elevated costs and losses in efficiency and growth. In which ways can the Brazilian government act to improve current regulations to incentive investment, reduce costs and other hurdles to importers and exporters and provide a more amicable business environment? In an attempt to tackle this situation, the Brazilian Congress has recently passed a new “Ports Act” under the Government’s auspices. Intended to stimulate private investment for modernization and development of ports, the new regulation has not yet received proper analytical attention by the specialized literature. The expansion and development of Brazil’s port infrastructure must follow the pace of the country’s expanding foreign trade. Hence, public and private measures are been inserted in order to develop more incisive policies to ensure that the country can support its trade flow demand.


Name: Yongjae Lee
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: yongjae.lee@rutgers.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Rutgers University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  The Chinese Economic Development and External Militarized Behaviors of China
Abstract:
This paper analyzes relations between the Chinese economic developments and external militarized actions by applying Bell’s (1973) post-industrial society theory and Inglehart and Welzel’s (2005) modernization theory. Since 1993, China had engaged in much more international military conflicts than the early Reform and Opening era because the Chinese economic progress promoted the emancipation of a matter of survival, changes of the industrial structure, and spread of higher education. Educated and affluent Chinese citizens pursue higher goals over a matter of survival like the nationalism that causes external assertive actions. However, the statistical analysis does not support an impact of the Chinese economic developments on China-Japan military disputes because the Chinese society does not reach the posy-industrial society.


Name: Graham Palmateer
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: gpalmateer@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Florida International University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: The Uses (and Abuses) of the Economic Community of Central African States: The Hidden Functions of Regional Economic Community Membership for African Regimes
Abstract:
This paper examines the “hidden” functions of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) for its member regimes. While the organization has had extremely limited success in pursuing its economic and security agendas, I argue that membership in ECCAS still serves important domestic and international functions for its member states. Since most central African regimes are weak and quite aware of their vulnerabilities, they are often on the lookout for opportunities to reinforce both domestic and international perceptions of their legitimacy. ECCAS is an organization through which that can be achieved. Therefore, since its re-emergence in 1998, I argue that ECCAS’s promotion of “collective security” has tended not to be so much a genuine expression of communal efforts at peacebuilding, but more of a reflection of its members’ domestic insecurity and narrow regime interests. In this sense, membership in ECCAS serves what Fredrik Söderbaum (2004) calls a “sovereignty-boosting” function for central African regimes. That is, participation in an international organization – even a weak one like ECCAS – serves to reinforce a regime’s claim to sovereignty and legitimacy. ECCAS’s token regionalism thus obscures the organization’s deeply domestic functions for its member regimes. This paper builds on findings by Angela Meyer (2009, 2015) which highlighted the geostrategic uses of ECCAS for its member states and their hesitance to cede power to a fragile regional body. Utilizing newly released U.S. diplomatic cables, this paper provides an additional critical investigation into the inner workings of ECCAS, the politics of Rwanda’s temporary withdrawal from the organization, and the views of U.S. policymakers toward the re-launched, security-oriented regional body.


Name: Raju Parakkal
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: rajuparakkal@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Philadelphia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Global Governance sans Formal Governance: Lessons from the Globalization of Competition Laws
Abstract:
The global economic system is characterized by multilateral arrangements on most aspects of economic policy. However, one economic area where a multilateral arrangement is still elusive is competition policy. Attempts in the late 1990s and early 2000s at the World Trade Organization to formulate a multilateral competition policy regime were unsuccessful, owing largely to opposition from the developing world. Since then, however, competition laws spread drastically across the globe. However, a multilateral competition arrangement spanning the international system is still not an agenda item and its relative absence continues to represent a puzzle in international economic governance. This paper argues that the absence of a formal multilateral framework for competition policy — a relatively new issue area in international political economy — is a testimony to the evolved nature of the economic dimensions of international relations and governance where carefully selected neoliberal norms and concerted actions of social and non-state actors alongside state-level actors have produced a “pseudo” multilateral competition policy arrangement. Interestingly, such an arrangement combines flexibility and discretion with stability and certainty and represents a challenge to conventional understanding of global governance. As such, it presents a model of global governance that deserves deeper examination and analysis, as this paper does.


Name: Hanitra Randrianasolo
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: hanitra.randrianasolo@u-psud.fr
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: University of Paris Sud - College of Interdisciplinary Studies
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: International Development Policy: What Does It Take To Secure The Southern Marginalized Producers' Freedom To Choose Their Life?
Abstract:
This paper is an attempt to relate a theoretical approach: ‘Development as Freedom’ formalized by the Nobel Prize Amartya Sen (1999), and practices born within International Cooperation known as ‘solidarity economy’ aiming at reducing poverty and extreme poverty. Its objective is twofold. First, to illustrate what needs to be paid in order to secure the southern poor and marginalized producers freedom to choose their life whilst they are left behind by global trade. In monitoring and analyzing a set of solidarity-based initiatives emerging worldwide, this paper is particularly focused on solidarity-based consumption activities, precisely in the concept of ‘fair consumption’ in developed countries to the benefit of marginalized producers in developing countries. By mobilizing case studies, surveys, it demonstrates and illustrates the economic and political role plaid nowadays by consumers living in a connected and global world beside the usual actors as State and NGO. It is a contribution to the debate on the cost of freedom. Second, to establish a parallel between this solidarity-based and fair consumption, considered in the 21st as a new way of behaving and the Greek thought about freedom. This paper is pioneering in defining this consumer’s behavior as a capacity not to follow what has been built as an economical natural tendency, over the decades: ‘to seek for the lowest price in the name of rationality’, in addition to his ability to exercise a prospective responsibility. On the opposite of the retroactive one, this second type of responsibility formalized by Hans Jonas (1979) arises from a priori obligations, which may constrain one’s freedom of action. This is known as an ex-ante responsibility. It expresses the fact of being accountable ‘for others’. This particular liability requires the individual voluntarily to constrain his or her own freedom in order to satisfy obligations that he/she sees as having priority. It is about ‘shopping with and for virtues’ (Micheletti, 2003). In this case, we suggest that what is seen as a new way of behaving may have very deep roots. Indeed, when Greek philosophers did not see negative freedom as an end in itself. They warned not only of the tyranny of external constraints, of the passions but they have also defended a more inclusive and capacious conception of what freedom is. In short, they have directly connected freedom with the ques­tion of virtue. The paper is a contribution to better illustrate the drawbacks and levers to increase the consumer’s power of change in development and poverty reduction theory and policy and to open new reflections within political freedom.


Name: Nilay Saiya
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: nsaiya@brockport.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: SUNY Brockport
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Co-author info: Joshua Fidler, SUNY Brockport, jfidl@brockport.edu
Co-presenter info: Joshua Fidler, SUNY Brockport, jfidl@brockport.edu
Paper Title: Taking God Seriously: Religious Realpolitik and the Struggle Against Global Islamist Extremism
Abstract:
How can the United States best combat and curb violent Islamist extremism? In this article, we critique three extant approaches to American foreign policy: realpolitik, neoconservatism, and liberal interventionism—showing how these approaches have worsened the problem of global Islamist extremism. This article argues that the shortcomings of all three foreign policy frameworks in addressing Islamist terrorism lie in their treatment of religion (or lack thereof). We then propose an amended form of realpolitik we call “religious realpolitik,” which offers the prospect of greater stability and security for the United States, while avoiding the pitfalls of the approaches we critique here.


Name: Efe Sivis
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: efesivis@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Istanbul Kemerburgaz University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: U.S. Role in Turkey's Democratization After World War 2
Abstract:
Though it had been more than 50 years since a free and fair general elections were held in Turkey, there is still not a consensus reached on the factors that have impact on Turkey’s transition to multiparty system and its steps towards democratization. One reason of such diversity on affecting factors is caused by lack of a scholarly work based on concrete archive documents. Why the effective decision maker of Turkey, President Ismet Inonu had taken such decision? Existing literature tells us international factors played important role on Inonu’s decision however it is seen that much weight is given to the domestic factors. In the literature, it is seen that US’ role in Turkey’s transition multiparty system is not covered solitary. In my thesis, I will be using the U.S. National Archives documents based in Washington. Existing literature mostly leans on assembly speeches conducted by politicians, press releases, opinion of affective columnists at the time. In this dissertation the effect of U.S. between 1945 and 1950 will be covered based on concrete documents. The aim of my paper is to measure U.S. effect on the process which dramatically changed Turkey’s political regime. Thus in the light of National Archives documents (Washington), it is observed that in which direction U.S. played role in changes of Turkish political life in mentioned period. Holding a free and fair election for the first time in 1950, Turkey’s attempts to be a part of Western Block after the Second World War, developments in freedom of speech, changes in its statist economic regime are analyzed in consideration of U.S. international policies after Second World War.


Name: Essien Ukpe
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: essienukpe@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Akwa Ibom State University, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Panel Description: Paper not a panel
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Paper Title: The European Union and the Future of the United States as a Major Super Power in Global Politics
Abstract:
This paper explored the post Cold War cooperation between the United States and the European Union with an effort to discover the implication of such cooperation for the status of the US as a major superpower in present day international politics. A subtle competition from the EU end of the relationship is discernible. Using a qualitative approach, the paper examined trade data released by the United States Census Bureau and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis and also data provided by Eurostat and discovered that US imports exceeds its exports while the EU exports exceeds its imports. This accounts for the higher share of world trade by the EU vis-à-vis the US. Therefore, contrary to the realist prediction of the decline and final demise of Europe's global influence, the EU's global influence is actually on the rise. It is the conclusion of the study that if this trend continues, the EU will eventually surpass the US in strength and thereby put the EU at preponderance above the US in the future. It is recommended that the US should address the imbalance if it would maintain its preeminent position in global politics in the future. Some of the works consulted include Arab News (2014). "Growth strong in UK, slips in Japan, euro zone on track" in Arab News; Blum, J.; Cameron, R. and Barnes, T. G. (1970). The European World: A History (2nd Edition). Boston: Little Brown and Company; Bromund, T. R. and Gardiner, N. (2014). "Freedom from the EU: Why Britain and the U.S. Should Pursue a U.S.–U.K. Free Trade Area" in The Heritage Foundation; Dávila, L. R. (2002). "Rethinking The Cold War" in The Americas Society Conversation Circles (New York, August 2002); Engdahl, F. W. (2012). “The One World Government’s China Containment Strategy”. In Before it’s News; Europa (2000:1). "Phase 2: the European Monetary System" in Economic And Financial Affairs; Eurostat (2016). "International trade in goods"; US. Department of Commerce (2016). "U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services August 2016". U.S. Census Bureau & U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.


Name: Aaron Zack
Section: International Relations and American Foreign Policy
Professional Email: Aaron.Zack@baruch.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: CUNY - Baruch College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: none
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Paper Title: Ludwig Dehio's Theory of Hegemony
Abstract:
Ludwig Dehio advances a theory of the historical dynamic of the modern European state system (1494- 1945) and its hegemonic wars. After explaining Dehio's thoughts about why none of the European Powers were successful in their attempts to conquer the Continent, the text analyzes bids for hegemony in the historical Hellenic, Hellenistic, Roman, Renaissance Italian, modern European, and western hemispheric state systems. The purpose of these analyses is to demonstrate how Dehio's thought illuminates the dynamics of hegemonic conflicts. Additionally, we note how prior hegemonic struggles illuminate some of the dilemmas of contemporary American grand strategy. The manuscript then considers how Dehio's thoughts on hegemony enrich our understanding of contemporary challenges, such as the struggles for power in the Middle East and East Asia, the rise of China and its Western Hemispheric ambitions, and American grand strategic options. The text concludes by arguing that Dehio's thought suggests that particular grand strategies will partially determine the global system’s movement towards destructive bids for hegemony, or a viable plural order.



Political Theory

Name: Adrian Nicolae Atanasescu
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: adatanasescu@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Toronto
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title:  "Non-Destructive" Secularization? Jurgen Habermas on The Need to Re-think Liberalism in A Post-Secular Key
Abstract:
In his recent writings Jürgen Habermas has argued for a more ample role of religion in the public sphere of liberal democratic societies. Taking pains to distance his view of liberalism from the classical Enlightenment approach to religion as found in the works of Kant, Hegel or Marx which, as he now argues, were animated by a hostile “take-over” intention, Habermas claims that secular reason will benefit from a more dialogical and “non-destructive” view of secularization. This view relies on a project of “salvaging” translation of religious cognitive content, whereby moral intuitions that lie buried deep in religious traditions are detached from the “dogmatic shell” in which they are encapsulated and transferred into the “generally accessible” language of secular reason. According to Habermas’s recent essays, salvaging translations of this kind could counteract the poverty of meaning plaguing late modernity, remind everyone of the importance of human dignity and solidarity, and restore reason’s confidence in its ability to provide normative grounding for modernity. Not the least, “salvaging” translations could help secular reason neutralize the radically “defeatist” view of modern rationalism coming from many post-modernist intellectual quarters. While I do not dispute the potential benefits of a post-secular turn in liberal democratic politics, I argue in this paper that the project of “salvaging” translation from Habermas’s recent writings introduces significant normative tensions for the formal, pragmatic and freestanding (or “postmetaphysical”) framework of liberal democracy, as this was articulated and defended by Habermas in his mature works. In particular, the idea of a “non-destructive secularization” collides with the evolutionary narrative that Habermas (following Weber) espoused in The Theory of Communicative Action (1981, 1987), The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity (1990) or Postmetaphysical Thinking (1992), according to which modern “communicative reason” is able to sublate religion. If this supersessionist narrative is undermined, however, I argue that the claim to universality of “communicative reason” is also undermined. And as this claim is one of the core tenets of Habermas’s philosophical and political project, the entire edifice is teetering on the brink of collapse. I also argue that the normative tensions introduced by the project of “salvaging translation” cannot be resolved within Habermas’s version of postmetaphysical liberalism unless central aspects of the latter are radically modified or abandoned.


Name: Cristiano Cabrita
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: cjpcabrita@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: Institute for Political Studies (Catholic University of Portugal) - Ph.D. in Political Science and International Relations- Researcher at The Research Center of the Institute for Political Studies (CIEP)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Why democracy is its own worst enemy?
Abstract:
The challenges that lay ahead for democracy are so serious that few political scientists have the courage to risk their reputation and pin down with relative accuracy what will happen on a five/ten/fifteen year basis. As a matter of fact, when the term “democracy” and “enemy” is used in the same sentence there´s a natural and immediate tendency – for those who are lucky enough to live in electoral democracies – to look over the fence and not to our own backyard. That is to say, democracy’s enemies, our enemies, are some sort of mythological creatures that live far far away from our perfect democratic bubble. This reasoning can be in part seen in the on-going debate about democracy’s struggle against its external enemies. During the cold war period democracy was at “war” with communism and, before that, with national-socialism and fascism. Currently, democracy faces new enemies: global authoritarianism, international terrorism, religious extremism and Islamic fundamentalism. This thoughtfulness is only partly true. At least it's not the only reason why we are debating this matter today. According to this paper– and that's precisely part of the problem – democracy is to some extent its own worst enemy. Why? Because most of the issues that we´re debating today are a result of a certain apathy and disentanglement of liberal democracies around the world in the last decade.


Name: Brian Ford
Section:
Professional Email: bpford1@gmail.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: New York City Department of Education
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: Democratic Education and Markets: Segmentation, Privatization and Commodification
Abstract:
This manuscript expands on my previous treatments of hegemony and social learning by looking at Amy Gutmann’s work. It also expands on the notion of problem articulation, focusing on how the method used to identify problems has ideological biases that often go unrecognized. Please note that I am not focusing on how problems are articulated in Amy Gutmann’s work; rather, I am using her work as a heuristic device in order to interpret contemporary education reform. Her Democratic Education is used to examine the assumptions (and, presumably, an agenda and perhaps some unintended consequences) of business models in education. Political theories of education, according to Gutmann, fall into three broad categories based on the source of authority: those that give authority over education to the state, those that give it to the family and those that give it to education professionals. Saying that none of them by itself coheres with a liberal democracy, Gutmann rejects all three models: the family state, in which children are educated for the good of the state and the sake of social harmony; the state of families, where parents are entrusted to make choices for and pursue the best interests of their children; and the state of individuals, which relies on educational professionals and expert knowledge to create institutions which maximize the future choice of children, “without prejudicing children towards any controversial conception of the good life.” In the end, she argues, none of the three models work in a liberal democracy precisely because they are based solely on a single source of authority.[1] It is therefore particularly striking that the most forceful calls for education reform of the current day look not to the state, not to the family, not to 'future' individuals (nor, by any means, to educational professionals acting on their behalf) to be the main actor. Rather they seek to authorize a fourth group to shape the future of public education in the US: the business community and those who feel they have a calling to use business methods to improve and reform the school system. What I suggest, half as a conceit, half as a description, is that contemporary efforts at reforming education in the US –on which there seems to be much bipartisan consensus-- seem determined to be systematic in their rejection of Gutmann's conclusions.


Name: Sacha Ghandeharian
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: SachaGhandeharian@cmail.carleton.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Carleton University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Spontaneity, Freedom and Motion in Hegel’s Philosophy of History
Abstract:
This paper consists of an exegetical reading of Hegel’s Philosophy of History and the Preface to the Phenomenology of Spirit, specifically focused on analyzing how Hegel's notion of subjectivity – as negativity, or a void in motion – squares with his progressivist vision of history. The central question is whether one can have both a vision of subjectivity as, at base, constituted by nullity, and, at the same time, a vision of history as progressing towards an identifiable fixed end? My argument suggests that Hegel's retelling of history (from the perspective of Geist conscious-of-itself) has to be one characterized by what Slavoj Žižek (1991) calls a “retroactive necessity” in order for his vision of subject and history to remain compatible. It can thus be argued that Hegel’s Subject represents a place of radical contingency in its encounter with the natural world; however, it should be noted that this does not entail a thoroughgoing “conquest of nature” (as suggested by Leo Strauss) by human rationality – in the sense of directing (world) history towards its own fixed ends – since the necessity of Spirit’s movements is only established a posteriori. The paper is thus divided into two main parts; first, I present a reading of Hegel’s Subject as radically contingent, i.e., as having no determined foundation, and thus characterized by spontaneity. This picture of the Hegelian subject is drawn out of the Preface to his Phenomenology of Spirit and will anchor itself in Hegel’s metaphorical illustration of human subjectivity as a kind of self-moving-void – i.e., what Alexandre Kojève (1973) terms its power of negativity. In the second part, I assess how Hegel traces the historical development of the Subject – as self-moving-void – towards Spirit-conscious-of-itself, i.e., Freedom, in the Philosophy of History. My objective is to substantiate the claim that Hegel’s positing of historical necessity – vis-à-vis the development of Reason/Freedom in time – has to be a retroactive necessity, and can only occur from the active (re)building of a historical/developmental narrative as a looking-back situated in the present. In this sense, the World Spirit becomes a kind of self-moving totality; subjectivity as the void in motion writ large. I conclude by drawing out the implications of such an interpretation for continued theorizing of the Subject within critical theories, and, specifically, as a potential starting-point for moving past debates that more often then not seem trapped in the antinomy between the contingent and universal.


Name: Rob Goodman
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: rg2803@columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: "Debatable Land": Macaulay, Tocqueville, and the Art of Contingency
Abstract:
In his 1828 essay “On History,” Thomas Macaulay memorably argued that historiography is a “debatable land” between fiction and science: the effective historian must appropriate techniques from the novelist not only to make his or her work more vivid, but also to make it more truthful. In his History of England (1848-55), Macaulay put this dictum to work, most obviously, in pioneering a form of social history; but this paper explores the ways in which another novelistic and rhetorical idea—the concept of contingency—shaped his historical and political thought even more decisively. In fiction, contingency can refer to the pleasurable uncertainties of a plot; in rhetoric, it can refer to the uncertainties that make public deliberation necessary. Macaulay drew on both of these senses in his creation of the “declamatory disquisition,” a recurring feature of his work that combines the set-piece speeches of Thucydides and Sallust with contemporary standards of historical accuracy. Above all, the rhythms of oratory and debate in Macaulay’s histories stress the ways in which crucial political developments were dependent on probabilistic arguments—that is, they vividly preserve the sense that history might have been otherwise. The paper proposes that preserving such a sense may have been especially important to Macaulay given his ambivalence over the growth in his own time and place of the mass public sphere. While Macaulay contributed to the growth of this sphere through his parliamentary advocacy of the first Reform Act, I argue that he also feared the ways in which it might render political life more anonymous, more predictable, and less susceptible to the classical norms of eloquence. His History is, among much else, an attempt to investigate the ways in which those norms might still be relevant to a mass age. Finally, the paper sets that attempt in relief by contrasting it with that of a contemporary who developed a resolutely anti-rhetorical method of investigating historical change: Tocqueville, and his Ancien Régime and the Revolution (1856). In comparison to his acquaintance Macaulay, Tocqueville fixates on classes, not individuals; secret archives, not public debate; and tragic necessity rather than novelistic contingency. The paper examines the differences between these two historians as an important contrast in political thought—one that calls into question the value of understanding political change through the lens of rhetoric and asks whether a sense of contingency remains worth cultivating. While a good deal of secondary literature has explored Macaulay’s methods as an historian (e.g., John Clive 1973, A. Dwight Culler 1985, Catherine Hall 2012), there has been much less attention to his place in political theory. Conversely, despite the voluminous literature on Tocqueville as a political theorist, there is considerably less work examining the theoretical commitments of his historiography (exceptions include Hayden White 1973 and Jason Frank 2015). This paper aims to respond to both of those gaps, while also contributing to the discipline’s growing interest in the subject of contingency (e.g., Shapiro and Bedi 2007).


Name: Jordanco Jovanoski
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: jovaj926@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New school For Social Research
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Dramatizing The Tyrant: On The Political History of The Concept of Monstrosity
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The paper will examine the history of the link between drama and the critique of tyranny. It will formulate an understanding of this relationship on the basis of the following questions: what makes the experience of tyranny so dramatic, and what are the reasons that tyranny is one of the most dramatized concepts in political theory? Undoubtedly, part of the answer is that written dramas performed in the theater were used to criticize existing tyrannies. The link between drama, tyrannical power, and its resistance can be traced historically from antiquity, where scholars assumed that Greek tragedy had its beginnings in the political climate of a tyrannical regime — into modernity, where during the European late medieval and early modern periods, dramas dealing with tyrannicide (most notably the versions of the Senecan tyrant plays) and treatises arguing for the justification of the right of resistance went hand in hand. The dramatic was an extra-theoretical instrument which confronted the affective dimension of tyrannical rule: in this regard, drama was utilized as a medium through which the arbitrariness of tyrannical power could be contested and criticized, and the terror perpetrated by the tyrant could be reversed against him, catching his guilty conscience. On the other hand however, the dramatization of tyranny proceeded by virtue of an intra-theoretical gesture which grasped the affective consequences of tyranny in conceptual form by characterizing the tyrant as a “monster.” Such theoretical practice was one of the crucial marks of the pricipium specula, the mirror-for-princes genre, and it showcased the way in which the latter form of a political tract was used to develop critiques of tyranny and theories of resistance and tyrannicide. In the context of the mirror-for-princes literature, tyrants were depicted as monsters and tyranny as a regime of monstrosity on the level of theory itself. This dramatized version of the concept of tyranny, although underdeveloped, can also be traced from antiquity into modernity. The purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which this dramatization of the tyrant was used in order to provide legitimate grounds for resistance against tyranny. Juxtaposing the good ruler against the tyrant was thus a lesson in contrast between justice and injustice, and descriptions of the tyrant as a monster elevated the level of intensity in the context of such rule. For this reason, my aim is to argue that the performative transformation of the tyrant into a monster critically reconstituted his power into an object of resistance and into a power that could be challenged and even extinguished by another, more legitimate counter-power.


Name: Mark Jubulis
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: jubulis001@gannon.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Gannon University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Anthony D. Smith's Contribution to the Study of Nationalism: An Appraisal and Appreciation of Ethno-symbolism
Abstract:
The work of the British historian and sociologist Anthony D. Smith (1939-2016) has had a profound impact on the way in which contemporary scholars study and understand the multi-faceted concept of nationalism. His prolific writings on the subject established a new paradigm known as “ethno-symbolism” that carved a path between two opposing views of nationalism. Before Smith, there was a dichotomy between a fixed primordialist position that focused on ethnicity, and the reigning modernist conception of the nation, which views it as a malleable social construction that is to be found only in a distinct historical period. Smith’s multi-disciplinary approach, focusing on symbols, myths, memories, ethnoscapes, and art of the nation, offered a synthesis that moved beyond typical binary categories. He shows an appreciation for the role of ethno-cultural factors without endorsing primordialism, while also correcting many modernist assumptions and expectations. A particular value of ethno-symbolism is that it does a better job than modernist theories in seeking to explain the resilience of national identities across time and the resonance of nationalist appeals among the members of the group. I found Smith’s approach to be very beneficial in understanding the rise of nationalism in the Baltic Republics under Soviet rule in the late 1980s and early 1990s, just at the time when modernist theorists (Hobsbawm) were predicting the demise of nationalism as a global force. The paper will engage in an extensive literature review in order to illustrate the distinctiveness of the ethno-symbolist approach and to situate Smith’s work within the broader field of nationalism studies. In the process, the contrast between Smith and many well-known modernist theorists will be highlighted. For example, while Gellner offered a plausible theory to account for the logical emergence of a national identity in the modern industrial state, his theory does not explain why people should care about their own particular nation and its culture.


Name: Ashwini K.P
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ashwini.kp16@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Mount Carmel College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Karamala Areesh Kumardoctoral studentJawaharlal Nehru University New delhi
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Paper Title:  Understanding Power and Hegemony: Conceptualising Caste Based Discrimination
Abstract:
Power and hegemony has been one of the significant aspects that have structured the historicity of various communities across the globe. Hegemony and power structures have multiple layers thereby creating hierarchal structures. However the aspect of caste as a category of discrimination is very much confined to South Asian region. Caste has predominantly structured every societal aspect. Caste based discrimination has placed a large section of communities outside the mainstream idea of development. Considering several comprehensive descriptions of caste, the theories of the origin of caste appear to be perplexed. There are diverse versions put forward by anthropologists, sociologists and researchers analysing the origin of caste. This paper will examine the intersection of caste, power and hegemony. This paper will analyse the theory of power and hegemony drawing parallels from both Phule and Foucault. Caste continues to be a determining factor in deciding one’s status quo in the society. The process of social evolution and dynamics of the distributive system forms the basis of social stratification be it class or caste. From this arises the aspect of social rank or social position. Hence social stratification undergoes an intersection of power and hegemony. Stratification encompasses various aspects. This paper will conceptually analyse the location of caste in the structural framework of power and hegemony.


Name: JongWon Lee
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: ljw2819@hanmail.net
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Sogang University -South Korea
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Korean’s Philosophical Grounds for Comparative Political Philosophy of West and East, Focusing on Dasŏk Young-mo Ryu’s Thoughts.
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The object of this study is to introduce the idea of gwi-il (returning to the one, 歸一) and hŏetong (crossing, 會通) addressed by Dasŏk, the Korean thinker, and to analyze its feasibility as the foundation of comparative political philosophy. Dasŏk Young-mo Ryu lived the time when Western Christianity was introduced to Korea. As Christianity became more influential in Korea, Korean native religions and thoughts such as Confusion, Buddism and Taoism began to collide Christianity with violent chemical reaction. At this time, Young-mo Ryu was struggling to reconcile Christianity and the traditional religions. Therefore, Eastern and Western religious thought are actively compared and combined in his idea. This study is different from formal ones that simply introduce his idea under the field of religion studies or theology, by focusing on addressing this subject as introductory study for comparative political philosophy. It is true that he put emphasis on combination and reinterpretation of Confucianism, Buddism, Taoism and Christianity. But his study needs to be interpreted in many different perspectives. gwi-il is the concept of returning to one. In this definition, one (hana, 一) is regarded as the world of nothing in oriental ontology, not the concept of the one we can generally think of. The process of returning to one is considered as important because gwi-il deconstructs hierarchical boundary made by Eurocentrism between the West and the East. hŏetong is the essential part of his idea and represent something is freely crossed, not limited to any subdivision. These show his characteristic of non-dominational resistance or anarchism. In this context, this research views his thoughts in the context of political thought. If the idea of Dasŏk is used as a ground of comparative political philosophy, three major criticism comes up. Firstly, the form of his writing) is totally different from one of universal academic writing. Secondly, the concept of one (hana) in his idea, gwi-il put in all together even different things so that there is a concern of obliteration of individuality. Lastly, hŏetong is difficult to separate from syncretism. This study partially accepts those criticism as possibility of comparative philosophy. However, considering that modernization of Dasŏk's idea moves forward and there are enough debates to have in his idea, as addressing those below points, I would argue that his idea has the possibility of comparative political philosophy, in that gwi-il seeks unification and respects individuality and that hŏetong pursues reconciliation between different thoughts with complex reasoning, sticking to the differentiation from syncretism.


Name: Hongyi Lin
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: lin.hon@husky.neu.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Global Studies and International Relations Program of Northeastern University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Traditional Confucianism and its Main International Theories
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The purpose for me to write this topic is to help the readers have a better understanding on Chinese traditional Confucianism and its ideas of international relations and use the idea of Confucianism international theory to defend my stance that China will rise peacefully and argue against the “China Threat Theory”. In this investigation, I will use the comparative analysis to compare the similarities and differences on Confucianism international theory and western scholarships, realism, liberalism, constructivism and idealism and hegemony stability theory. The paper intends to proceed as follows. In the first section, knowledge background of traditional Confucianism will be presented. The second section will propose five key fundamental ideas of Confucianism international relations theory. In the third section, the basic features of Confucianism international relation theory will be mentioned. In the fourth section, the paper will intend to compare Confucianism international theory with other contemporary western schools of international relation. In the fifth section, it will discuss the influence of Confucian international relation theory on Chinese foreign policy and argue against “China Threat Theory”. The sixth section will show the critical thinking to defend my thesis by analyzing from the lens of potential critics. The data sources will be covered traditional Confucianism doctrines, Analects, Mencius and The Doctrine of Means; the research outcomes of Chinese and western scholars and news from different channels.


Name: Dr. Joshua Meddaugh
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: joshuarmeddaugh@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Clayton State University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Katie Hobbs - Clayton State University khobbs1@student.clayton.edu
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Paper Title: Playing the Trump Card: A Philosophical Explanation of the Donald Trump Phenomena in the 2016 Presidential Election.
Abstract:
Much of the discussion regarding Donald Trump’s rise to the 2016 Republican Presidential nominee has focused on the candidates’ willingness to speak his mind or his unorthodox approach as a self-righteous individual. Although this rhetoric abounds, little scholarly work exists to substantiate these claims, therefore this work seeks to explain the Trump phenomena with the work of three philosophers; Soren Kierkegaard, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Ayn Rand. Specifically, we argue that although Donald Trump demonstrates some characteristics of Nietzsche's ubermensch, or a superior character of the future, or even a Randian objectivist, he is the realization of Kierkegaard’s public, as he is the false idol of the political far right whose imagery is perpetuated by the media. Ultimately, this work seeks to understand the rise of Donald Trump as a candidate, the role of celebrity in national elections, and to revisit the warnings of Soren Kierkegaard in regards to false idolization.


Name: Ever Esther Osorio
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: evertesis@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: The New School for Social Research
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title: The Other Social Contracts: Reappraising The Canon
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“The dark sides of the Social Contract”In this paper I aim to elaborate on the critiques that Carole Pateman’s book The Sexual Contract and Charles Mills’ The Racial Contract make of contract theory from different but intertwined perspectives. Pateman’s work is a feminist criticism of classical contract theory. She establishes a direct dialogue with Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau arguments with the purpose of providing an interpretation that makes evident the contradictions and fragilities of their theories, under which political power was justified not only in general terms, but specifically in relation with the understanding of women as white men property. Her work is both descriptive and normative, she sees in the theoretical groundings of the contract an intrinsic logic that is detrimental for egalitarianism and emancipatory practices. In this way, even when she identifies the contract as particular modern tool, that is at the same time its foundation and outcome, she recognizes that sexual subjugation is pre-modern in different manifestations. On the other hand, Mills’ doesn’t engage deeply with classical contract theory but thinks of the racial contract as a white supremacist system of political domination. His project gathers and puts together historical and intellectual evidence that shows that the racial contract was not the non-ideal materiality and reality of the abstract ideal of the social contract as described my classical contract theorists. He states that the actual political outcomes truly represented the ideal, which is white supremacy. The racial contract is for him, not the exception to the rule, but the actual rule. Mills locates the racial contract in modernity, not only parallel to the process of western colonization but the heart of colonization itself. In contrast with Pateman, he doesn’t think that the contract as a theoretical device is itself harmful, but rather that it can be used for reparation and redistributive purposes.Mills wrote The Racial Contract a decade after The Sexual Contract was written, with the objective of starting a dialogue with Pateman’s insightful contributions which were aimed not only to feminist scholarship but also to philosophical and political thought. In this way, both of them are engaged into a project of epistemological diversity in the central disciplines of academia, and aimed to move the gender and race debate from the traditionally radical area studies department to the most rigid areas of the social sciences and the humanities. My objective in this paper is to focus on four critical features or categories that crosses the work of both authors, which are the definition each one make of the notion of contract, subjectivities that the contract produces and reproduces, the political temporalities involved and the critical role of the construction of spaces both materially and abstractly. Finally, I will reflect upon the implications of these critical interpretations of the canon for philosophy and political theory.


Name: Mate Paksy
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: mpaksy@ulg.ac.be
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: University of Liege, Department for Law
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Paper Title:  Place-Related Minority Rights, Nation-Building States and Post-Rawlsian Political Philosophy
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Sustaining cultural diversity, protecting religious liberty and promoting linguistic rights – these have gradually come to be claimed as solemn duties and as protected goods by most multiethnic welfare states against de-ethnicised, global non-state actors. The claims of these sorts require complex normative evidences. Thus Will Kymlicka rightly holds that contemporary nation-states are in fact nation-building states and goes so far as to accept that their nation-building strategy could even be a nation-destroying one, since the majority almost always requires the greatest possible national homogeneity. In order to balance these supposedly competing plans for nation-building, the sizeable, territorially concentrated minority group often claims territorial autonomy. Michael Keating simultaneously observes another centrifugal force, namely, the de-ethnicisation of nationality movements, which, he claims, has led to an increased emphasis on territory as the criterion of inclusion. Viewed from this alter-globalist perspective, it makes perfect sense to speak in terms of “locational” or “place-related rights” as Margaret Moore and Michael Walzer do. The post-Rawlsian consideration about the “nationality question” and the justifiability of the place-related rights raises many important questions including the advantages of the federal arrangements in the multiethnic or multinational societies. It is from this perspective that it is possible to argue that every state is multiethnic and federal in the broadest sense, because, on the one hand, a state typically contains more than one nationality, and, on the other hand, and, on the other hand even an a posteriori nationalized state can be viewed as it was founded by a foedus, or an original covenant. Being the nationality-question no longer a domestic affair, but belongs so much as to the global law and politics, scholars cast doubt on the edgy distinction between federations and confederations, too. According to their appropriate observation, not only the ubiquitous globalization, but idiosyncratically used power-sharing techniques including territorial, cultural and functional autonomies, devolution, regionalism, consociational arrangements have gradually obliterated not only the borderline between the federal and the nation state, but between the different federalist traditions respectively. No doubt a number of leading post-Rawlsian liberal thinkers still struggle to come to terms with any territorially concentrated ethnic minority group that wishes to exercise its supposed place-related rights including self-governance within the framework of territorial autonomy. Other post-Rawlsian political philosophers are convinced that a broad concept of nationality, encompassing overwhelmingly cultural-sociological facts (such as national language, religious affiliation, or territory regarded as the homeland), should be reincorporated into the ideal theory. In my view the above mentioned contingent local cultural components not only embarrass the ideal theory and turn them into a non-ideal and if the theory has to be broadened out to accommodate the ethno-cultural components of the nation-state (including the territorial aspects), then this immediately complicates enforcement of the principle of neutrality vis-à-vis the individual plan of good life. This idealized and critical non-ideal theory of justice, in addition to a view on federalism as a legal philosophy of constitutionally controlled normative pluralism along with an interpretative local account on territory may lead to a better universal understanding of nationalities’ claims for minority rights and territorial autonomy.


Name: Dylan Shaul
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: shaud982@newschool.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New School for Social Research
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Paper Title: After the Future: Derrida and the Rhythm of Politics
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This paper proposes a new political paradigm grounded in the concept of rhythm: the emergent effect generated by temporal variation. Building on Heidegger’s advances, Derrida’s fundamental contribution to philosophy was the deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence. In temporal terms, the metaphysics of presence privileges the temporal modality of the present, determining the past merely as those present moments that are no longer, and the future as those present moments which are yet to be. In opposition to this conceptualization of time, Derrida shows how the present is never self-identical, but rather only exists as its own self-effacing; the present is that which is no longer and that which is not yet. In political terms, the deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence therefore demands a vision of the future no longer as that which will one day arrive, but as the self-effacing of the present in a radical openness to futurity itself, a general structure of experience – dubbed “messianicity”, in reference to the futural concept of the Messiah, yet without its religious content – that is the condition of possibility for any political change whatsoever. Thus Derrida’s notion of the “democracy-to-come”, for instance, is not a vision of some future political system in which the promise of democracy will finally be fully realized, but rather the expression of democracy’s own internal self-overcoming, its very structure as a promise, which is nothing other than openness to futurity as such. Yet, besides messianicity, there is another way of overcoming the privileging of the present that was never fully developed by Derrida: rhythm. Rhythm is the product of temporal variation. It appears when change over time gives rise to an effect greater than the sum of its parts, a beat or groove with certain qualities or features irreducible to the individual moments that compose it. A rhythmic politics would be one that no longer held to an ideal of a political system fully present in itself – even if it be an impossible ideal, forever deferred in an infinite, asymptotic process of improvement. Rather, it would understand justice to be the effect of temporal variation, of the process of political change itself, an effect that is therefore active now, but only in its relation to past and future. Rhythm has no beginning and no end, no center and no periphery, no absolute origin and no final destination. It remains true to the Derridean deconstruction of presence, since rhythm has no present as such: it must always be construed with respect to an extended duration. Yet it no longer puts off justice as the impossible horizon of the future, instead reinscribing it into a possible reality – the possibility of impossibility.


Name: Yile Zhang
Section: Political Theory
Professional Email: childeyi@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: New York University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Constitutional Adjudication in China: A Case Study of NPCSC’s Recent Interpretation of Hong Kong Basic Law
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This paper addresses the constitutional adjudication conducted by the standing committee of National People's Congress (NPCSC) in China, especially how they control themselves, how they interpret the law/statute made by themselves, how they perform accountability, etc. This paper looks specifically into NPCSC’s most recent interpretation of the Basic Law. Unlike the last three times’ passive reaction, this is the second time that the NPCSC initiatively interpreted the Basic Law without any request or appeal from Hong Kong. (The first time that NPCSC interpret on its own initiative was in 2004, concerned with the election method of the Chief Executive and Legislative Council.) This paper is essentially aiming to answer four questions. First, is NPCSC’s interpretation of the Basic Law an act of “interpretation” or more of an “amendment?” Second, is this interpretation a constitutional or a political decision, or both? Third, What lead to the “anti-interpretation” reaction among Hong Kong legal area? Fourth, with respect to NPCSC’s initiative act, although Law of Legislation (立法法) entitles NPCSC the power of interpreting the law/ statute, should the reason of “anti-secession,” “protecting the unity of sovereignty” legitimize the initiative interpretation of NPCSC? Here are some probable interpretations: the lack of constitutional culture in mainland China and the tradition of regarding Law as the appendage of Power vs. the tradition of using Law to protect citizen’s rights in Hong Kong (the previous British colony); Hong Kong people’s hatred to the control of Beijing’s authority and the “non-democratic” party (Chinese Communist Party, CCP); Hong Kong people’s concern with the encroachment of Beijing to the independence and authority of Hong Kong’s judicial system.



Identity Politics

Name: Fatih Umit Cetin
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: fcetin@umass.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Massachusetts Amherst
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Authoritarian Predisposition Theories Revisited: The Protracted Problem of France with Islamic Dress Code
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Increasing visibility of Muslims in the Western public sphere in last a few decades has been accompanied by the diversified forms of self-expression in these realms. Muslims brought the religious discourses, symbols, and practices to these settings and the demands of Muslim citizens for the reformulation of consensual principles and homogenized structures constituting the public sphere triggers highly heated public discussion about the boundaries and meaning of these secular settings like the growing and vociferous debated concerning the attire of Muslim women. For instance, since 2004 France has banned the use of a headscarf in all public schools, the wearing of a burqa in public, and recently prohibited women from wearing a burkini. While these restrictions concerning Muslim attire have been seen across Western Europe, France stands out as a unique case in the level of restrictions on this attire and the overwhelming level of public support for these restrictions. What individual, institutional, and cultural factors best explain France’s policy concerning Muslim attire in the 21st century? I want to come up with an answer to this important question by benefiting from Stanner’s and Hetterington’s competing frameworks on authoritarian predisposition. Stanner argues that when individuals perceive a threat to the norms making them who they are, their authoritarian predispositions are activated and this leads them to be more intolerant or to support authoritarian leaders or policies. Hetterington argues that perception of security threat rather than normative threat activates authoritarian predisposition. As I will discuss below, Muslim women wearing conservative clothing is viewed both as a normative threat since they are assumed to be challenging the emphasis of French conception of universalism and laicite and as a security threat since these women are somehow associated with Islamic militancy. Therefore, my aim in this study is to indicate the peculiarity of perceived threat from these women and demonstrate the necessity to go beyond these competing frameworks of authoritarian predisposition to capture the whole complexity of public demand and support for prohibitive policies by conducting discourse analysis of French newspaper articles and political speechs.


Name: Bailey Gerrits
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: bailey.gerrits@queensu.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Queen's University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: A mixed method approach to understanding contemporary patterns of Canadian news coverage of intimate partner violence
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Recent news coverage of Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women (MMIW) and the Jian Ghomeshi trial has animated conversations about one of Canada’s pressing social, political, and health problems: gender-based violence. The way in which news media report this violence may impact how news consumers perceive culpability and solutions to the problem. Before considering impact, one needs to understand contemporary news patterns. A burgeoning literature has found problematic patterns in past coverage - from using language that suggests ‘victims’ may somehow be to blame to focusing on incidents as isolated events. Specific studies of Canadian news media point to the importance of attending to the importance of intersectional identities. The question becomes, what patterns are evident in contemporary Canadian news coverage? This paper will present findings from a large sample of English-language daily Canadian newspapers (online and print versions) from 2014 to 2016 in their coverage of intimate partner violence, a form of gendered violence. Employing a mix of quantitative (content analysis) and qualitative (discourse analysis) methods, this paper will also explore the methodological challenges studying news coverage of domestic violence from an intersectional framework.


Name: Boglárka Koller
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: kollerb74@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: National University of Public Service Budapest
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: The Fading ‘Civic’ Identity of EU Nationals With Special Focus on The Identity Patterns of East-Central Europeans
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The project of the common Europe has unquestionably arrived to a turning point. An increasing majority of the EU citizens feel that the EU is mostly dealing with non-salient issues that are far away from their everyday problems. Additionally, the deadlocks in the management of the recent migration crisis also result in wide-scale scepticism in both the old and new member states. (Arató and Koller 2015) This paper discusses the current dilemmas of European identity with a special focus on the East-Central Europeans’ attachments. The multiple models of identities (Salazar 1998, Konrád 1997) are introduced for describing the diverse and plural nature of collective identities of the region. The underlying theoretical assumption of the paper is that identity formation is both a construction and an ‘ongoing socialization process’ by which actors continuously internalize the values and norms of the community and acquire new loyalties (Risse 2004). Additionally the civic-ethnic interpretations of identities and the East-West typologies of nationalism (Hayes 1926, Cobban 1944, Kohn 1955, Meinecke, 1969, Smith 1986, Brubaker 1992) are explained in order to acquire a suitable approach for better understanding identity formation in the region. The author’s own theoretical model of identity-net (Koller 2004, 2006, 2013) is introduced when explaining the dilemmas of the common identity. The following questions are raised in the paper: Is the civic component of European identity fading away in ECE countries? Do ECE citizens trust their European and national institutions? What is the effect of the multiple crisis – with special regard to migration crisis - on the identities of EU citizens in the new member states? Who are “the others” for ECE citizens inside and outside its borders? Are there any commonalities and differences between ECE member-states with regard to identity formation patterns? In order to be able to answer these questions, an interdisciplinary approach is taken. The arguments presented in this paper are supported by the data of the recent opinion poll surveys. Key words: EU, European identity, differentiated integration, East-Central Europe, migration crisis


Name: Dr. Jayita Mukhopadhyay
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: jayita_m@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Women's Christian College, affiliated to University of Calcutta, India
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Exploring Identity of ‘Single Woman’ in India: A Perplexing Narrative of Exclusion and Empowerment
Abstract:
With the onslaught of Globalization, identity of a person in India, which for long was defined mostly in terms of ascribed status (caste, religious community etc) are undergoing rapid transformation, as people are now enjoying the scope of choosing their identity as per their preferences, a phenomenon quite noticeable in case of Indian Women. Noble laureate and renowned economist Amartya Sen’s prudent observation, “the identity of an individual is essentially a function of her choices, rather than the discovery of an immutable attribute” (The Argumentative Indian) almost seems to be a reality now. In a society where identity of a woman is defined in terms her relationship with her menfolk, the data revealed by the 2011 Census that more than 3.6 crore or 7.4 per cent women in India are single seems astonishing as well as revealing of paradigmatic shift in Indian society. However, most single women are single due to breakdown of marriages and consequently face dispossession and insecurity whereas number of women single by choice, having access to education and employment is also rising. Some prominent female politicians of India find their single status an advantage as they are projected as disinterested individuals sacrificing the bliss of conjugal life at the altar of public duty. Whereas the market is responding to the needs of the well--heeled single women by offering sops like special tour packages, the state is still lagging behind to ensure specific welfare and security measures for single women. National Forum for Single Women’s Rights in India has been relentlessly trying to draw attention to exclusion faced by single women as even today, they are socially ostracized and forcefully deprived of economic rights. Based on primary data provided by India’s Census Report and on secondary sources like newspaper reporting, I propose to undertake a normative study of the exclusion faced by single women as well as their striving for empowerment through constant engagement with state and society. Literature on the issue is quite inadequate as of now. I hope that a probe into the myriad ramifications of having a ‘single status’ will enable Indian women to negotiate better with deeply entrenched patriarchal values in India as well enlighten them to find ways of strengthening those forces which are causing a churning in India to free space for women to be more visible and more active in the public domain, a development likely to embolden India’s onward march towards a more egalitarian society based on gender equality. Women all over the world might fight the experience of women of world’s largest democracy vital inputs in their respective struggle for creating a more forward looking, inclusive, peaceful society based on gender justice.


Name: Samreen Mushtaq
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: samreen_mushtaq@ymail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Rape as a Weapon of War in Indian-held Kashmir: Survival and Witnessing as Resistance
Abstract:
In armed conflicts around the world, cases of sexual violence by the armed forces have been documented as militarized masculinities attempt to feminize other masculinities and all femininities by marking bodies, especially those of women, with acts of violence. It is a sort of symbolic victory for the perpetrator as they look at women through the patriarchal prism of carrying the honour of the nation on their backs. This paper attempts to understand the use of rape as a weapon of war in Kashmir conflict, where a popular armed movement for self-determination started in 1989 against the Indian forces. The State repression that followed resulted in over 70,000 killings, 8000 cases of enforced disappearance, routine practices of torture and sexual violence and an intensive militarization involving violation of people’s personal lives and spaces. The paper will involve a qualitative understanding of the issue by including the intersection of gender and conflict in political theory from existing literature as well as the interviews of survivors of sexual violence in Kashmir. The aim is to show how gendered constructs of masculinity and femininity are put to use in a violent conflict as bodies turn into battlefields. The paper attempts to move beyond the existing literature on sexual violence in Kashmir conflict that primarily looks at rape of women and ignores how men have also been raped by the forces in a show of dominant masculinity and how it is often included under the broader framework of torture and not rape. The paper argues that it is time male rape in Kashmir by the armed forces is also called out for what it is rather than looking at is as physical torture. In highlighting lived experiences under militarized state control, the paper will also present a critique of the Western feminist understandings of agency that is looked at as the other side of the binary with victim on one side. The victim-agency binary makes agency into an act of all out rebellion like picking up the gun, or other major actions. However it ignores the lived experiences in between the two extremes of the binary as men and women victims of sexual violence become witnesses and survivors, resisting militarization in subtle forms in their everyday lives. Such deconstruction of everyday forms of resistance being ‘agency’ is important so as to question the common narratives in place because of the hegemony of Western scholarship that tends to ignore the different everyday struggles of people in other parts of the world.


Name: Svetluša Surová
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: svetlusa.surova@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Comenius University in Bratislava
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Returning to the ancestral home? Foreign Slovaks as returnees and the contested boundaries of Slovak-ness in Slovakia
Abstract:
Relevant literature points out that the nature of migration has been changed in the last 25 years. The biggest change concerns migration patterns. Global migration flows are characterised with increased non-permanent, circular migration. New migration patterns create transnational migrants, who can be connected with more than one country or culture at the same time. Transnational migrants can be linked to different countries in many distinct ways and contexts. Therefore, identities are of great importance for individuals as well for social and political life. Scholars have acknowledged that members of minorities and diaspora have a very complex identities and often a multiple identities. Multiple identities can coexists simultaneously and can alter and change over time and under different circumstances. Most of the studies examine identifications of national (autochthonous) minorities in the countries of their origin or scholars are concerned with the immigrant identities in the destination or so called host-states. However, there is a big gap in our understandings how the members of minorities or diaspora identify themselves and perceive their identities in the context of their migration to the so called kin-states. Therefore, this study seeks to explore multiple identifications and meanings of Slovak-ness among Foreign Slovaks from Serbia living in Slovakia. In particular, study will examine the issues of belonging, national and ethnic identifications and the nature of Slovak-ness among Foreign Slovaks that migrated to Slovakia. This case study applies a bottom-up perspective and qualitative research design. Based on in-depth and semi-structured interviews with Foreign Slovaks working and living in Slovakia, paper seeks to map the ways of identifications and various positioning of interviewees in relation to the concept of Slovak-ness. Study seeks to answer how the multiple identities and Slovak-ness are perceived, done and lived in every day practises of interviewees. The main hypothesis of the study is that Foreign Slovaks from Serbia who migrated to Slovakia perform multiple, different national and ethnic identities. Also, study assumes that interviewees perceive their identities and imagine their Slovak-ness in many different ways in opposition to those of Slovak citizens. This study explores if there is plurality of understandings of “Slovak-ness” among different individuals living in Slovakia being they Slovak citizens, belonging to ethnic or so called old Slovaks or to the ethnic minorities or being they Foreign Slovaks from Serbia. Studying identification processes and perceptions of nation-ness among minority or diaspora members who return or migrate to their kin-states can contribute to the nationalism and identity studies, especially in mapping the difference between state nationalisms and popular nationalisms of ordinary people. Therefore further examination in this area is needed in order to gain better and new understandings of crossing and shifting boundaries, intersections of different statuses and 'imagined communities' and existence of different nationalisms on the ground.


Name: Anna Carolina Venturini
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: annac.venturini@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Visiting Fellow Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences - Ph.D. Candidate in Political Science at Rio de Janeiro State University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Ana Cláudia Ruy Cardia AtchabahianPh.D. Candidate in International Law at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP)E-mail: anaclaudiaruy@gmail.com | | Phone Number: (+5511) 98137-1024
Co-presenter info: Ana Cláudia Ruy Cardia AtchabahianPh.D. Candidate in International Law at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP)E-mail: anaclaudiaruy@gmail.com | | Phone Number: (+5511) 98137-1024
Paper Title: Racial and Gender Inequality in Brazilian Public Companies: An Empirical Analysis of Women Underrepresentation in Brazil.
Abstract:
As from the 1970s, social movements begin to demand decision-making spaces using as main argument the social identity of its members, giving relevance to the differences of the individuals in order to correct existing inequalities. In Brazil, for a long time the argument that race would be a key generator of social inequality was denied, prevailing the myth that Brazilian society would be free from racial discrimination. A similar argument was also applied to gender issues, especially regarding the position of women in the workplace. Only with the country’s recent re-democratization, the debate on existing inequalities of race and class, as well as the position of women in Brazilian society is intensified and places into questioning the alleged absence of rigid distinctions between whites and black’s nationals (HASENBALG, 2005), as well as the women’s rights in the labor force.Despite representing large portion of the population, blacks and women have historically been excluded from representative institutions and relevant positions in the Brazilian labor market, a situation that is indicated in many statistic studies conducted by research institutions. According to the latest census of the IBGE (2010), women's employment level rose, but the activity sectors with strong predominance of women still are: domestic services (92.70%), education (75.80%) and human health and social services (74.20%). According to Silveira et. al. (2014), the proportion of women in top management positions in Brazilian companies is currently around 8% and relatively stagnant over the years under analysis. The scenario is even worse when the intersection between gender and race is considered in the labor market (CARDIA, 2015). In this sense, the first part of the article will have an empirical approach and will highlight some of the key data about the underrepresentation of women, especially black women, in decision-making areas of the Brazilian Public Companies. The second part of the article will address some of the main arguments regarding the inclusion of groups in the labor market and in decision-making spaces, as well as evaluate some national initiatives to promote the equality of gender and race in companies and suggest some aspects that could be improved in Brazilian legislations in order to provide greater equality in companies. References: CARDIA, Ana Cláudia Ruy (2015). Empresas, direitos humanos e gênero: desafios e perspectivas na proteção e no empoderamento da mulher pelas empresas transnacionais. São Paulo: Buqui, pp 184-185.HASENBALG, Carlos. (2005 [1979]). Discriminação e Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil. Belo Horizonte e Rio de Janeiro: Editora da UFMG e IUPERJ. IBGE. (2010).  http://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/visualizacao/periodicos/1075/cd_2010_trabalho_rendimento_amostra.pdf RAWLS, John. (1971). A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. SILVEIRA, A. M.; DONAGGIO, Angela; SICA, Ligia Paula Pires Pinto RAMOS, Luciana de Oliveira.  (2014) Women's participation in senior management positions: gender social relations, law and corporate governance. SSRN Electronic Journals: The English & Commonwealth Law Abstracts Journal , v. 1, p. 1-25, 2014.YOUNG, Iris Marion. (1990). Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press. YOUNG, Iris Marion (2000). Inclusion and Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.



Public Policy and Public Administration

Name: Roddrick Colvin
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: rcolvin@jjay.cuny.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: None
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Paper Title: Physical Force by Female and Male Police Officers: Use it When it Feels Right
Abstract:
According to Barratt, Bergman and Thompson (2014), the average male officer costs over five and a half times more than the average female officer in payouts, he is over eight and a half times more likely to have an allegation of excessive force sustained against him, and he is two to three times more likely to have a citizen name him in a complaint of excessive force. These data illuminate the differences in the way in which men and women perform their policing duties, and highlight the importance of recruiting and selecting women as a strategy to reduce problems with excessive force.By surveying research will compare the responses of female and male police officers to scenarios where use of force must be considered. Factors, including demographic and self-perception, will be examined to better understand how women approach police work and how their beliefs about use of force versus other compliance techniques is understood. The human resource and the administrative challenges of recruiting and retaining female officers will be discussed. Barratt, Clare L., Mindy E. Bergman, and Rebecca J. Thompson. "Women in federal law enforcement: The role of gender role orientations and sexual orientation in mentoring." Sex Roles 71.1-2 (2014): 21-32.


Name: Nan DiBello
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Nan.DiBello@esc.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: SUNY-Empire State College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Policy Gap? Workforce Development Policy and the 21st Century Labor Market
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Title: Policy Gap? Workforce Development Policy and the 21st Century U.S. Labor Market Purpose The Workforce Investment Act of 1998 (WIA) was reauthorized with new legislation in 2014, with an expected date of July 2016 for regulations and start-up. However, that new legislation, The Workforce Investment and Opportunities Act of 2014, incorporates much of the old. Reauthorization of WIA was introduced several times, beginning in 2002, accompanied by congressional hearings and presentations by experts. By 2014, given both cyclical and structural unemployment during the recession of the late 2000’s, Congress was uniquely situated to retool provisions of WIA – in particular, in response to the demand for skilled job applicants, which has persisted as a feature of the labor market in the U.S. Although the unemployment of eight years ago has been substantially reduced, in part, it was at a cost to those who lacked 21st century skills and left the workforce, as a result. Most often referred to as the “skills gap,” the disconnect between employers’ demand for labor and the preparation of workers for employment, has emerged as both an explanation and a social problem today. In the realm of workforce development, the benefits of skill training were identified well before the skills gap became a public concern. Reports, findings, and experts are readily available, for example. to offer solutions to congressional committees that revised WIA legislation. Put another way, the formulation of public policy, or, “policy design” for workforce development, could be informed by decades of analyses and evaluations of job training and related programs. In light of the numerous evaluations of job training programs, I will offer an examination of the design of workforce development policy, as evidenced by WIOA legislation, with regard to the skills gap and the 21st century labor market in the U.S. Methods and Data Sources Comparative analysis of WIA and WIOA hearings and legislation for evidence of research findings about workforce development programs in the policy design phase of WIOA. Original sources include federal laws, evaluations of job training effectiveness, and related research reports; secondary sources include books and publications about workforce development and job training effective. Existing Literature A substantial body of literature about workforce development policy in the U.S. is available. My short bibliography includes representative literature about the skills gap and the 21st century labor market. Potential Contributions to the Field The benefits and effectiveness of job training programs have more than 50 years of analysis, beginning with the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962 and, particularly, addressing The Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1973. The use of analysis and findings in the formulation of workforce development policies, referred to in policy literature as “policy design,” has not enjoyed similar attention. My analysis of the policy design of WIOA will be a contribution to the overall study of workforce development policy. Incomplete Bibliography Bartik, Timothy A. and Kevin Hollenbeck. 2000. “The Role of Public Policy in Skills Development of Black Workers in the 21st Century.” Upjohn Working Paper 00-64. http://research.upjohn.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1081&context=up_working papers Good, Larry and Ed Strong. 2015. “Reimagining Workforce Policy in the United States,” pp. 13-44 in Transforming U.S. Workforce Development Policies for the 21st Century, Carl Van Horn, Tammy Edwards, Todd Green, eds. Kalamazoo, W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. https://www.kansascityfed.org/publications/community/transformworkforce Cappelli, Peter. 2012. Why Good People Can’t Get Jobs: The Skills Gap and What Companies Can do About It. Philadelphia: Wharton Digital Press. Eberts, Randall W. 2011. “Building More and Better Jobs: Lessons from the United States.” Conference Presentation. http://research.upjohn.org/confpapers/65/ Transforming U.S. Workforce Development Policies for the 21st Century, Carl Van Horn, Tammy Edwards, Todd Green, eds. https://www.kansascityfed.org/publications/community/transformworkforce


Name: Sam Edwards
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: sam.edwards.3@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Jacob Park, Ph.D., Green Mountain College, jacob.park@greenmtn.edu
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Paper Title:  Labeling for Good: Legal, Policy, and Market Dimensions of Humane and Sustainable Food & Agricultural Certification and Standards
Abstract:
Labeling is one method of assisting the free market in aligning consumer demands with production. When consumers are adequately informed, their choices at the point of sale will drive market participants to provide products at the price points meeting consumer desires. This is an especially attractive approach to the problem of humane and sustainable foods when compared to alternatives such as command and control regulations. Labeling is not without its problems however. For example, Vermont became the first state in the country on July 1, 2016 to require the labeling of foods containing genetically modified (GM) ingredients. However, the Grocery Manufacturer's Association and other food lobbied successfully for national legislation in July 2016 overturning the Vermont state law. They argued that a national solution is preferable to a costly and confusing patchwork of state labeling laws.Major food companies, including Campbell, Kellogg, Mars, ConAgra, and General Mills announced in summer of 2016 that they were ready to launch new national labels in preparation for Vermont's state law and the eventual national legislation enacted in July 2016. As the Vermont initiated GM labeling requirements highlighted in the summer of 2016, the legal, policy, and market dimensions of food & agricultural certification and standards have reached national as well as international policy and legal importance.Consequently, we argue in this paper that greater scholarly analysis is required to examine the emerging legal, policy, and business challenges posed by the increased use and intensification of social and environmental labels, certification, and standards in the food and agricultural sector. This paper contains three primary set of issues and questions:• What theoretical approaches are needed to properly contextualize the social and environmental labels, certification, and standards in the food and agricultural sector?• What important legal, policy, and market challenges are presented in complying with new and emerging food/agricultural labels, certification, and standards in seafood/marine stewardship and eggs?• What is the outlook for social and environmental labels, certification, and standards in the food and agricultural sector?


Name: Pierre Jolicoeur
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: pierre.jolicoeur@rmc.ca
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Royal Military College of Canada
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: Social Media Exploitation by State and Non-State Actors
Abstract:
Social media exploitation by state and non-state actors has an increasingly visible affect on the contemporary operating environment (COE). Relating to national security as well as political systems and democracy in general. No case shows this clearer then ISIS social media exploitation. It was crucial for operations leading to the largest effect any armed non-state actor likely every produced on global security perceptions. How exactly did ISIS use social media to achieve this effect? After an introduction to relevant characteristics of social media for the COE this paper briefly introduces the first prominent case of social media exploitation for security operations, the “Twitter War” between the IDF and Hamas in November 2012. With this background, the paper explains how ISIS exploits social media and concludes by identifying challenges for the COE that come through armed non-state actor social media exploitation. Social media is a highly effective tool for influence operations. However, with it come significant challenges that have to be managed not only from a national security perspective, but as ISIS has clearly shown also for democracy.


Name: Britney Anne Majure
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: bmajure@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of New Hampshire
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  CORRECTIONS CORPORATION OF AMERICA IRRESPONSIBILITY AND INVESTOR BEHAVIOR
Abstract:
Prison reformists, lawmakers, human rights activists, lobbyists, investors, government agencies, and other civil and government actors play a large role in the state of the private prison industry’s rate of growth, especially in the past 15-20 years. A 2001 Bureau of Justice Statistics study concluded that big cost savings promised by the private prison industry in the United States “have not materialized.” Corrections Corporation of America’s stock price took its largest plunge in 2000 and never bounced back to its late 90s high. However, despite successful divestment campaigns and legislation against prison privatization after reports of irresponsibility, CCA stock has issued dividends to their investors since 2012, and several analysts currently list CXW (CCA stock) as a recommended buy and hold. Although the United States federal prison population dropped in 2014 for the first time since 1980 (along with private populations), CCA’s stock price remains relatively the same today as the day Attorney General Eric Holder made the announcement. Since the fall of share prices, CCA has converted to a REIT in order to avoid corporate taxes and focused heavily on litigating and lobbying to influence voting decisions on sentencing, regulations, and law enforcement. This lobbying assists in filling prison beds and winning government contracts, with lobbying expenditures over $3.3 million in 2005. With respect to economic, social, and political indicators and by juxtaposing the theories of Adam Smith, Milton Friedman, and Karl Polanyi this study will focus on whether CXW investors can influence the re-embedding of the economy (the subordination of the markets to social relations), with a quantitative focus on the fluctuation of CXW stock prices and their relationship to reports of CCA irresponsibility in the media.


Name: Jason Burke Murphy
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: murphyjason@elms.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Elms College
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Paper Title: Basic Income, Distorted Communication, and the City
Abstract:
This presentation will look at inequality in “communication capabilities”. Some communities are better able to initiate discussion about their concerns. Hannah Arendt calls this the “capability to begin”. Some people have so much of this capability that they can steer agendas their way. Some lack it so much that they are almost invisible. Social critics and activists can combat these inequalities through argument and protest. Cities are an important location for both communication inequality and the fight against it. I was asked by one of Ferguson Missouri’s largest protest organizations (MORE) to write a piece on how a basic income can work as a policy that answers inequality in general, including communication inequality. The demand for a basic income is also a powerful idea that confronts the fact that whole communities are rendered invisible among those in power. My presentation ends with reasons to consider basic income particularly promising in addressing communication inequality. Much of the literature on basic income focusses on the amelioration of poverty and the promotion of bargaining power for the very poor. To this, I add the increased capacity to organize venues for argument, communication, and expression and to take time to participate in them. This would include cultural and political organization. Jason Burke Murphy Elms College murphyjason@elms.edu


Name: Andrew Pattison
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: andywpattison@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Colgate University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Exploring Political Learning Among State Climate Policy Actors
Abstract:
This study attempts to contribute to the conceptual understanding and methodology of examining individual policy actor learning in the policy process by explicitly examining change and reinforcement of advocacy strategies as behavioral products of political learning. The affect of policy actors' extremeness of beliefs, participation in coalition building, and participation in facilitated multi-stakeholder consensus-based processes on political learning will be examined. This study is based on a survey of 260 state cli mate policy actors and will employ the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) to help examine some of the factors that promote and shape the political learning of individuals involved in climate and energy policy debates in Colorado. The results indicate that extreme beliefs are related to increased reinforcement of advocacy strategies, and that collaboration with individuals with differing policy views is associated with more balance and changes, as opposed to reinforcement, of advocacy strategies.


Name: Dave Reilly
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: dreilly@niagara.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Niagara University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Chilling Activism in the Surveillance State's Shadow
Abstract:
This paper will detail the growth of the surveillance state and how information-gathering strategies are intended to repress activism. Through a discussion of the government’s intentional framing of security versus liberty tradeoffs, and a consideration of the “Nothing to Hide” arguments, I explain how public participation in the surveillance state empowers government to increasingly challenge the right of citizens to engage in dissident behavior. Modern movement policing is connected to COINTELPRO strategies of the past to assess whether there exists a systematic and strategic effort by the state to neutralize and vilify protest activity.


Name: Donna Roberts
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: donna.roberts@erau.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Beyond “Nothing Works” – A Preliminary Examination of a Comprehensive Plan to Refocus on Effective Means of Rehabilitation
Abstract:
In 1966, the New York State Governor's Commission on Criminal Offenders tasked researchers Robert Martinson, Douglas Lipton and Judith Wilkes with determining the most effective means of rehabilitating prisoners. Their meta-analysis examined 231 studies and concluded, “With few and isolated exceptions, the rehabilitative efforts that have been reported so far have had no appreciable effect on criminal recidivism” (Lipton et. al.,1975; Martinson, 1974, p. 25). Fueled by public disillusionment with lenient policy Martinson capitalized on the subsequent publicity, becoming the figurehead for ushering in the era of mass incarceration. His research question, “What works?” became the iconic “Nothing Works” doctrine that influenced policy for decades and was embraced by liberals and conservatives alike. The movement inspired harsher sentencing accompanied by a virtual cancellation of, or severe reduction in, many rehabilitative programs, Sustaining a lengthy mean season of mass incarceration ideologies such as Tough on Crime, Zero Tolerance, Three Strikes and War on Drugs resulted in a 500% increase in inmate population over the past 40 years (Sentencing Project, 2015). Yet despite these focused efforts on punishment as deterrent, recidivism rates still persist between 45 and 77 percent depending upon factors such as lapsed time, prison type, and offense category (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2016; PEW, 2011). In the United States nearly 750,000 inmates leave prison each year to return to a community and lifestyle for which their incarceration experiences have at best, not adequately prepared them for and at worst, have set them up for failure (Carson & Sabol, 2012; Haney, 2015). This paper presents the outline for a correctional rehabilitation plan that matches level of intervention to various risk and need levels of the offender. The proposed system employs assessment on various dimensions - including medical conditions, mental health conditions, criminal history, background context, criminogenic factors, life skills and re-entry environment – in an effort to explain past and current behavior, predict future behavior and suggest effective intervention that will benefit the offender, the receiving community and society at large. Arguably, given the sobering statics of recidivism, nothing we are doing has been working – neither a liberal release policy nor the mass incarceration movement. However, “nothing is working” does not mean “nothing will work”. A concentrated and systematic overhaul of the way we punish and rehabilitate is in the interest of academics, politicians, and common citizens, both liberals and conservatives - literally all members of society. Finding a plan for the systematic assessment and comprehensive treatment that encompasses the complex interaction of social, psychological and systemic factors will lead us step by step toward what works.


Name: Elizabeth Rowen
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: lilyrowen@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Claremont Graduate University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Political Framing of Public Policies Addressing Homelessness in the United States
Abstract:
Public policies that address homelessness are often presented to the public by political leaders who tout lofty goals for the reduction of rates of homelessness. In this paper, I argue that there are two major narrative tropes employed by political leaders in the United States at the national, state, and local levels to frame the voting public's understanding of public policies that target homelessness. The first trope, titled "grandiose promises", encompasses political rhetoric that contains blatantly unattainable goals for public policies designed to address homelessness (e.g. "ending homelessness"). The second trope, titled "hyperbolic rhetoric", includes political language that exaggerates both the problem definition stage of the policy process and policy outcomes (e.g. "crisis of homelessness" and "successfully addressed homelessness"). These two tropes are often in conflict with the actual objectives, designs, and outcomes of the policies they claim to represent and describe. I use three case studies—one national, one state, and one municipal level analysis—to provide support for the prevalence of these two dominant narrative tropes in political discourse about public policies targeting homelessness in the United States. An additional objective of the presentation of this framework is to provide a method for classifying political rhetoric about public policies addressing homelessness so that stakeholders can better separate tangible policy objectives and outcomes from politically orchestrated perceptions.


Name: LaSonya Thompson
Section: Public Policy & Public Administration
Professional Email: Lasonyat@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: West Chester University of Pennsylvania
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  Public Administration
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Paper Title: Providing Collaborative Homelessness Services with Government: A Comparative Case Study with Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs)
Abstract:
Various faith-based organizations (FBOs) have an enduring legacy of providing social services to vulnerable and disadvantaged populations such as the homeless. Congregations might address housing needs by organizing a team of volunteers to participate in a Habitat for Humanity project, or they might partner with city government to build affordable housing (Chaves, Anderson, and Byassee, 2009), through an anchor community development corporation (CDC). Practical collaborative strategies highlighted by the US Interagency Council on Homelessness are to: 1) collect data and support research, 2) provide direct aid to distressed individuals and families facing eviction and foreclosure, 3) increase the supply of temporary, affordable and permanent supportive housing, 4) participate in workforce development & Living Wage Initiatives, 5) educate the public through digital media, health and wellness fairs, town hall forums, conferences and film screenings, 6) raise community awareness and recruit volunteers, 7) participate in discharge planning with government agencies which focus on people who are leaving hospitals, psychiatric facilities, treatment programs, prisons, and jails, and 8) partner in delivering disaster relief. Overcoming barriers to sustaining effective collaborative partnerships between FBOs, private sector and government involve accessibility, commitment, service coordination and cooperation. This presentation explores a comparative case study of the successes and learning opportunities of collaborative partnerships with six FBOs that provide temporary shelters, affordable housing, economic empowerment services, and/or interventions that prevent or reduce homelessness. This comparative case study utilizes purposive sampling, mixed methods, and sources data from in-depth interviews, blogs, podcasts, annual reports, agency websites, and digital artifacts. Additional objectives for this presentation are to: 1) promote inclusiveness and representation of FBOs in evidence-based research, 2) integrate knowledge gained from experienced FBO partners into developing meaningful interventions and policy to prevent and reduce homelessness, and 3) discuss some opportunities and limitations for collaboration among private, government and nonprofit sectors to further prevent and reduce homelessness.



State and Local Politics

Name: Matthew Camp
Section: American Politics
Professional Email: mc3170@columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University
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Co-author info: Michael Schwam-Baird, Columbia University, ms4195@columbia.edu
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Paper Title:  Subsidizing Legislators: An Experiment in State-level Lobbying
Abstract:
We test experimentally a core theory in the lobbying literature: the effect of lobbying subsidies on legislative behavior. Subsidies have been theorized as a route for organizations to influence legislators (Hall and Deardorff 2006), but their role has not been tested in a rigorous way. Subsidies of information and other legislative help are a familiar tactic for advocacy organizations, especially those legally prohibited making campaign contributions. This study uses a field experiment to test the effect of legislative subsidy on legislator activities. We enlist a mid-sized nonprofit educational institution to randomly share two messages with approximately 180 state legislators. One message offers legislators extensive information and help with testimony on behalf of an issue position. The control message only asks for support without offering information or other types of aid. We then compare the legislators’ actions and statements on behalf of the organization’s position. We expect to find a higher advocacy effort by those legislators who receive the subsidy treatment than those who do not. This experiment not only tests a lobbying theory but provides insight into how lobbying works in practice.


Name: Shawn Donahue
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: sdonahu1@binghamton.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Binghamton University (SUNY)
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  How Effective Was The Voting Rights Act in North Carolina? A Study of Precincts
Abstract:
Prior the decision in Shelby County, 40 of the 100 counties in North Carolina were subject to preclearance under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act. Drawing of precincts in North Carolina in these counties was subject to Justice Department review, while the other counties in the state were not. The effect of this was that the precincts within the non-covered counties appear to show discriminatory effect, in that as the size of the African-American proportion of the registered voters in a precinct increases, so does the precinct size, while one sees the opposite effect in the covered counties. Furthermore, whenever the covered counties were not subject to preclearance, eight of them engaged in a mid-decade re-precincting that reduced the number of precincts, despite all but one having a growing population. As the proportion of the African-American registered voters in the precinct increased, so did the likelihood of that precinct being consolidated. It is clear that not only was the Voting Rights Act effective in the covered counties in North Carolina, there is good evidence that coverage should have been expanded, not eliminated. Despite Chief Justice Roberts saying that “our country has changed” since the passage of the Voting Rights Act, when the previously covered jurisdictions got the chance to discriminate, they took it.


Name: Frank Le Veness
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: levenesf@stjohns.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: St. John's University
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Paper Title:  The Bankruptcy of Puerto Rico: An American Tragedy Persists
Abstract:
For well over four hundred years the island of Puerto Rico has been in a state of Dependency, as have been many of its Caribbean neighbors. This paper discusses the latest in a series of tragedies which have kept the island in a state of political and economic dependency (despite its current title Estado libre asociado). Both its political and its economic future lie in the control of mainland powers, whether private industry which has been quick to desert the island in difficult economic times, such as the present, or due to policies of the Federal government with regard to this territory (which by definition is different than any of the fifty states). An immediate collapse of the insular government was prevented at mid-year, but to date no long-range solutions have been initiated. Where do we go from here?


Name: Awono Eyebe Philippr
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: philippeawono@yahoo.fr
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University Jean Moulin Lyon 3, France
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-presenter info: Sakah bernad Phd candidate in governance and regional integration at the panafican university
Paper Title:  the weakness of the state and the international power of local regions in africa: the study of an emerging diplomacy and its impact on development
Abstract:
the paper aims to show that due to the crisis of the central state in africa, the local region are becoming verry important actors by the links that they are developping with other local regions out of africa. The study of the situation as an emerginf type of diplomacy is verry important for theories on the african integration because the role played by the local regions at the international level can be exploited give another direction to integration in africa. It may be the way for a real development because at that level there is not egoism as we may find it at the state level. The paper wiil also try to explain how the state behaves in front of this emerging diplomacy in order to show if it is perveived as a threat to the central power or a governance tool


Name: Eric Radezky
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: eric3381@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Practitioner
Institution: New York State Assembly
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Policy Evolution in the New York State Assembly: Mixed Martial Arts Fighting and Congestion Pricing
Abstract:
In 2010 I conducted interviews with 23 sitting members of the New York State Assembly on a number of issues including mixed martial arts fighting and congestion pricing. In 2016 I returned and interviewed 10 of the members that I interviewed in 2010 who were still in office to ask them about the evolution of these issues. In the 2016 legislative session mixed martial arts fighting passed the Assembly, Senate and was signed into law by Governor Cuomo. Meanwhile, congestion pricing has not passed despite undergoing its own evolutionary process. This paper examines the similarities and differences between the policies and traces the different paths and circumstances that turned one bill into law and while the other has yet to earn serious consideration.


Name: Harvey L. Schantz
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: Harvey.Schantz@Plattsburgh.edu
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: State University of New York, Plattsburgh
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  The New York State Party System and Gubernatorial Elections
Abstract:
Harvey L. Schantz, "The New York State Party System and Gubernatorial Elections" Political parties contest virtually all elections in New York State. Gubernatorial elections are unique, however, because political party status and party placement on the general election ballot are conferred by the vote in these quadrennial elections. According to New York State Election Law, a political party is an organization that gained 50,000 or more votes in the last gubernatorial election. Thus if a political party gained 50,000 or more votes in the 2014 gubernatorial election, it would retain party status for the subsequent four years, 2015, 2016, 2017, and 2018. Furthermore, the two leading parties are designated as the major parties. Organizations that poll less than 50,000 votes at the election for governor are designated as other bodies. Political parties gain automatic access to the general election ballot. That is to say, political parties are awarded rows on the New York State ballot based on their position in the last gubernatorial election. The party with the most votes in the prior gubernatorial election is listed on Row A, the second party is on Row B, the third party is on Row C, and so on. Independent bodies do not automatically qualify for a row on the ballot, and therefore have to petition their way on to the ballot. Thus, the automatic row listing is an important, perhaps the most important, incentive for would-be minor parties to strive for 50,000 or more votes in gubernatorial elections. The Democratic and Republican Parties easily qualify as political parties each gubernatorial election. But for the other would be political parties, gaining the requisite 50,000 votes depends upon finding a quality standard bearer. To run an adequate candidate, aspiring parties my cross file the nominee of a major party or nominate their own candidate. This paper examines the party system results in the eighteen New York State gubernatorial elections during the postwar era, 1946 to 2014. The analysis begins with an examination of the qualifying parties, their cross-filing strategies, and endorsement patterns. The two-party system is then studied to measure major party dominance, competition, and the impact of minor parties. Incumbents and candidates are then analyzed. The data for this paper come from the official New York State government website and from various editions of the New York State Blue Book. The paper builds upon the scholarly fields of comparative state politics and New York State politics. Scholarly authors cited include V.O. Key, Jr., Malcolm E. Jewell, Warren Moscow, Edward V. Schneier, and Jeffrey M. Stonecash. Historical newspapers are also used in order to understand the dynamics of individual elections. The paper will contribute a unique longitudinal examination of the New York State party system.


Name: Taeko Suga
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: ts2789@tc.columbia.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Teachers College, Columbia University
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Paper Title:  The Impact of Mayoral School Takeover on Diploma Completion Rates in The 100 Largest Public School Districts in The United States: A Differences-in-Differences Analysis
Abstract:
Despite the fact that there was no concrete evidence of success, at least in terms of improving students’ academic outcomes, mayors of the several largest urban school districts such as Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, District of Columbia, New York, and Philadelphia, have formally taken over failing public schools in their districts over the past two decades. Proponents of mayoral school takeover policy believe that mayors are more efficient and accountable than traditional elected school boards while opponents believe it would undermine democracy and pluralistic policymaking (Henig & Rich 2004; Stone 2004; Viteritti, 2006; Wong et al. 2007). Several researchers attempt to evaluate the consequences of this fundamental structural change using both qualitative and quantitative analyses. For example, in a case study of Chicago, Shipps (2004) finds that, “Race, as it turns out, has been of consequence, despite a rhetoric of school reform that ignores race in favor of a color-blind version of merit” (p. 60). In terms of student academic achievement, there are mixed results about the effectiveness of the mayoral school takeover (Wong & Shen 2003; Wong 2007; Wong et al. 2009; Wong & Shen 2013; Henig 2004; Henig 2009; Shipps 2004). Wong and Shen (2007), using z-scored state level assessments, find “significant, positive improvements in overall district achievement” holding poverty levels, funding levels, and private school competition constant (p.763). This study using a quasi-experimental research design, a differences-in-differences (DD) approach, presents evidence on whether mayoral school takeover influenced student achievement based on an analysis of district-level panel data on diploma completion rates (DCRs) in the 100 largest school districts in the United States. A DD analysis that relies on comparisons of the DCRs across the largest 100 districts that had mayoral school takeover allows me to isolate sources of variation in DCRs that are likely to affect students’ DCRs and to identify a causal relationship between mayoral school takeover and DCRs. The results of my analysis suggest that a governance change that gives the mayor (or the governor) the power to appoint a majority of the school board increased DCRs.


Name: Joseph Sutherland
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: joe@clvr.tech
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Legislators-in-Chief? Gubernatorial Influence on State Statutory Outcomes
Abstract:
When do governors achieve their policy preferences, given the institutional and electoral constraints they face? In this paper, I exploit variation within and across states over time to examine what institutional, circumstantial, and personal characteristics condition a state executive'��s policy achievement "��success rate."�� The data necessary to investigate this puzzle come from a novel dataset of gubernatorial addresses comprising more than 3100 speeches from all 50 states, reaching back to the early 19th century. My method marries natural language processing with research on agenda formulation to identify policy proposals in each speech, determine what part of the speech is dedicated to discussing this proposal, and link the proposal to the relevant bill or statute. By linking more than 100,000 extracted policy proposals to legislative policy outcomes, I explore the ways in which gubernatorial policy leadership is a function of institutional context or the governor�'s agenda itself---including its size, scope, tone, and ideological content. The study's findings help us to better understand the executive-legislature dynamic, while the method and data are extensible to a variety of other applications within/out the profession.


Name: Galip Emre Yildirim
Section: State and Local Politics
Professional Email: galip-emre.yildirim@ens-paris-saclay.fr
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Ecole Normale Supérieure de Paris Saclay
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:  State and Local Politics
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Paper Title: Sociological Dynamics of the Regionalization in France
Abstract:
The regionalization, that appears as a modern phenomenon, affects the 21th century public administration. Especially in terms of European nation-states. when the regionalization is implemented because of the local demands by the central administration, in the countries that have a centralized administration like France, this regionalization process would have been executed by the own will of the center. This paper aims to examine the sociological dynamics of the regionalization movement in France. In accordance with this, the regionalization in France is addressed under (the) three different topics from the functioning of the State withthe regional governments, the relations between center and periphery and the articulation between the State and society regarding the political participation, democracy and decentralization. In addition, this paper pursues the historical data related to the regional formation, sociological and administrative balance among the elected and the elites, and then the statistics created by the data obtained from French interior ministry. Therewith, to be more contented at expressing the French regionalization movement that states a multidimensional process, the comparison with other European States and several examples are presented.



Teaching and Learning

Name: Michael Armato
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: marmato@albright.edu
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Albright College
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Paper Title: Incorporating Policy Memoranda in the Undergraduate Classroom
Abstract:
Literature published sporadically over the past several years has extolled the virtues of assigning policy memoranda to students in undergraduate courses. Building on this scholarship, the paper offers readers a lesson plan utilized by the author to teach students how to write these documents. It will review the foundational public policy literature taught during this lesson and highlight specific legislative proposals given to students to write these documents. The paper will also discuss the importance of writing to a particular audience and furnish readers with the methods used by the instructor to achieve this goal. Classroom rules regarding deadlines as well as acceptable sources will be chronicled. Further, advice on helping students will be offered in order to show the potential burdens this assignment may have on instructors. Learning objectives and goals will be identified and explained throughout the paper, as they are imbued in every aspect of the assignment and lesson. The paper will provide points of view from the author on how future lesson plans and policy memoranda assignments may be adjusted based on experience. Finally, in order to illustrate points of view from students, survey data from pupils will be reported on their own assessment of the project.


Name: Corina-Mihaela Beleaua
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: corina.beleaua@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: University of Georgia
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Paper Title: Transatlantic Pedagogical Dialogue
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Educational systems around the world are in a continuous reform. Even if there are obvious differences between them, it is undeniable that they share some common values that constitute the basis for the self-fulfillment of any individual. The present paper aims at portraying some of the prevailing values that pedagogues in America and Europe have been sharing for the last centuries. I will argue for a renewal in the conceptualization of the importance of literature, showing the need for adopting an educational system based on “cultivating humanity” through books and “global intelligence” through openness toward others. In the first part of the essay, I will present philosophies of the main German educators of the 18th- 19th century, focusing on three of their shared targets: moral development, aesthetic freedom/play and self-discovery through reading. The second part of the essay will configure a frame of some of the English and North American philosophies of education of the 19th century in order to emphasize the German dowry, together with new institutional ideals, such as the ideal of unity found in Newman’s, Ruskin’s, Arnold’s and Dewey’s reforms. Lastly, I intend to underline the contemporary educational tendencies of return to the individualistic institutional ideal, through play and self-discovery, through aestheticism, free thinking, and the positioning of the student at the center of the pedagogical act, by directing him toward the truth translated in harmony, self-discovery and proper dialogue with the other. I will thus use a theoretical framework inspired by Martha Nussbaum and Mihai Spariosu, in order to restate the need for educational reform and global education. Eventually, reverberating Huxley’s warning, “Karuna, Karuna”, I advocate the urgency for a change of mindset concerning the actual disciplinary classification in education. Advancing the study of literature and arts will actualize compassion, universal friendship, peace and cooperation, thus producing the free person.


Name: AnIta Chadha
Section: Teaching and Learning
Professional Email: chadhaa@uhd.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Houston, Downtown.
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Panel Description: Teaching and learning in the digital age
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Paper Title:  Virtual Classrooms: Analyzing Student Learning and Instructor Online Collaborative Teaching Experiences
Abstract:
Virtual courses create a self-directed learning environment for students. Given that online environments provide anonymity so that the emphasis is on the content, rather than on the form of the message or the identity of the sender (Herring, 1993) this study assesses students’ personal usages in an online collaboration across several states and semesters. In examining the student and instructor perspective, the findings are significant in that, students engage in reflective work employing academic quality discussions across varying institution types from community colleges to public and private universities and that their discussions occur without gender or question type biases. Semester-end surveys confirm that an asynchronous e-learning collaboration enhanced their educational experience and they belonged to a global community of learners. This study adds its significant findings about the growth of online discussions promoting and enhancing the experience of e-learners and collaborative endeavors. This research is a culmination of years of experience with online collaborations on American Politics. The collaboration can certainly be used by those in similar subjects and fields.



Undergraduate Research

Name: Bonaventure Akinlosotu
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: bonakin@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. Bonaventure University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Does the media portray African Americans in a negative light compared to white Americans?
Abstract:
I conducted a context analysis comparing CBS and Fox to conduct my study. Then I used SPSS and conducted crosstabts to find my results.


Name: Jason Arenos
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: jasonarenos@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Canisius College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Democratic Transition, State Capacity and Opium Reduction in Afghanistan
Abstract:
The theoretical framework to which this paper is founded upon takes from all three levels of analysis in the political economy, with an emphasis on institutional theory and democracy implementation. In regards to the global framework, interests of the United States, the UK, NATO allies, Russia and Middle East actors are taken into consideration. To curtail low levels of development in Afghanistan, the natural resource of poppy and weak institutions are assessed. Specifically, the production of the illicit crop opium has a direct relationship with levels of corruption and an increased presence of the Taliban. This creates weak State institutions that cannot adequately enforce the rule of law or provide economic opportunities to Afghan citizens. It is thus important to reduce opium production and increase state capacity through strategic intervention by the US and other vested actors in coordination with local communities.


Name: Alana Bannourah
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: alanabannourah@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Nevada, Reno
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  On the Brink of Conflict: Diaspora Relations Between Arab and Jewish College Students in the U.S.
Abstract:
Do Arab and Jewish college students in the United States form friendships with each other? Why or why not? The Arab and Jewish diaspora may have opposing views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict which creates a barrier that prevents the formation of friendships. The literature suggests that the contact hypothesis theory, political mobilization, and cultural barriers to normalization, have an effect on the likelihood that members of these groups form friendships with each other. Some scholars argue that group narratives are divisive and can prevent meaningful dialogue. Other scholars suggest that institutions that promote diversity can contribute to solving issues of social interaction. This research draws on a survey with original data. The survey was distributed to Arab and Jewish college students (aged 18-24) who attend several colleges in states around the country. The data collected provides information regarding cultural and national identity, levels of political activism, knowledge of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, their views in regards to the conflict, as well as whether or not friendships with each other are formed. Preliminary findings from this survey contribute to the answer of the question. The findings of this survey can also contribute to answering questions in the literature that have yet to be found. This will assist in improving conflict resolution and diplomacy.


Name: Emma Barnett
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: esb2173@barnard.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Barnard College of Columbia University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Effects of Social Media in the 2016 Election
Abstract:
Many people are still shocked by the results of the election and are trying to figure out why and how Donald Trump was elected to be the President of the United States. After extensive research, I discovered that one of the reasons Donald Trump was elected is because of the effects of social media. This inspired me to write my final essay on the role of Social Media during this 2016 election cycle. I decided to divide the paper into three main different ideas. The main focus of this essay is comparing how Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump used social media differently throughout the campaign process. Donald Trump was able to receive more than 2 billion dollars of earned media thanks to his Twitter. This is remarkable and will shape the way that candidates in the future will use social media. Throughout the essay, there are impressive statistics that put the entire election into a new perspective. I additionally analyzed how citizens used social media during the course of an election, whether it was to advocate for a candidate or as a coping mechanism. What I discovered was that posting on Facebook about who to vote for and why is not as effective as one may think as people have deeply rooted ideological beliefs that will most likely not be changed by a post on Facebook. Lastly, I analyzed how the media portrayed Donald Trump as a joke while they presented Hillary Clinton as the next President of the United States. This has caused the people to not trust the media and restoring the relationship is going to take time. All of the statistics used are fairly new. Social Media was used in the 2012 election but not to the extent that it was used in the 2016 election. I used various sources including, but not limited to the New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Politico, Parties and Elections in America 7th Edition, Nonsense Is Destroying America, among many others. I began to write this essay after the third Presidential Debate when most polls predicted a Hillary Clinton victory. On November 9th, I had to delete half of my essay and start over. It was an incredible experience writing this research paper as so many new sources were being released. I found myself continuously updating sources to make the essay as relevant as possible. This topic is incredibly important as in the future, many social media analysts expect candidates to focus on targeting people through social media. I look forward to seeing how social media changes over the years and to see how the 2018 and 2020 elections will be revolved around social media.


Name: Breana Barrera
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: Bmb105@pitt.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Pittsburgh at Bradford
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Forgotten Not Gone: How Indigenous Women Overcome Machismo Culture Through Developmental Projects
Abstract:
Latin American countries are characterized by the Machismo culture and patriarchy in which men dominate over women in the societal power structure as well as in individual relationships. However, indigenous women who partake in movements to promote development and poverty reduction may in various ways challenge gender roles in society. In fact, many domestic and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working in this sector have targeted women in their development projects, and gender has influenced the coordination of their projects. Women participating in programs focused on issues such as micro-finance, education, public health, or water access may challenge the machismo culture in some ways. Nevertheless, in some cases, these projects may also reinforce traditional gender roles. In this paper, I will present case studies of several development projects, exploring how these projects integrate gender; how indigenous Latin American women are challenging traditional gender roles, including via these projects; the ways in which the traditional gender roles are reinforced, including via some projects; and the long-term versus short-term impacts of shifting gender roles on indigenous women’s rights, development, and poverty reduction. The case studies will include narrative analysis of documents collected regarding various NGOs’ development projects, elite interviews with individuals involved in these projects, as well as participant observation of a development project focused on improving access to clean water.


Name: Selena Benitez- Cuffee
Section: Identity Politics
Professional Email: selena.benitez.cuffee@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Pittsburgh at Bradford
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Paper Title:  The Impact of State Repression and Covert Surveillance: A Comparative Analysis of the Black Panther Party and Young Lords Party
Abstract:
In the late 1960s, the United States was extremely divided, and racial tensions were at an all-time high. In an era during which segregation was still widely accepted in many cases, some minorities felt frustrated with the level of progress made by the civil rights movement. The murders of countless black men, women and children by police officers and the justifications of these murders led many to feel a sense of desperation. In an effort to stop the police killings, the Black Panther Party for Self Defense was started, with the education and militarization of black people as a priority. Similarly, a Puerto Rican equivalent, the Young Lords Party, also began fighting for the liberation of Puerto Ricans on the mainland. Both movements were targeted for government repression, including via covert surveillance. Using a historical comparative case study, this paper explores the impact of state repression and covert surveillance on both of these movements, the power the movements were able to gain, the ultimate downfall and demobilization of these movements, and the impact of these liberation movements on black and Puerto Rican communities in the United States. These case studies will be developed via a narrative analysis of scholarly literature, historical documents, and interviews with participants involved in these movements. The goal of this research is to explore how dynamics in state repression influence liberation movements and their outcomes, as well as examining the impact of other factors which influence state repression and these movements.


Name: Noemie Broussoux-Coutard
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: noemiebroussouxcoutard@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: City College of New York
Scheduling Preference:
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The 21st Century Dilemma: Comparing Western European and American Undocumented Immigration Policies
Abstract:
This article will compare undocumented immigration policies in both the European Union, specifically France, Germany and the U.K., and the United States, in order to determine the most efficient enacted legislature. With a plethora of different approaches regarding the issue, many lawmakers around the Western world have been debating on which would solve the major problems related to undocumented immigration. This paper will focus on the current rise of undocumented immigration in Western countries, as well as the most beneficial ways to both promote inclusion, as well as security, within sovereign borders. The article will take information from the French, German, British and American immigration agencies, in order to determine specific implemented legislation in each country. Moreover, it will attempt to wholesomely review all legislation, and determine the effects of each in their given country; this will be provided by national surveys, as well as current United Nations studies.Upon comparing immigration policies, the research will present several efficient, as well as negative, aspects of each current national law. By gathering all productive and problematic portions of each piece of legislation, the paper will attempt to pinpoint the main areas of weakness and strengths, thus allowing for an enlightenment before going forward with further immigration policies.


Name: Eric Brower
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: ea27brow@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Panel
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Paper Title: The Realest MCs: How Approval of One's Member of Congress Affects their Rating of Congress
Abstract:
This paper seeks to determine if a relationship exists between a constituent's approval of their member of Congress (MC) and how that constituent will tend to rate Congress as a whole. Additionally, I seek to demonstrate if a relationship between approval of an MC and party alignment between the MC and a constituent, exists and how that, in turn, affects the constituent's rating of Congress. This paper uses data from the 2012 American National Election Studies to explore these phenomena. Using this data set, a multiple regression analysis was run to assess these potential relationships and determine if sufficient evidence exists to support the idea of the two actually existing. The dependent variable for the regression was a feeling thermometer of Congress and the main independent variable was approval of an MC. Control variables were added to attempt to isolate this particular relationship. I found that there is evidence to support the hypothesis that a constituent's approval of their MC affects their rating of Congress, but was unable to gain sufficient support from the data to confirm a relationship between MC approval and party alignment.


Name: Samantha Call
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: src02020@sjfc.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. John Fisher College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Dr. Sébastien G. Lazardeux St. John Fisher College slazardeux@sjfc.edu
Co-presenter info: Dr. Sébastien G. Lazardeux St. John Fisher College slazardeux@sjfc.edu
Paper Title: The European Far Right: Success or Resilience? The Case of the National Front
Abstract:
Recently, Europe has seen the rise of several Populist Radical Right (PRR) parties. While some of these parties are newcomers on the political scene (Golden Dawn in Greece or Jobbik in Hungary for example), and others have had a long presence in politics without achieving much notoriety (like the British National Party), a last group of parties have had both longevity and apparent success. This is particularly the case of the French National Front. In this paper, we question the belief that the National Front is as successful as is believed by pundits and journalists. Using a definition of success that takes into account the capacity of a party to expand its vote share in the same districts over time, and to gain seats in national and local offices, we show that despite the party’s increased presence in the media and in the political establishment, the National Front has not garnered significantly more support today than it did in the 1980's. Our results call into question the popularly held beliefs that the National Front has become somehow more influential or that it poses a threat to the French political system. We also believe that our definition of success can carry to other cases and that our findings may change the way political commentators and politicians view the Populist Radical Right.


Name: James Cook
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: cookjw13@bonaventure.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. Bonaventure University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Millennial Generation and the Republican Party
Abstract:
The Republican Party is one of the nation’s longest standing political parties. In November of 2016 the entire millennial generation was eligible to vote. In the coming years the millennial generation will become a dominant force in the American political arena. Understanding their voting habits and trends is crucial in order to map out what our government will look like in the future. This paper examines, compares and contrasts the Republican Party’s 2016 platform on social issues with the public opinion of the millennial generation, arguing that the Republican Party’s social platform is out of touch with the millennial generation. The millennial generation is just starting to develop habits and values as a generation in the midst of this ever-changing political climate. Research is limited as the millennial generation is new to politics. In order to understand what the millennial generation looks like in terms of ideology and it’s agreement with the Republican platform, a survey is conducted of college students to determine their agreement with the social issues included in the Republican platform. As stated above this paper maintains that the Republican Party’s social platform is out of touch with the millennial generation. This general hypothesis was tested through the use of a survey administered to 396 students at St. Bonaventure University during the Fall 2016 semester. The survey was administered prior to the 2016 elections. The survey was introduced to students as a research study on the public opinion of millennials. The first section of the survey included demographic questions and general questions regarding political identification and attitude. These questions allowed me to expand my research to a comprehensive examination of whether or not gender, race, ethnicity, social group, political ideology, and political party had any effect on the respondents’ answers. The second section of the survey included 17 statements from the 2016 Republican Party Platform. The survey asked the participants, on a scale of 0-10, how much they agreed with each individual statement. 0 was labeled as extremely disagree, 5 was labeled as neutral, and 10 was labeled as extremely agree. At the start of the survey, I informed the participants that they would be taking a survey to gauge public opinion of the millennial generation in face of the 2016 elections. To avoid any sort of bias I did not tell the participants that the 17 statements in section two were direct quotes from the 2016 Republican Party platform. The survey was administered in 30 undergraduate classes in order to get a random sample of students at St. Bonaventure University. 396 students took part in the experiment.


Name: Shelby Davis
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: se9davi@siena.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
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Co-author info: Dr. Leonard Cutlercutler@siena.eduSiena College
Co-presenter info: Dr. Leonard Cutler cutler@siena.eduSiena College
Paper Title: The Albatross of Guantanamo Post 9/11: A Dubious Obama Legacy
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Following the devastating attacks that took place on September 11th, 2001, the United States government vowed to take a stand against the increasing threat from terrorists targeting Americans. The United States’ strategy included the opening of a detention camp in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba to house suspected terrorists. Guantanamo not only provided a site to indefinitely detain suspects but also to undertake enhanced interrogation techniques and torture against prisoners who all held minimal protections under the facility. Guantanamo quickly became a negative symbol for the United States, reflecting the country’s abandonment of the rule of law and what the United States stands for as a democratic nation. Because of this, president Barack Obama vowed to close the facility when he first took office in 2008, issuing Executive Order 13492 calling for the closing of the prison as soon as reasonably possible but no later than one year from when the order was issued. As president Obama’s second presidential term comes to an end and the 2016 presidential election looms over the country, Guantanamo Bay detention camp still remains up and running, its fate undecided. The purpose of our paper is to examine in detail how Guantanamo Bay detainees were subjected to cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment by their American captors; the Bush administration’s justification for employing enhanced interrogation techniques; how the Obama administration sought the closure of Guantanamo consistent with national security interests as well as international concerns; how President Obama address alternatives to Guantanamo for housing and prosecuting suspected terrorists; and how members of Congress and the principal presidential candidates have responded to the future status of Guantanamo. This objective was achieved through the examination of United States government documents, United States government reports, international documents, human rights organizations, and news pieces. These sources were used in order to create a written piece that includes a thorough background on the facility as well as examine the efforts made to close the facility and what the future may hold for the prison and its remaining suspects. The paper is meant to inform those on the pressing and timely issue of Guantanamo as its fifteenth anniversary approaches. The conclusion of this paper will be updated before the convention convenes in April as the nation instates a new president and the possible fate of Guantanamo becomes clearer.


Name: Kenneth Dillon
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dillonk@rider.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Rider University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
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Paper Title: "Physical Liberation through Comparative Ethics"
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Kenneth Dillon, Rider University, Undergraduate, Spring 2017 Physical Liberation through Comparative Ethics A system of ethics is a set of principles which guide the conduct of an individual or group. In Three Challenges to Ethics, James P. Sterba argues that traditional ethics has, up to this point, been constructed upon multiple biases and therefore renders unsatisfactory systems. Michel Foucault describes how society has evolved in a way that imprisons the mind in the body through displays of political power upon the latter. In his Discipline and Punishment, Foucault conveys the internalized set of rules that we impose upon ourselves out of fear of punishment. However, as Foucault explains, methods of punishment have changed since the days of torture and public humiliation to mental restriction and private discipline, and now the individual living in a culturally diverse nation finds him/herself in a difficult situation. Laws constructed upon the traditional ethical practices of one culture fail to appropriately address the needs of the diverse collective. So how might an individual liberate him/herself from a now repressive legal system? Analyzing the way in which a particular ethical system came into being and comparing its process with the processes of other cultures we can, as Sterba argues, uncover previously unseen moral obligations within, substantially improve upon, and aim to better implement moral ideals across cultures. In this study I will apply these three arguments for multiculturalism offered by Sterba to the system of discipline and punishment described by Foucault in order to extract a method by which physical liberation can be achieved through comparative ethics. Such an evaluation of the construction of ethical systems can provide an idea of how to achieve liberation from outdated displays of political repression and internalized discipline. This is a necessary next step in the assessment of any cross-cultural interaction, from the micro level of internet communication to the macro level of international relations.


Name: Tshephang Dipogiso
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dipogiso187tshephang@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University Of Botswana
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: Women and Political Representation in Botswana: 50 Years After Independence and Beyond
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WOMEN AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN BOTSWANA: 50 YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE AND BEYONDAbstractWomen all over the world face significant social, cultural, political and economic barriers that prevent them from obtaining leadership positions. Botswana is no exception. But one of the most fascinating developments in African politics has been the increase in women’s participation since the mid 1990’s. Women are becoming more engaged in leadership positions of institutions from local government, to legislatures and even the executive. Today, Africa is a leader in women parliamentary representation globally with a Global Average of 22.5 percent (ipu.org). For instance Rwanda has the highest number of women in parliament in the world with 63.8% of women in lower house (UN, 2016). Despite this remarkable increase of women representation in parliament, Botswana remains behind in the number of women in parliament. The country is yet to sign SADC Gender Protocol that requires 30% quota of positions reserved for women in leadership. Botswana has been recording low participation of women in both elective and appointive political positions in particular parliament. For instance, out of the 18 recently confirmed ministerial appointments made by President Khama’s administration, only three (3) are women, translating to 16.7%. In the National Assembly there are only five women out of 57 constituencies which constitute a paltry 8.8%. This has been a growing concern because for democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly representative hence women must be equal partners in the process of democratic development. However, one divergent fact is that the performance and determination of women in leadership roles in parastatals and private sector supersede that of their male counter-parts. The question therefore remains why women participation in politics is low. The literature on this subject is fairly emerging but commonly points to cultural stereotypes especially the patriarchal nature of Botswana’s society (Maundeni, 2002; Ntseane 2005; Ntseane & Sentsho, 2005, Geisler, 2004). Using the Afrobarometer perception survey data, this paper presents descriptive statistics and regression analysis of selected variables that explain low participation of women. In the data, the dependent variable is measured by a question: Men make better political leaders than women and should be elected rather than women. The paper analyses responses of those who agree with the statement using location, age, sex, interest in public affairs, and education.The research provides a baseline for the implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), Agenda 2063: a pledge for Gender Equality and Women Empowerment, Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development and Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The significance of this study’s conclusions and recommendations is to further stimulate women of Botswana to stand up and challenge their male counterparts in contesting for, party positions, parliamentary seats during general elections and present themselves for executive appointments. Also, the study has policy implications in the sense that it will improve evidence-based planning and programming involving women in decision making.Keywords: Botswana, gender equality, politics, women, political representation, political participation


Name: Griffin Doyle
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: grifo1013@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Siena College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  ¿Quién Tiene la Culpa? (Whose Fault is it?): The Societal Shift Within Higher Education and Media Coverage of Student Debt
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Federal student loans originally began as a part of The Higher Education act in 1965 under President Lyndon B. Johnson. General Student Loans (GSL's) were just one part of his “Great Society” initiative. The original intent was so that more students could afford higher education, and in turn that would benefit the country and society as a whole. Since then through a series of legislative actions and because of the growing need for higher education, student loans have taken on a new identity. They have transformed into a type of debt that dominates the lives of the individuals who choose to pursue them, and as more and more people feel the pressure to continue our education the situation has spiraled out of control. Now we find ourselves in the midst of a student debt crisis; total student debt has surpassed total credit card debt, and the average borrower owes roughly $30,000. Because of how much this crisis has grown, it is important to observe how the media is covering the issues of student debt. This study looks to quantify the media coverage of student debt, in terms of tone, how coverage differs across demographics and language, and whether or not the issue is framed as an individual crisis or a civic/societal crisis. Newspaper articles, in both Spanish and English, were collected from The New York Times and La Opinión; two nationally recognized publications. The articles were then content analyzed to determine how media has covered and is covering the student debt crisis. It was found that there is an increasingly alarmist tone among the media when covering student debt, and the coverage has increased exponentially, especially over the past 5 years. It was also found that although coverage across demographics may not differ, the student debt crisis has been framed by the media as an individual issue. However, even though student debt is still seen as an individual failing, there is a universal recognition that something needs to change to help the individuals whose lives are dominated by student debt.


Name: Molly Elvin
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: elvinm@greenmtn.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Green Mountain College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Molly Elvin
Co-presenter info: Molly Elvin
Paper Title: The Case for Banning Depleted Uranium Munitions
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Poverty is often called the worst polluter, but when conflict is added on top of poverty it can be exponentially disastrous. When countries are invaded, it is the most impoverished bear the brunt of the burden. Since the beginning of warfare, environmental damage has been a pivotal tool in defeating an enemy. From the salting of fields by Romans in 146 B.C.E to the modern use of agent orange in Vietnam, the history of warfare is riddled with environmental catastrophes. Modern and customary environmental law has been put in place to prevent these catastrophes whenever possible. International legal principles such as the right to life and a healthy environment and the precautionary principle and treaties such as the Geneva convention have made the environment an important part of human rights, but the fight is not over. There are many examples of human rights being violated when it comes to environmental degradation and one of the most egregious examples is the use of depleted uranium (DU) munitions by United States and United Kingdom Troops in Iraq. Depleted uranium has been largely ignored by mainstream media and the United States government and therefore very little money has been allocated to the study of its effects. Most studies that have been done have been funding by the government who have an invested interest in portraying the weapons as relatively safe and conventional since they are some of the cheapest to make and are manufactured almost exclusively in the United States. The use of depleted uranium violated some of the most important and tightly held human rights and should have been deemed illegal by international legal standards. Since there has been no action taken against the perpetrators, it is time for the international community to come together and ban depleted uranium munitions through a treaty.


Name: Michael Fiorica
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: mfiorica@buffalo.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: State University of New York at Buffalo
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: “Really a non-issue”? : A Compatibilist Approach to Economic Development and lgbti Inclusion
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The topic of gay rights in Sub-Saharan Africa has been one of increasing interest to the international community since the introduction of Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill in 2009. This paper will attempt to examine the ways in which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersexual people (lgbti) inclusion and economic development can be achieved together in South Africa, Uganda, and Kenya. Following a note about terminology, the size of the lgbti population, the choice of countries featured in the paper, and a discussion of the everyday challenges facing lgbti, this paper reviews existing literature about inclusion and development. Next, the approaches existing in the literature, namely those focusing on human capital and capabilities, will be discussed in terms of the lived experiences of lgbti to demonstrate the relationship between lgbti exclusion and macroeconomic outcomes. Finally, this paper concludes with recommendations for four pathways—the law, education, health, and research—to promote inclusion in Kenya, Uganda, and South Africa.


Name: Iona Gitt-Henderson
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: iona.marie1918@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Marist College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Mothers on Welfare: How Ideology and Policy Shape Citizenship
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The 1996 Welfare reform moved to limit citizenship. Through narratives of who is considered a good mother, this piece of legislation undercut full citizenship for mothers in need as well as their children. This paper argues that government produced definitions of motherhood limits the scope of citizenship. Using policy analysis, this paper will look both at the welfare reform itself, as well its ideological influences and historical context. Partially building on existing literature, PROAC will be compared to language used in England's poor laws of 1834, policies of the Eugenics in the U.S. and the creation of the welfare queen myth. Theoretical frameworks of intersectionality and social reproduction will frame an investigation of the language and intention used in the new welfare bill. In conclusion, this paper argues that not only does this policy limit citizenship, but it creates a environment where stigma and policy reinforce each other. Therefore as our definition of mother narrows politically and socially, so does our collective concept of citizenship.


Name: Lanessa Hickman
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lmh131@pitt.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Pittsburgh at Bradford
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:   Punitive justice pays the one percent: How the prison industrial complex fills the pockets of America's most wealthy and keeps the status quo.
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The topic of wealth and the prison industry became an important one to me when I began reading the book Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs by Johann Hari. This non-fiction piece of investigative journalism is a look inside the those the drug war legislation impacted most and how it affected their lives thereafter. Although drug use is an issue that transcends race and socioeconomic status, its noticeable that only a certain group was being targeted for drug crimes and put into the prison system. This sparked my interest in other crimes, and whether those targeted poor, minority groups as well and left more affluent communities to live their lives in peace. Far too often, we see that the wealthy are allowed to dabble in the things that often destroy the lives of poor and marginalized Americans because it is an investment to do so. This is also apparent in the policing of certain areas well. Although there are police in wealthy areas, there is a noticeable variation in the way neighborhoods or areas are policed and targeted. Further, turning towards the government, federal and state money has been used to fuel correctional facilities in lieu of other programs such as education and the environment, needing funding. All of these factors make what is known as the prison-industrial complex. The prison-industrial complex has become an investment to the American economy, and allowed for the propagation of tired and dangerous adages about those in the criminal system, perpetuating the idea that more policing and punitive justice is required, thus continuing the cycle and filling pockets. This topic calls for content analysis and analysis of preexisting data and historical information as a tool for researching and developing conclusions. There a vast number of works that have delved into prison systems and the one percent's seemingly easy accruing of wealth and statistics on the matter that I analyze and hypothesize about. I intend to draw specific parallels between the prison-industrial complex and the rising gap in inequality between poor Americans and extremely wealthy Americans, even as the top one percent move further away from the economy. This piece will hopefully begin more inquiry into punitive justice as a means of stimulating the economy and what that could entail for marginalized Americans across the country.


Name: Joan Iezin
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: joanmiezin@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Fairfield University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Resisting Capitalism, Not Gobalization
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Seattle was the setting of a massive protest against the WTO in 1999, in 2015 anti-TPP demonstrations erupted across Asia, Europe, and North America, and in 2012 The Occupy Wall Street movement set up a tent city in Zuccotti Party New York to protest the economic power of the 1%. What these popular movements, with different agendas, methods of organizing, and physical contexts, share in common is that all have been categorized as anti-globalization movements. The aim of my paper is to argue that the label anti-globalization, which has been attached to these three popular movements, is incorrect and misleading. This false title misleads general opinion from the goals these popular movements desire to achieve. There are three parts to my argument. First, what these conflicting ideologies share in common is that whether from a neoliberal or a neoanarchist perspective, all are pro-globalization but one different from the popular understanding of globalization. Second, all borrow from the horizontal philosophy found in neoanarchist thought which creates a tie to anti-capitalist philosophy. Third all oppose neoliberalism capitalism because each movement sees that neoliberalism as the source of their reason to protest. My project examines the tactics and aims of these popular movements as well as the theoretical, philosophical roots of their modus operandi, horizontalism that derives from neoanarchist thought and influences the modes of social interaction, governance, and objectives of these movements. My aim in this paper is to change the narrative as to how these popular movements are perceived.


Name: Alexandria Iwanenko
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: aiwanenko@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Canisius College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Children’s Rights: how gang violence in the Northern Triangle of Central America affects childhood development
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Children’s Rights: how gang violence in the Northern Triangle of Central America affects childhood development Alexandria Iwanenko, Canisius College This paper explores the relationship between children’s rights and gang violence in Central America, and focuses on the indirect effects of violence on childhood development, an important phenomenon that is understudied by political scientists. Using international law—including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)—as a foundation, the paper makes the case for the importance of children’s rights. The CRC provides a conceptual framework to argue the importance of the rights of children for childhood development, which can be stunted by political violence. An analytical assessment of international law and its enforcement makes it clear that there are complicated reasons why children’s rights are not being fulfilled in areas affected by gang violence—though these reasons do not excuse a state’s failure to protect children’s rights. The next section of the paper studies the effects of gang violence on children’s development in the three most violent countries in Central America, the Northern Triangle: Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. Case studies from the Northern Triangle demonstrate the ways in which gang violence curtails the rights of children. Quantitative research using regional data from international organizations such as UNICEF, WHO, UNDP, and UNESCO documents the unsatisfactory fulfillment of children’s rights as a result of gang violence in the region. The paper also uses qualitative research methods, including interview evidence from a former resident of El Salvador who moved to the United States to escape gang violence. The final section assesses how gang violence affects childhood development. It is important to understand the overlooked indirect effects of this violence, and this paper offers an explanation of those understudied effects.


Name: Gabriella Kielbasinski
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: gek02396@sjfc.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: St. John Fisher College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: God in Politics
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Contrary to the secularization thesis (Bruce 2002), religion still plays an important role in American society, and particularly in American politics. Christians in the United States have a demonstrably high voter turnout and vote frequently (Austin 2006), thus their support is coveted by politicians. According to surveys by the Pew Research Center, Christians tend to vote in great majority for conservatives. It is often assumed that Christians do so because of the alignment between religious precepts and conservative policy proposals. Concerning the specific issue of abortion, it indeed seems that this alignment exists. However, it is unclear whether this relationship travels to other issues such as gun control, environmental policies, or others. This study proposes to fill that void. Based on data that I collected through an extensive survey, I show, using statistical analysis, that the alignment between Christian dogma and conservative policy stances does not apply with regularity. I conclude that Christians, despite ideological contradictions between their faith and conservative policies, do in majority support Republican candidates, due to individual variations in religious beliefs and co-option of Christian voters by the Republican party.


Name: Robert Lepertine
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lepertir@canisius.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Canisius College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Creating the "Democratic Peace"
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The relationship between South Korea and Japan remains one of mutual distrust and occasional begrudging cooperation. Despite the cultural sense of togetherness that have brought neighboring countries together in places like South America, East Africa, and Central Europe, these two neighbors have resisted the trend of regionalism. As two democracies, the social disconnect between the people and the media in both countries with their counterparts in the other manifests itself in a lack of cooperation on important issues between their governments. This distrust is used by these same governments as a diversionary tool whenever their domestic policies go astray. This only further reinforces both publics’ mutual distrust and perpetuate the process of divisiveness. The potential gains form deeper cooperation in the face of growing security challenges remain unrealized. As the key security ally of both Japan and South Korea, the United States has the potential to be a major figure in efforts to encourage both nations to reconcile their differences. This paper examines the United States’ role in peacebuilding efforts such as the Good Friday Agreement and Camp David Accords and draws lessons from them and argue what is applicable from past policy, what is not, and what new ground must be tread if the United States is to help reconcile two of our most important allies outside of NATO. Using international relations theory as a guide, this paper provides a systematic examination of alternative third-party means of promoting a reconciliation between Japan and South Korea in the interest of providing policy recommendation.


Name: Lovely Mae Macaraeg
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: lovelyymacaraeg@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Santo Tomas
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
Panel Title:
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Co-author info: Name: Beya Marie F. Amaro Email: beyamarie.amaro@gmail.com Institution: University of Santo Tomas
Co-presenter info: Name: Beya Marie F. Amaro Email: beyamarie.amaro@gmail.com Institution: University of Santo Tomas
Paper Title: Assessment of the Effectiveness of Free, Prior and Informed Consent in Promoting Indigenous Rights in Sta. Cruz, Zambales, Philippines
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The principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) promotes and protects the rights of Indigenous Peoples (IP) to directly participate and be consulted in all activities that will be implemented within their ancestral domains. It has been adopted and specified in Republic Act 8371 or “The Indigenous People’s Rights Act of 1998 (IPRA)” of the Philippine Constitution. This study offers a critical discourse analysis of the actions of the local government with regard to the actual application and enforcement of the FPIC in the Philippines. Moreover, it explores whether this principle protects the rights of the Indigenous Peoples in relation to the control over and use of their ancestral lands and resources particularly in relation to private companies that penetrates their lands such as mining corporations. The focus of this study would be in Zambales specifically in the municipality of Sta. Cruz. This evaluates the implementation of FPIC in this community in relation to the mining activities prevalent in the area. The destruction of cultural properties of many IP communities has led to the imposition of centralized decision-making that is not in accordance with the goals of the FPIC process. Furthermore, the measures in which IPs participate in the decision-making process are unsatisfactory to guarantee free, prior and informed consent. The aim of this study is to provide an evidence-based assessment of the acts and effectiveness of the local government in protecting the rights of the Indigenous Peoples in Zambales from the perspective of the implementation of the IPRA, specifically, the principle of FPIC; and to develop recommendations for the enhancement of the FPIC in the Philippines which can be a tool to further protect the right of the indigenous peoples in the country and also to promote policies that might help to save the environment from the different corporations that are not environmentally sustainable. The researchers used phenomenological research method so as to have a profound understand of the topic and to make the researchers to be culturally and ethically sensitive to indigenous contexts in relation to dealing with the lived experience of indigenous peoples.


Name: Cristian Eduardo Martínez Medina
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: crismartinez95@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Puerto Rico
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Co-author info: Erica Frantz, Michigan State University, frantzer@msu.edu
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Paper Title: Ending the Pink Tide: Welfare Spending and Government Approval in Leftist-Populist Latin America
Abstract:
Since Hugo Chavez’s ascension to power in 1999, populism has been on the rise in many parts of Latin America, a phenomenon often referred to as the Pink Tide. Candidates promoting populist rhetoric were victorious at the polls in countries ranging from Ecuador to Brazil. Central to much of this agenda has been an emphasis on welfare spending. This study examines the effect of welfare spending on government approval rates among Pink Tide governments. Though it is reasonable to expect that higher welfare spending will lead to more popular governments, this has yet to be empirically examined in the literature. This study assesses these possibilities. To do so, it looks at the relationship between welfare spending and government approval rates during the tenures of 16 populist Latin American presidents in 9 countries since 1999. There are two principal findings: (1) for all countries, presidential approval rates increase as the number of years in office increases; (2) presidential approval rates increase with greater health spending, but decrease once the number of years in office is taken into account. The findings of this study inform our understanding of the extent to which populism and welfare spending affect government approval. They also contribute to our expectations of the viability of the Pink Tide movement: if greater welfare spending does not increase government approval, then we should not expect the Pink Tide movement to be popular in the long term.


Name: sydney paluch
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: paluchs@union.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Union College
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Paper Title: Saving the Schizophrenic S.C.U.M. Or, The Misandry and Misogyny of the Misused Manifesto Or, Rage and Revolution of the Radical Feminists Or, Fuck the Patriarchy and The S.E.M.E.N. Manifesto (Society for Erasing Men)
Abstract:
Radical feminism is “dead”. Instead, feminists are now supposed to disavow rage and appear “moderate”. She is not a bra-burner, not a man-hater, and she certainly shaves her legs! She is a “hashtag-activist feminist”, a “post-feminist feminist”, or a “multicultural feminist”, tagging her Instagram with #FreeTheNipple and #SexPositivity. Such tepid testimony must be currently causing the original women’s liberation activists to roll over in their graves. Unfortunately, this disavowal of revolutionary rage is largely the result of the overall “failure” of radical feminism as a cohesive movement. With a focus on alternate constructions of social association, the radical feminists placed such an emphasis on non-hierarchal power structures that they were ultimately unable to feasibly enact their agenda. What then is the role of anger and violence in feminist writing? It is on these questions that this paper will focus, analyzing how such concerns affect a revolutionary writer’s work. Part I focuses on the interplay between anger, psychosis, and genius within the feminist movement as exemplified by the parallel life and works of Valerie Solanas and Shulamith Firestone. To demonstrate these theoretical constructs in applicable action, Part II is formulated as a modern SCUM Manifesto. By adopting this form, Part II is able to further engage with both Solanas’ and Firestone’s theorizing, and put such ideas into the conversational context of contemporary culture. As such, within this manifesto critiques the tyranny of the nuclear family and corruption of capitalism, lambasting these intertwined institutions for their subjugation of the female sex.


Name: Christopher Pulliam
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: clpullia@syr.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Syracuse University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Values, Race of the Recipient, and Social Welfare Policy: A Dynamic Model of Value-Driven Public Opinion
Abstract:
Public opinion scholarship has a rich literature examining the factors that influence how the public views certain public policies. Specifically, the literature explains social welfare policy opinion through values and racial attitudes. The values literature includes a variety of value measures to explain social welfare policy views, including humanitarianism, egalitarianism, and economic individualism (Feldman and Steenbergen, 2001; Feldman, 1988). Indeed, given the opportunity to answer open-ended questions, respondents often use value-justifications to explain their view of social welfare policy (Feldman and Zaller, 1992). Racial attitudes and racial resentment are strongly linked to social welfare policy views (Gilens, 1999; Gilens, 1996; Kinder and Sanders, 1996). Indeed, public opinion is group-centric and influenced by the social group receiving the benefits of the policy (Nelson and Kinder, 1996). Yet, the relationship between values and racial attitudes has not been examined. This project considers how the race of the social welfare recipient effects value-driven public opinion towards social welfare policy. This paper tests the following hypotheses through an original survey experiment: (1) individuals who are highly racially resentful are more opposed to social welfare policy if the race of the program recipient is African American and (2) individuals who have high commitments to humanitarianism, egalitarianism, or economic individualism will have the same views of social welfare policy regardless of the race of the program recipient. The survey experiment isolates the effect of the race of the recipient. Respondents answer indices to determine their racial resentment, humanitarianism, egalitarianism, and economic individualism scores. Then, the respondents read a paragraph about either Medicare or Medicaid. The paragraph mentions the name of a fictional beneficiary of the program. To indicate a white person, the name Jacob Mueller is used. To indicate an African American person, the name DeSean Jackson is used. The justification to use these names is based off of census data on common names and a convenience pre-test. Each respondent receives one of four treatments: (1) Medicare and Jacob Mueller, (2) Medicare and DeSean Jackson, (3) Medicaid and Jacob Mueller, and (4) Medicaid and DeSean Jackson. These treatments isolate the effect of the race of the recipient through the name change. The treatments of Medicare and Medicaid control for age and means-tested versus universal programs. This project provides a new understanding of how the race of the recipient effects value-driven public opinion. The paper explains which values are most susceptible to race of the recipient effects. If different values have distinct responses to race of the recipient effects, then this changes our understanding of value-driven public opinion. The literature approaches values as static explanations for public policy views. This paper suggests that values are dynamic because different values respond to an intervening variable with different magnitudes. This dynamic model for value-driven public opinion suggests that not only are policy views unstable, but that the link between views and justifications are weak and easily malleable.


Name: Thomas Radder
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: tom.radder@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Canisius College
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title:  Methods for Enhancing the Security of U.S. Energy Infrastructure
Abstract:
The paper provides policy analysis regarding a crucial aspect of the United States’ economy and homeland security: the energy sector. Political scientists and policymakers alike have long understood the value of the U.S. energy sector to public health, national security and economic stability. Indeed, it is the “lifeline” of all other industries: households, businesses and government require a stable and secure supply of energy to function. Yet recent events—like the tampering of cross-border pipelines by protestors in October 2016 and various failed cyberattacks on American energy firms by extremist organizations—have underscored the vulnerability of the energy sector. Aging and outdated infrastructure, especially across pipeline networks, risks exploitation in the form of disruptions in the supply of energy, whether deliberate or accidental. These disruptions can have significant micro and macroeconomic consequences. Reductions in commodity supplies tend to raise the price of energy, especially when consumers have few alternatives. The economy also suffers, in the form of reduced GDP, and a potential rise in inflation. Bearing this in mind, the U.S. government can help to mitigate the risk of these disruptions by altering policy on infrastructure security and modernization. Using primarily federal government strategic documents and websites, the paper begins with an evaluative summary of current U.S. critical infrastructure policy and then examines efforts that aim to improve the security posture of the energy sector. Drawing on this foundation, this paper proceeds by offering three options for strengthening and protecting critical energy assets: increasing federal regulations on industry partners; creating a competitive grant program with funding directed toward infrastructure modernization and repair; and incentivizing energy infrastructure owners and operators to make investments by offering tax credits and incentives. On the strength of a critical evaluation of these policy alternatives, the paper concludes with a recommendation for policymakers.


Name: Nathaniel Reynolds
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: nreynold@fandm.edu
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Franklin and Marshall College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Democracy Without Elections: The Agonistic Struggle of Identity and Voice
Abstract:
This paper explores the institution of voting and the effects that it has on the individual’s voice and identity in society. Using Wendy Brown’s commodification theory, I argue that the emphasis on voting in a democracy ultimately reduces the complexity of an individual to a vote that may not actually be representative of their identity. I argue that the locus of democratic politics should be found in speaking acts, and this can be achieved through an agonistic structure of democracy and a concentration on speech. Agonism, as defined by Chantal Mouffe, can create a space for groups to form and express their identities and concerns while struggling against the other members of society. Speech-centered democracy, inspired by Michel Foucault, creates an equality of speech and encourages disruptive speech in order to form groups to express their identities. The struggle of these groups through the forum of discussion and deliberation is a humanizing experience that counters the reductionist aspect of voting.


Name: Sybelle Rodriguez-Del Valle
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: syby14@gmail.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: University of Puerto Rico Rio Piedras Campus
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title:  Transnational Relations of Puerto Rico with the World: In Selected Non-governmental Organizations
Abstract:
The political status of Puerto Rico is in many ways a limitation for Puerto Rico especially in the international field, where it cannot make links with other countries freely like any Nation State. Currently, the world order and specifically the Nation State has suffered modifications in its power relations, giving way to a strong civil society that which in turn gives place to non- governmental transnational organizations that influence the processes of interrelation between countries in today’s world. The principal objective of this research is to study if the transnational activity of the non-governmental organizations of Puerto Rico links it with the international world surpassing the limitations of not being a Nation State presents, and describing the transnational activity of this organizations. For this research, nine organizations were studied: five economic and four cultural/environmental organizations. The methodology used was qualitative. The data was obtained by making semi-structured interviews and the information that the organizations could provide. The organizations interviewed were selected from the Department of State of Puerto Rico Registry and the Non- Profit Evaluation & Resource Center, Inc. directory. The hypothesis are based in that in Puerto Rico there are transnational organizations that break the formal barriers of the political status and links it with the world. This research is important because this is not a topic that has been studied in detail in Puerto Rico and it supposes a contribution in the way the country makes relations. Also, is the first research about the specific topic, which covers the diversity of organizations aside from other researches that studied the economic contribution to the country but not about the transnational field.


Name: Alexander Steiger
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: asteiger80@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Undergraduate Student
Institution: Canisius College
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title:  Leaving the Legacy of Conflict in the Past: Post-Conflict Peace in Liberia
Abstract:
The Liberian Civil War (1989-2003) is a relevant domestic conflict that can be utilized to demonstrate our understandings of contemporary civil wars. By looking at the conflict in a three-pronged approach – the conflict origin, the conflict itself, and the post-conflict period – data can be extracted to support scholarly understandings of concepts such as geographic clustering of conflicts, civil war recurrence, and state capacity. Because the conflict is relatively new, the legacy of the conflict is fresh. The actors of the Liberian Civil War include the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for Democracy (ULIMO), Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), and Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL). Having a depth of knowledge about the circumstances of the multidimensional conflict in Liberia is critical to confronting present-day battles such as the Ebola crisis. Scholarly research on the conflict exists in abundance, especially in the form of firsthand accounts and fieldwork. Based on the outcomes of the conflict and the subsequent developments, the goal of this paper is to assess the legacy of the peace process and the future of the country.



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